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Full text of "Philanthropy in the history of American higher education"



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UNIVERSITY 

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LC 243.843™^" ""'™'*'*>"-""-3T 
lmmSmX,'!!}.±:y °' American 





The original of tiiis book is in 
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There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924008160602 



CONTENTS 



i- — Miller.- — The-acadamy .Byctem of tho Stato of Ko w 

Yerfe; — iSSS-a.^ i ^wtotfedi K»u t,\<l3.4- xV uJaK? wAtoK SjU 



/ ^8f- Murphy. Types -efclword^ssociatlon In .Oementia 

Praecox . . . 1923., ^ 
2. %■ Myers. Effectiveness of vocational education in 
agriculture. 1923. 

3'^- MatlDott. Politian, an unfinished tragedy, by Ed- 
gar A. Ppe. 1923. 

^ 'S- Naylor. Influence of some organic compotmds upon 
the hydrolysis of starch by salivary and pancre- 
atic amylases. 1923. 

b TS,- Pine. A study of the acid-soluble phosphoric acid 
in eggs. 1923. 

^^- Eice. Studies on Streptococcus Hemolyticua of 
of Scarlatinal and other origins. 1923. 

ylS,- Sears. Philanthropy in the history of American 
higher education. 1922. 

%\- Smitt. Part -time schools. 1922. 

<^"1Q- Spohn. A critical investigation and an applica- 
tion of the rat growth method for the study of 
Vitamin B. 1922. 

ilSH- Thurston. Intermingling (lametophytic and Sporo- 
phytic Mycelium in Gymno sporangium Berraudianum. 
1922. 

;/IS- Twente. Budgetary procedure for a local school 
system. 1922. 

|3l~3^ Weisner. Groups whose maximal cyclic subgroups 
are independent. 1923. 



aitial fulfillment of the requirements for t 
Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of 
lilosophy, Columbia University 



^rt' 






TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA 

PRECOX, MANIC-DEPRESSIVES, AND 

NORMAL PERSONS. 

By GARDNER MURPHY. 

TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

History i 

Problem 4 

Acknowledgments 6 

Procedure 7 

Analysis of Material 8 

A. Classification 9 

B. Types of Association iS 

C. Comparison with Children's Associations 25 

D. Correlation Methods ^ 

Conclusions 32 

HISTORY. 

The experiments published by Galton ' in 1879 on the " Associa- 
tion of Ideas " led in 1880 to Wundt's inauguration of the familiar 
" Free Association " experiment, in which a series of words is 
shown or pronounced to a subject, who responds in each case by the 
first word suggested to him by the given word. This experiment 
was shown by Walitzki '' (1889) , Sommer ° ( 1890) , and Kraepelin ' 
(1892) to have value in the exploration of mental disturbances, 
and in the differentiation of clinical types. In this early work, the 
chief uses of the method were (i) the measurement of association- 
time, and (2) the classification of associations into various types?— 
such as the " contrast " association {e. g., the stimulus-word good 
evokes the response bad), the "rhyming" association {e. g., the 

' Psychometric Experiments, Brain, Vol. 2. 

" Contribution a I'etude des mensurations psychometriques des alienes, 
Revue Philosophique, Vol. 28. 
'Lehrbuch der Psychopathologischen Untersuchungsmethoden. 
' Ueber die Beeinflussung einfacher psychischer Vorgange. 



I TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

stimulus money evokes the response honey), etc. Another method 
was later developed by Jung and Rikhn : " the analysis of individual 
issociations, in order to understand particular pathological proc- 
esses (especially mental conflicts) underlying them— where, for 
example, a complex may reveal itself through a response in the 
form of a significant proper name, etc. Several other uses of the 
issociation-test have been evolved, among which may be named 
that oifered by Kent and Rosanoff " in 1910, following an earlier 
suggestion of Sommer's, by which the responses of one thousand 
lormal subjects to one hundred stimulus words were recorded, so 
is to ascertain how common or how rare a given response to any 
me of these stimuli might be. For example, the stimulus lion 
evoked from 326 normal persons the response animal, from 27 the 
response mouse, but from only i the response mule. All four of 
the methods named, and several others, have yielded such a mass 
of significant results that even a summary would be impossible 
hiere. The present contribution, therefore, in dealing chiefly with 
the types of word-association does not aim to disparage any other 
method of approach, but primarily to develop this one method and 
apply it to new material. 

It was believed by Sommer ' that types of mental disorder are 
so regularly reflected in various sfjecific forms of word-association 
that the association-test could be made an accurate method of 
differential diagnosis. He undertook, for example, to show char- 
acteristic differences between manic and catatonic subjects. In- 
stead, however, of collecting extensive data, he laid down certain 
principles and offered the reader a few illustrations — a method 
scarcely suited to establish a point in which large differences in 
association between individuals belonging to one pathological group 
are to be expected, and in fact have frequently been found. His 
principle, however — the differentiation of groups by study of types 
of association — was successfully applied by Kraepelin,' Aschaffen- 

' Diagnostische Assoziationsstudien, Jour, fur Psychol, u. Neurol., Vol. 3, 
1904. 

" A Study of Association in Insanity, Amer. Jour, of Insanity, Vol. 67 
Nos. I and 2. 

' Op. cit. 

' Op. cit. 



GARDNER MURPHY 3 

burg,° and Wahle," to groups subjected to alcohol, fatigue, and 
hunger, respectively. That is, the studies showed that certain types 
of association became much more prominent in persons subjected 
to these influences, but fell far short of results which would make 
possible the detection of these influences by use of the association- 
test alone. A number of such studies of groups by the association 
method have been made in the present century — resulting in the 
discovery of certain general tendencies which differentiate groups, 
e. g., diflferences due to age, sex, etc., — but seeming to indicate 
such large overlapping between groups (whether normal or patho- 
logical) as to make clear-cut differentiation difficult or impossible. 
As regards the diflferentiation of various familiar clinical types, 
Aschaffenburg " found a fairly consistent tendency in manic 
patients to give associations of a " superficial " type, such as sj)eech- 
habits and sound-associations^ — conclusions supported by the work 
of Isserlin;" and the early postulate of Sommer"" as to the 
frequency in dem.entia prcccox of irrelevant responses (such as 
angel-spider) , and the tendency toward monotonous iteration of the 
same response, irrespective of the stimulus, has been confirmed by 
several investigators. Even in such studies, however, we find 
exceptions, overlapping, and the occurrence of association-records 
which might plausibly belong to various clinical types. The largest 
mass of material so far collected for study by any method of 
association-types is that of Kent and Rosanoff." The method of 
classification used by these investigators differs so widely from 
those ordinarily used that it would be unwise to make a direct com- 
parison of their results with those of others, but these authors 
express a judgment which is a fair summary of the status of the 
association-type method. " Thus the test records of dementia 
prsecox depart from the normal not sharply but by a gradual shad- 
ing off. We find similar gradual transitions between dementia 

" Psychologische Arbeiten, Vol. 2. 

'" Bemerke zur Beschreibung und Eintheilung der Ideenassociation. V.- 
schr. f. wiss. Phil., Vol. 9, 1885. 

" Op. cit. 

^ Die diagnostische Bedeutung der Assoziationsversuche, Munchener med. 
Wochenschrift, No. 27, 1907. 

" Op. cit. 

"Op. cit. 



i TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

jrsecox and other psychoses Whether or not in cases of 

loubtful clinical classification this association-test may be of aid 
n determining the diagnosis is a question that must for the present 
-emain open." (p. 30.) " By the application of the association- 
:est, according to the method here proposed, no sharp distinction 
:an be drawn between mental health and mental disease ;...." 

[P- 72-) 

It must be remembered that this generalization applies not only 
:o the association-type method but also to the method referred to 
ibove, by which we ascertain the commonplaceness or rarity of the 
issociations given by a patient. There is every reason to believe that 
:he uniformity of results in group comparisons is due not to errors 
jf procedure but to real overlapping of the groups. In fact, the 
evidence is strong that mental conditions do not always clearly 
reflect themselves in types of word-association, and that psycho- 
>athic groups, though sometimes differing in central tendencies, 
frequently show overlapping with each other and with the normal. 
ECraepelin " expresses the situation as follows : 

The associations of our patients, in so far as we are not concerned with 
iifferences in the formation, deviate in general remarkably little from those 
>f the healthy. This is explained especially by the predominating role 
which the speech maintains for the fate of the experiment. , What , is 
jxpressed in it is chiefly the crystallization of the habits of speech, which are 
little influenced for the most part by disease, comparatively speaking. Of 
;ourse, it can be shown naturally that, in the demented patients, a greater 
poverty of ideas and uniformity in the results of experiments occurs, so that 
frequently senseless answers, repetition of the stimulus word, misunder- 
standings and denials occur, also adherence to the same answer is seen. 
A^pparently the only disorder in which the associations show a characteristic 
:hange is the manic excitement. In these cases for the most part the 
:endency to clang associations comes out very distinctly, especially rhymes, 
:itations, and word completions, which may finally surpass all other forms. 
Evidently certain relations with the pressure to talk exists, which moves 
the speech elements of the ideas into the foreground. 

PROBLEM. 

The successes of the association-type method, together with its 
failures, present a very complicated situation in which it seems 

" The Signs of Mental Disorder, Alienist and Neurologist, Vol. 40, 1919. 
(Translation by H. I. Gosline, M. D., from " Clinical Psychiatry.") 



GARDNER MURPHY 5 

desirable to make a very extensive study of types of word- 
association in at least one or two common mental disorders, com- 
paring these with the normal, and using a mass of material suffi- 
ciently large to make clear whether the method has any usefulness 
beyond that recognized by such authorities as Kraepelin. In par- 
ticular, a comparison of cases classified as " dementia prsecox " or 
" schizophrenia," with cases classified as " manic-depressive psy- 
chosis " or " benign affective psychosis," seems needed. The 
present study is an application of the association-test to three 
groups: normal, dementia prsecox, and manic-depressive. 

A preliminary attack upon this problem was offered by the pres- 
ent writer in the American Journal of Insanity, Vol. LXXVII, 
No. 4, April, 1921. Three fairly consistent differences between a 
group of dementia praecox cases and a group of manic-depressives 
were named. These differences were of the " overlapping " type, 
and were moreover based on such a small quantity of material that 
the writer expressed great uncertainty as to whether these differ- 
ences were really characteristic of the psychotic groups, or due 
merely to accidental distribution of a small number of cases : 
" Whether or not the apparent differences between dementia 
prsecox and manic-depressive psychosis noted in this paper are of 
genuine significance can best be determined by further study with 
the Kent-Rosanoff list. Other differences may be found with other 
lists, and the same differences might appear using other comparable 
stimuli ; but the next step, it is believed, should be the application 
of these methods, with the Kent-Rosanoff list, to larger groups." 
Accordingly, much more extensive data have been collected, the 
methods of the former study being followed, and new methods 
added as well. The main results of the previous study will be 
reviewed in connection with the results from the larger material to 
be presented in the present study. 

The pathological data comprise 51 cases of manic-depressive 
psychosis and 48 cases of dementia prsecox, distributed as follows : 

Dementia Precox. 

Paranoid form 34 

Hebephrenic form 7 

Simple form i 

Unspecified 6 



b types of word-association in dementia piuecox 

Manic-Depressive Psychosis. 

Manic form 25 

Depressed form 8 

Mixed forms 1 1 

Perplexity i 

Circular 2 

Unspecified 4 

It will be noted that the dementia praecox group is overweighted 
with paranoid cases, that no cases of catatonia are included, and that 
the number of manic-depressive depressions is small in comparison 
with the number of manic cases. These defects are due to the 
fact that the association-test requires patients who will co-operate 
to some extent — a condition less frequently fulfilled in depressions 
and catatonia — and that paranoid forms prove to be especially com- 
mon in the institutions visited. 

The pathological cases were studied at the following institutions : 
Manhattan State Hospital, New York City (slightly over half the 
material coming from this source) ; Brooklyn State Hospital, 
Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Kings Park State Hospital, Kings Park, N. Y. ; 
Essex County Hospital, Cedar Grove, N. J., and the Boston 
Psychopathic Hospital, Boston, Mass. In each of these institutions 
the co-operation of the hospital staff was gladly given, constituting 
m indispensable condition to success. In all cases the official hos- 
pital classification was accepted, cases of uncertain classification 
being excluded. 

The normal cases were as follows : 39 female nurses in training 
It the Manhattan State Hospital ; 20 male attendants at Worcester 
State Hospital, Worcester, Mass., and 2 male attendants at other 
institutions; 18 boys from the Concord High School, Concord, 
Mass.; 15 girls from the Washington Irving High School, New 
York City ; 2 male and 2 female students at Columbia University ; 
md 2 male students from Union Theological Seminary, New York 
City. 

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. 
In addition to the acknowledgment of such large obligation to the 
above institutions and organizations, I wish to make acknowledg- 
ment of the great help given me in collection of data by the follow- 
ing persons: Dr. M. W. Raynor, Dr. C. A. Waterman, Dr. H. W. 



GARDNER MURPHY 7 

Rogers, Miss F. Witte, and Miss J. I. Baxter of the Manhattan 
State Hospital ; Dr. A. J. Rosanoff of Kings Park State Hospital ; 
Dr. F. L. Wells of the Boston Psychopathic Hospital ; Dr. W. A. 
Bryan and Mr. Maurice Scannell of the Worcester State Hospital : 
and Dr. F. Edith Carothers of the Washington Irving High School. 
Grateful acknowledgment is also made to Mr. H. E. Jones, 
Mr. E. B. Greene, Mr. W. S. McCulloch, and Mr. J. O. Chassell 
of Columbia University, for help in the classification of associa- 
tions ; to Miss Katharine Harkness, Mrs. June K. Heald, and my 
mother, for great assistance in the tabulation of the material. 

PROCEDURE. 

The procedure may be summarized as follows : The " subject " 
was brought to the experiment room and seated himself at or near 
the table at which the experimenter sat. The experimenter ex- 
plained the experiment as follows (more or less variation in 
phraseology being of course needed to suit particular cases, espe- 
cially pathological cases, but no essential changes being made) : " I 
am making a study of the use of words. I am going to read a list 
of words to you, and after each one, I wish you would let me have 
the first word that comes to your mind. For example, if I should 
read dog, }ou might say cat or hark or bite or any other word ; or, 
if I should read watch, you might say clock or tick or second 
or any other word. It isn't a question of right or wrong, because 
any word is as good as any other word. Do you understand?" 
Then after any necessary explanations, a series of from five to 
twenty practice words was used, the experimenter endeavoring to 
eliminate any tendency to repeat the stimulus-word or to reply with 
more than one word. When he judged that the instructions 
were grasped and the subject ready to start, he proceeded to a 
hst of one hundred stimulus-words, recording the answers, 
whether they followed the instructions or not. In a few cases 
where it was clear that the subject had simply " lost his cue,"' 
and was capable of following instructions, he was reminded of 
them ; but most cases of faulty reactions were those in which the 
tendency to reply with a sentence or a series of words seemed 
practically ineradicable. The subject was allowed 20 seconds for 
response. If he made no response or signified desire to pass on to 



8 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

the next word, the experimenter passed the word and came back to 
it at the end of the list, allowing an additional 20 seconds for each 
case, but no third trial was allowed. If, however, he reacted to the 
stimulus on the first trial, the response was recorded no matter what 
form it took, and no second trial was given. 

ANALYSIS OF MATERIAL. 
It has been very generally admitted that a serious difficulty in 
study of types of word-association is the frequency of the associa- 
tions which do not clearly fall into any assignable group. If, for 
example, the stimulus-word light evokes the response lamp, we have 
no means of telling whether to regard this as a " subordination " 
in which lamp is taken as a kind of light, or as a " verb-object " 
association in which lam,p is the direct object of the word light. 
Similarly, house-mouse may be a mere rhyme, but it may also be an 
association founded in the subject's experience. Introsp)ections 
have been used in some published investigations, but this is especi- 
ally undependable in pathological cases. There are two practical 
methods of coping with this difficulty. The first is rigidly to 
exclude all associations open to serious doubt. If the student is 
very careful indeed, he can get fair results. But how are we to 
know that he is right in regarding an association as doubtful? 
Perhaps some which he excludes would be regarded as practically 
clear-cut by an enormous majority of investigators, and the exclu- 
sion of them may seriously affect the totals. The second method is 
to have more than one judge in the classification of the associations, 
and to require unanimity before including any association. Neither 
method is perfect, but the combination of the two methods certainly 
helps toward dependable measurement, and is distinctly better than 
the usual method of leaving all to the' judgment of a single classifier, 
who must find place for all, or nearly all,:of the associations under 
the heading of certain fixed categories. Another expedient which 
makes for accuracy in classification is the avoiding of all stimulus- 
words which are vague or ambiguous, or which have been found in 
experience to give rise to a large number of doubtful associations. 
This is as much as to say that the problem of classification really 
begins with the choice of the stimulus-words. 



GARDNER MURPHY 



With these principles in mind, the following method was 
adopted : (i) To preserve continuity with earlier work, the list of 
stimulus-words was based on the list used by Kent and Rosanoff . 
But there are in the Kent-Rosanoff list a number of ambiguous 
words (words which may be taken either as nouns or verbs, and 
the like), and a number of words which regularly give rise to 
vague responses. There are, nevertheless, 53 nouns which un- 
equivocally name objective things, persons, or animals. These, 
together with 22 unambiguous adjectives, were chosen for use. 
To this total of 75 were added 25 verbs (admitting no forms which 
are also in use as nouns). This gives a total of 100 words divided 
between nouns, verbs, and adjectives, presented in the following 
order : 



I— table 


21 — sweet 


41— high 


2 — dark 


22 — appear 


42 — deserve 


3 — punish 


23 — woman 


43 — sour 


4 — believe 


24 — accuse 


44 — earth 


5 — man 


25 — slow 


45 — receive ' 


6 — deep 


26 — prefer 


46 — soldier 


7— soft 


27 — river 


47 — cabbage 


8 — excite 


28 — white 


48 — hard 


9 — mountain 


29 — beautiful 


49— eagle 


10 — house 


30 — window 


SO — stomach 


II — enjoy 


31— rough 


51 — ^stem 


12 — mutton 


32 — citizen 


52 — lamp 


13-— give 


33— foot 


53 — condemn 


14 — hand 


34— spider 


54— bring 


IS— short 


35— needle 


55— bread 


16 — fruit 


36— red 


56 — deny 


17— butterfly 


37— come 


57— boy 


18 — smooth 


38 — admire 


58— insult * 


19 — amuse 


39— carpet 


59— dig 


20 — chair 


40— girl 


60— Bible 



61 — send 
62— sheep 
63 — bath 
64 — cottage 
65 — swift 
66 — blue 
67 — hungry 
68 — priest 
69 — ocean 
70 — head 
71 — stove 
72 — long 
73— join 
74 — whiskey 
75— child 
■jd — bitter 
TJ — hammer 
78 — thirsty 
79 — city 
80 — begin 



81— butter 
82 — doctor 
83— loud 
84— thief 
85— lion 
86 — injure 
87— bed 
88— heavy 
89 — tobacco 
90 — ^baby 
91 — moon 
92 — scissors 
93 — use * 
94 — perish 
95- salt 
96 — street 
97— king 
98 — cheese 
99 — blossom 
100 — forget 



CLASSIFICATION. 

After much experimentation with various systems of classifica- 
tion, I came to feel that there is real value in the time-honored 
system of classification according to logical relations between 
stimuli and responses, and that, using the precautions named above, 



* The words insiilt and use, though in the printed form either nouns or 
verbs, are recognizable as verbs when pronounced. 



10 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PR/ECOX 

extensive use could be made of a system in which types of associa- 
tion are thus clearly marked oflf. The following system was 
adopted : 

1. Contiguity (both stimulus and response naming objective things). 

a. Stimulus and response name separate things contiguous in space : 

table-plate, man-hat, butterfly-daisy. 

b. Response names part of object named by stimulus: hand-finger, 

butterfly-wing, chair-rung. 

c. Stimulus names part of object named by response: hand-body, 

window-house, foot-animal. 

d. Response localizes the stimulus : table-house, lion-forest, woman- 

Barnard. 

2. Similarity (not including co-ordinates, subordinates, and supraordinates). 

a. Stimulus and response are synonyms belonging to the same part of 

speech : deep-profound, soft-fluffy, blossom-flower. 

b. Stimulus and response are synonyms belonging to different parts 

of speech (mere changes in word-form are admitted) : hungry- 
hunger, thirsty-dryness, woman-feminine. 

c. Stimulus and response have distinct similarity of meaning, but not 

close enough to be called synonyms : smooth-easy, rough-bold, 
high-above. 

3. Co-ordinates (stimulus and response name objects which are members 

of a common category ; stimulus and response must be nouns) : 
mutton-pork, needle-nail, lion-bear. 

4. Contrasts (stimulus and response name or imply contrasting qualities ; 

parts of speech are immaterial) ; soft-hard, sour-sugar, moun- 
tain-lowland. 

5. Pairs (stimulus and response are nouns paired in common usage, and 

not clearly classifiable under I, 3, or 4, but containing elements 
of at least two of these types. Kent-Rosanoff frequency must 
be 25 or more) : man-woman, hammer-tongs, soldier-sailor. 

6. Subordinates (stimulus and response must be nouns) : man-janitor, girl- 

Annie, mountain-Alps. 

7. Supraordinates (stimulus and response must be nouns) : mutton-food, 

needle-implement, priest-clergy. 

8. Adjective-noun associations (noun-response names object to which 

stimulus-adjective is applicable as a modifier) : soft-bed, short- 
speech, heavy-dope. 

9. Generalizations (noun-response names abstract idea of which noun- 

stimulus is a concrete representation) : Bible-religion, hammer- 
geology, moon-astronomy. 

ID. Substance (response names substance of which the stimulus object is 
composed) : river- water, chair-mahogany, table-timber. 

II. Qualifiers (noun-stimuli only). 

a. Adjective-response qualifies noun-stimulus: hand-small, mutton- 
nice, spider-ugly. 



GARDNER MURPHY II 

b. Qualifying adjective changed to noun-form (no response admitted 

here except abstract nouns formed from adjectives) : woman- 
goodness, hand-usefulness, city-greatness. 

c. Present participle qualifies noun-stimulus : butter-melting, scissors- 

cutting. 

d. Past participle qualifies noun-stimulus : doctor-needed, baby-loved. 

12. Verb-predicates (verb-response as predicate of stimulus-noun) : eagle- 

fly, thief-ran, scissors-cut. 

13. Verb-responses take stimulus-noun as direct-object (any form of the 

verb admitted) ; butter-eat, fruit-have, fruit-eating. 

NOTES.* 

1. If you are not sure about an association, ask yourself whether your degree 

of certainty as to the main class (disregarding letter sub-heads) is 
better than 50-50. If so, classify it, otherwise mark it U (unclassi- 
fied). Then, if you are better than 50-50 sure as to a sub-head, record 
it, otherwise simply leave it blank. The main classes are much more 
important than sub-heads. 

2. No account is taken of speech-habits or verbo-motor forms. If an asso- 

ciation can be classed in the named categories, it makes no difference 
how mechanical the association may be. Even Mutt-Jefif and bath-tub 
are contiguities, while sour-grapes is an adjective-noun association. 
But associations in which the response merely completes a compound 
word or a proper name, e. g., black-board, Rocky-Mountains, are 
excluded. The same exclusion applies in the occasional cases where 
the response is the iirst part of a compound word or proper name, e. g., 
House- White. Mere additions of suffixes, e. g., excite-ment, are ex- 
cluded, while cases in which the stimulus is repeated together with 
some change in word-form, e. g., excite-excitement, are classed under 
2-b. The decision as to whether a word is compound or not is some- 
times arbitrary; the practice here followed is to consider hyphenated 
words as two words, and therefore to include responses which, 
together with their stimuli, form hyphenated words, when the asso- 
ciation-type permits. 

3. Class i-d includes all those vague contiguities in which the response, 

instead of naming a specific adjacent object, seems rather to tell where 
the stimulus object is. Woman-dress is i-a, but woman-Barnard is 
i-d, because we could scarcely say that woman and Barnard are 
adjacent; Barnard rather tells where woman is. 



* These notes were presented to Dr. F. L. Wells of the Boston Psycho- 
pathic Hospital with the request that he classify for me 600 words taken by a 
random sampling from my material. His disagreement — approximately 
7 per cent — is somewhat higher than that of judges referred to in the text. 
This set of notes is intended as a standardization of procedure. 



12 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

4. Class S is meant to include that host of common pairs in which elements 

of contrast, contiguity, and similarity blend in various combinations — 
to an extent making necessary their exclusion from all such classes. 
Hammer-tongs, for example, has some elements of co-ordination, but 
equally clear elements of contiguity, while man-woman not only 
includes these elements but a contrast element as well. The rule is 
to put an association in one of the other classes if possible ; but if it is 
a "common pair" (showing 25 or more on the "frequency tables") 
and not otherwise classifiable, put it here. 

5. The difference between classes 7 and 9 is that in a supraordination the 

response names a class of things more inclusive than the stimulus, 
whereas in Class 9 the response names an abstract idea. Bible-book 
is a true supraordinate ; but in Bible-religion we cannot say that Bible 
is a sort of religion ; religion is the appropriate general idea associated 
with the specific stimulus. 

6. The difference between classes 9 and 11 -b is that in the latter class the 

abstract noun is a modifier showing the attribution of a certain 
quality to the stimulus ; whereas Bible-religion is Class 9, Bible-holi- 
ness is Class li-b. 

7. When a noun-stimulus leads to an adjective-response which is not a true 

modifier, but merely a change of wording, e. g., feeble-weakness, the 
association is classed not under 8, but under 2-b. In the same way, 
weakness-feeble, would not be ii-a, but 2-b. 

8. When a noun-stimulus provokes a. noun-response naming a substance, it 

is always put under Class 10, never under ii-a, even when popular 
speech uses such a noun-response as an adjective, e. g., scissors-metal. 

The first step in the classification of associations was to go 
through the Kent-Rosanoff " frequency tables," " taking all the 
responses given by 1000 normal persons to those 75 words of the 
Kent-RosanofT list which are used in the present study, and assign- 
ing these associations to the above classes, or eliminating them as 
" unclassified." Words which seemed to me open to serious doubt 
were eliminated, only those words being classified which seemed 
clearly to belong to the categories named. The next step was to go 
through the list again with the assistance of two other judges.* 
These judges made a decision as to each of the associations which 

" Op. cit. 

* In the first half of the work, with nouns and adjectives, the judges were 
instructors in psychology, Department of Extension Teaching, Columbia 
University. In the second half of the work, one of these judges was unable 
to continue, and a graduate student of psychology was substituted for him. 
The number of judges was always three. 



GARDNER MURPMY 1 3 

the writer had classified.* In an attempt to measure the rehabihty 
of my own original decision, a sampling of looo associations, taken 
at equal intervals throughout the total tabulation, showed that in 
932 cases the other two judges concurred in my original judgment, 
and that in 28 cases they agreed as to the main type {c. g., one, four, 
eleven, etc.), but one or both disagreed as to the sub-type {e. g., 
i-b, 2-c, etc.). 

The next step was to throw out all associations upon which 
unanimity was not reached as to the main types. (Cases of agree- 
ment as to main type, with disagreement as to sub-type, were 
admitted ; it will be seen from what follows that very little attention 
need be paid to sub-types, the scores in main types being the most 
important measure.) This elimination of cases of uncertain asso- 
ciation-type i-esulted in a situation in which a few of the stimulus- 
words were found to have evoked responses over 50 per cent of 
which had been excluded, either because of my own uncertainty or 
because of disagreement of the judges. It is clear that in such cases 
the stimulus-words themselves are of doubtful value. From the 
75 Kent-Rosanoff words, those 25 which produced the smallest 
number clearly and unanimously classified, were eliminated al- 
together from use by the classification method. A rough measure 
of the usefulness of the 50 words retained is given in the fact that 
the poorest of the 50 — the one which gave the smallest number of 
associations clearly classified — produced, from the normal thousand 
persons, 615 associations which are thus reasonably certain as to 
classification, the remaining associations being, of course, excluded. 

In the case of the 25 verb-stimuli, also, judgments were made as 
to each association,! 100 normal persons having given the associa- 
tions from which similar " frequency tables " were drawn up. The 
following classification for verbs was used : 

14. Verb-subject (noun or pronoun response is subject of stimulus-verb) : 
come-passenger, perish-soldier, injure-weapon. 

* The judges were not informed of my decision until their own had been 
expressed; but in some cases of disagreement the judges were urged to give 
their reasons for classification and the various points of view were expressed. 
This led to unanimity in a few cases, but in most cases no winning-over was 
possible, the judges holding out for their original decision. 

t Two of the three judges had taken part in all of the work with nouns and 
adjectives; the third was an instructor in psychology in the Columbia 
Summer Session. 



14 



TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 



15. Verb-object (noun or pronoun response is direct object of stimulus- 

verb) : begin-work, deserve-praise, forget-me. 

16. Verb-adverb (adverb response modifies stimulus-verb) : accuse-falsely, 

come-away, use-now, bring-forth. 

Verb-stimuli may, of course, also give rise to Class 2 associations 
(in all three sub-heads) and to Class 4 associations (as described 
on page 10). 

A sampling of 1000 cases of association with verb-stimuli 
showed that my own judgment was concurred in by the other 
judges in 949 cases, and agreement as to main types with disagree- 
ment as to sub-types was reached in an additional 15 cases. Of the 
25 verb-stimuli used, 17 led to clear and unanimous classification of 
over 50 per cent of the responses received, and all of these stimuli 
were retained for use in the present study; the remaining verb- 
stimuli were excluded. 

The above procedure cuts down the number of stimuli available 
for use by the classification method to the following: 



Nouns. 


Nouns (cont'd). 


Adjectives. 


Verbs. 


man 


bath 


dark 


believe 


fruit 


cottage 


deep 


excite 


butterfly 


priest 


soft 


enjoy 


woman 


ocean 


short 


give 


river 


head 


smooth 


appear 


spider 


stove 


sweet 


prefer 


needle 


child 


slow 


come 


carpet 


butter 


white 


admire 


girl 


thief 


beautiful 


receive 


earth 


lion 


rough 


bring 


soldier 


baby 


high 


insult 


cabbage 


scissors 


sour 


join 


eagle 


salt 


hard 


begin 


stem 


king 


swift 


injure 


bread 


cheese 


long 


use 


boy 


blossom 


loud 


perish 


Bible 


— 


heavy 


forget 



33 



17 



17 



Every association given by a manic-depressive or dementia 

prsecox case can now be classified according to the tables prepared 

or excluded in cases where no definite judgment was reached, or 



GARDNER MURPHY 



15 



where the word was given by no normal person. (A separate 
analysis of these " individual reactions," associations not given by 
any normal person, appears below.) We can now tabulate the 
total number of associations of each type given by each person, in 
order to ascertain whether certain types of association are more 
common in one pathological group or in the other. In this part of 
the work a comparison with the normal is also indispensable. For 
this purpose the associations of 250 normal persons from the 
original Kent-Rosanoff records were used, counting, of course, 
only the associations from the 50 stimulus-words which appear 
also in my own list. In the case of responses to verbs, my own 100 
normal cases were used for the comparison. 



TYPES OF ASSOCIATION. 

The following figures indicate the number of associations falling 
within the various types, in so far as these associations had appeared 
and had been classified in the frequency tables of normals as de- 
scribed above. t (This first procedure includes therefore only the 
" common reactions," i. e., cases which had already been reviewed 
by three judges and agreed upon as to classification.) 



lb 

ic 

Id 

2a* 

2b* 

2C 

3* 
4 
5 
6 

7 



48 dementia 

praecox 

cases. 

. 89* 

14 

• 33 

• 15 
,. 161* 

. 47* 
■ 90 



SI manic- 
depressive 
cases. 



271 

83 

46 

189 



127* 
18 

33 

16 
132* 

86* 

72 
122* 

279 

98 

46 
168 



8* 

9 
10 

iia* 
lib 
lie 
iid 
12* 
13 
14 
IS* 
16 



48 dementia simanic- 
prascox depressive 



cases. 
121* 

3 
45 
65* 

3 

o 

I 
21* 
20 

6 

22* 
II 



cases. 
171* 

3 

44 

75* 

I 

6 

3 

39* 

18 

6 

57* 
19 



t The total number of responses equals theoretically 99 (number of cases) 
times 67 (number of words used in this method), or 6633. It will be seen 
that about 58 per cent of this number are actually included, the remainder 
being unclassified responses, faulty responses, failures to respond, and 
instances of misunderstanding the stimulus-word. The number of valid 
reactions is almost exactly the same in the two psychoses. 



l6 TYI'KS OK WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRMCOX 

It will be observed that the differences between the groups are 
of little or no significance except, possibly, in types la, 2a, 2b, 3, 8, 
iia, 12, and 15, against which I have asterisks (*). To ascertain 
whether these are of real significance, I added all the " individual 
reactions " (words which had been given by no normal persons, 
and in the classification of which I had to rely on my own judgment 
alone) . I also studied these same types of association in the patho- 
logical material collected by Kent and Rosanofif (the records of 31 
manic-depressive cases and 72 dementia prsecox cases f being used) . 
A comparison of the two psychotic groups on the basis of this 
larger material (82 manic-depressives and 120 dementia prsecox 
cases) gave the following results : (praecox scores being reduced 
to make totals comparable.) 

Dementia Manic- Dementia Manic- 

prfficox. depressive. praecox. depressive. 



la 224 255 

2a 242 igo 

2b 123 15s 

3 195 217 



8 371 361 

11 195 236 

12 49 52 



Class 15, a category in which verb-stimuli are followed by their 
direct objects, cannot be effectively used in the Kent-Rosanoff 
material because of a lack of unambiguous verb-stimuli, but a study 
of the individual reactions from my own cases shows approximately 
an equal number of Class 15 associations in the two groups: 52 in 
dementia praecox and 56 in manic-depressive psychosis. This com- 
parison based on larger material tends to show that the differences 
indicated by the smaller material are really of little or no signifi- 
cance. It may be that we have in Class 15 a genuine difference, 
for we have in the manic-depressive group of 51 cases a total of 
115 such associations against 72 for 48 cases of dementia praecox. J 
But in this case and in every other in the whole comparison, the indi- 
vidual variations within the groups are enormous — many cases of 
dementia praecox giving, for example, more Class 15 associations 
than certain cases of manic-depressive psychosis. The extent of 

tThe Kent-Rosanoff dementia precox cases are arranged in ascending 
order of individual reactions. I had thus a total of 120 dementia praecox 
cases, omitting those with a very large number of individual reactions. 

:!: The corresponding total for normals is 294 (147 for 50 cases). 



GARDNER MURPHY 



17 




i8 



TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCTATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 



















n 
C 
o 

■rt 
+> 

OS 

•rt 
O 
O 

m 

-»; 

iM 
o 

u 

1 




















1 
1 _ _ 


OJ 

■H 

(0 






A 

CM 












v9 




I 
1 


* 

<n 

rM 






n* 








1 
1 

1 








1 








1* 






* 

2 








«4 








1 

1 


n 

bo 









1 
,1 




in 


1 
1 






* 
'in 


i 1 .._ 










O 


' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 r 1 1 


SutSXii I'd Isqim^ — ■' 








GARDNER MURPHY 



19 



this overlapping of the groups in types of association can be rough- 
ly gauged from Graph i , which shows the distribution for Class i 
associations (including all sub-classes — i-a, i-b, etc.). The same 
kind of overlapping is a feature of all the distributions. Except 
for noting the general fact, a critical analysis of the nature of these 
curves seems of very doubtful value. 

It is true that in several cases the data from pathological cases 
show marked deviations from the normal; for example, we may 
compare the figures just given with the following totals for Classes 
3, 8, and ii-a in normal persons (the scores for 250 normals being 
reduced to make them comparable with the smaller groups) : 

(Dp.) (Md.) 

Class 3 113 (19s) (217) 

Class 8 616 (371) (361) 

Class ii-a 444 (195) (236) 

We have not, however, anything which tends to make clear a differ- 
ence between the two pathological groups. 

It will be noted, however, that Classes 8, ii-a, 12, and 15, con- 
stituting a mass of associations more or less similar to the " predi- 
cate " type described by Jung, all show higher scores in the manic- 
depressive group than in dementia prsecox, and a computation of 
the total score for these four types shows a rather suggestive 
difference. Graph 2 shows the distribution of the individual cases. 
It is possible that these four types of association, all of which 
involve, so to spealc, " carrying out an idea " rather than " addition 
of a new idea,'' really belong psychologically together. The 
Pearson correlation, in 250 normal persons, between Classes 8 and 
1 1 -a is +.33 (the scores in Classes 12 and 15 are too small to give 
reliable correlation figures) . But no very great significance can be 
attached to these findings in view of the fact that in the Kent- 
Rosanoff material the total scores for Classes 8, 11 -a, and 12 
(Class 15 lacking, as explained) are, for dementia praecox, 342, 
and for manic-depressive psychosis, 255 — a result negativing my 
own results, and suggesting, as much of the material does, that the 
variations of cases within groups and various samplings of material 
swamp the apparent differences observed in small groups. 

I believe it may fairly be concluded that within the classes used 
thus far there is, with a possible exception in Class 15, none which 



20 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRvECOX 

is in any sense definitely associated with one psychosis rather than 
with the other. 

Within the general field of " predicates," however, several in- 
vestigators speak of " worth-predicates," " or " predicates of 
value," in which the subject assigns a personal value to, or oflFers 
an emotional interpretation of, the stimulus. A simple predicate 
would be such as sky-blue; a worth-predicate would be such as sky- 
beautiful. We have, unfortunately, no criterion to decide which 
predicates are worth-predicates except the judgment of the classi- 
fier, which is peculiarly unreliable in such a matter. If we restrict 
the term " worth-predicate " to noun-adjective associations, in 
which the adjective involves a value judgment of the stimulus- 
noun, we find very few cases in either group ; study of 25 typical 
dementia prsecox cases and 25 manic-depressives from my own 
material discovered a total of only 10 in the dementia prsecox 
group, and nine of these were given by a single individual, while 
in the manic-depressive group 12 were found scattered among eight 
individuals. It is obvious that responses of this particular type are 
too rare to make a reliable comparison possible. The term " predi- 
cate " can probably be used more profitably by including all re- 
sponses of the value- judgment form, whether noun-adjective asso- 
ciations or not ; and the Kent-Rosanofif material is more useful for 
such a purpose because the list used included a number of words of 
emotional significance, such as sickness, trouble, etc., which were 
not used in my list. A study of value- judgments in 25 dementia 
praecox cases and 25 manic-depressives, taken from the Kent- 
Rosanofif data,* gave a total of 171 in the former, and 175 in the 
latter, with the distributions ranging all the way from o to 35 in 
dementia prsecox, and from o to 24 in manic-depressives. It is very 
unlikely that the presence of worth-predicates is pathognomonic 
of either group. 

In the material so far presented, no responses of more than one 
word have been studied, except that on account of its great fre- 

"■B. g., Jung and Riklin, Diagnostische Assoziationsstudien. 

* Cases taken from the central part of the dementia prascox group in order 
of individual reactions, i. e., no cases with very small or very large number 
of individual reactions. 



GARDNER MURPHY 21 

quency the response part of the body to the stimuli hmid, foot, 
stomach, and head was admitted (as a supraordinate), and the 
response human being to the stimuli man. woman, girl, boy, child, 
and baby was admitted (as a supraordinate). Moreover, cases 
where the response constituted a repetition of the stimulus together 
with a new word, such as man-good tnan, or swift-smift river, were 
scored as if the new word alone had been given. Such cases as 
these, however, are relatively insignificant in the total mass of 
material ; and we must take account of the great mass of responses 
with more than one word which appear so frequently in pathological 
cases. Some of these are hard to classify on any basis, but an 
attempt was made to put these, in so far as possible, into the classes 
named already. For example, if to the stimulus man, the patient 
responds mem,bcr of the human race, we might plausibly consider 
this a supraordinate ; or if he responds azvful funny, we may call 
this a Class ii-a (noun- adjective) association. The result was to 
show that about 25 per cent of these responses with more than 
one word were classified as synonyms or definitions (Class 2-a) ; 
another 25 per cent were classed as supraordinates ; the responses 
in all other classes were few and scattering, nearly half of the total 
being unclassifiable. No difference between the two psychotic 
groups appeared. This is, of course, one of many cases where mass 
methods are of much less value than analysis of each reaction. 

Another defect in my system of classification is that, in its atten- 
tion to logical relations betvveen stimulus and response, it neglects 
the problem of responses in the form of proper names and personal 
pronouns. Man-Charles counts simply as a subordinate, and baby- 
my counts simply as a noun-adjective association. A separate 
computation was now made of the proper names which appear in 
the records of 31 manic-depressives and 102 dementia prsecox cases 
from the Kent-Rosanoff material (the entire available material 
from this earlier work). The number of proper names ranges in 
dementia praecox from o to 37 and in manic-depressive psychosis 
from o to 23, the average number for dementia prsecox being 2.25 
and for manic-depressive psychosis being 3.7 In view of the fact, 
however, that 40 per cent of these proper names in the manic- 
depressive group come from three individuals, the tendency to give 



22 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

proper names, if significant at all, is a trait of certain manic-depres- 
sives rather than a constant sign associated with the psychosis. 

The problem of the use of personal pronouns seemed to me to 
reach its greatest interest in the patient's reference to himself, and 
for this reason 25 cases in each group * were compared as regards 
the number of responses consisting of or including the words, 
I, me, my, myself (consisting, of course, largely of / and me to 
verb-stimuli, but including every case where the pronouns named 
were used, even a few such as " / can't say that, doctor," or " That's 
too much for me"). The totals were 58 for manic-depressives and 
48 for dementia praecox, but with the extraordinary fact that 38 of 
these from dementia prsecox cases were given by two individuals. 
The same method was therefore applied, in search for interesting 
variations, to my remaining 23 dementia praecox and 26 remaining 
manic-depressive cases, with the result of adding only a total of 
10 from the former group and 14 from the latter, scattered widely. 
Measurement of an " egocentric " tendency by such a crude method 
is apparently impossible. 

Again, departing from the original purely logical classification, a 
count vras made of the total number of rhymes and sound-associa- 
tions in my two groups. The results are : 

Sound- 
Rhymes, associations. 

Dementia praecox (48 cases) 20 20 

Manic-depressives (51 cases) 19 32 

These totals would suggest the absence of a criterion ; but 16 of 
the above rhymes in dementia praecox were given by a single indi- 
vidual, while the rhymes from manic-depressives were contributed 
by 13 individuals. Similarly, 12 of the 20 sound-associations in 
dementia praecox were given by a single individual (not the one 
just mentioned), while the sound-associations given by manic- 
depressives were contributed by 17 individuals. It would probably 
be fair to interpret this situation as due to a general tendency in 
manic-depressives to give rhymes or sound-associations, two of the 
dementia praecox cases being considered anomalous. This is the 
more likely in view of the conclusions of several earlier investigators 

* From my own material. 



GARDNER MURPHY 23 

(see pages 3 and 4) as to the presence of these forms of response 
in manic patients. These results are not, however, in harmony with 
the findings of Kent and Rosanoff, whose data indicate shghtly 
more sound-associations (the term in this case including rhymes) in 
dementia praecox than in manic-depressive psychosis. If there is 
a difference here between the psychoses, it is small and of little 
significance. 

A defect in all the comparisons of the two large groups thus far 
lies in the fact that the manic and the depressed patients are not 
studied separately. The manic-depressive group was therefore 
subdivided into its three main types — manic, depressed, and mixed ; 
and in every case wide variations within the sub-groups appeared, 
exactly like the wide variations within the manic-depressive group 
taken as a whole. In the case of classes of association, for example, 
the number of contiguity associations in 25 monies ranges from 
o to 18; in 12 depressed cases,* from o to 14; in 14 mixed ^ cases, 
from 2 to 15. In the case of rhymes, 2 of my' own group of 
8 depressions offer 4 and 2, respectively — 7 of the 25 manics giving 
a total of only 9, and mixed cases giving a similar small and scatter- 
ing number. Every method of comparison which has here failed to 
find a difference between dementia praecox and manic-depressive 
psychosis, has failed also to find a difference between manic, 
depressed, and mixed types within the latter psychosis. 

In these comparisons, however, no attempt has been made thus 
far to distinguish between the manifestations of acute psychotic 
episodes and the fundamental psychotic dispositions or personality- 
traits. In only one instance did this appear practicable — and this 
was badly needed — a comparison of the severely excited manic 
patients with the remaining (less excited, and in many cases, con- 
valescent) manics. Six of my cases (i man and 5 women) were 
selected as exhibiting marked excitement and extreme manic symp- 
toms (two were in restraint at the time of the experiment, a third 
was in continuous bath, and a fourth was confined to his bed). 
Three of these patients gave responses which seemed to me indis- 

* Adding, to my group of 8, 4 depressions from Kent-Rosanoff. 
t Including l of perplexity type and 2 of circular type. 



24 TYPES OF WORD-A.SSIJCIATION IN DE;MENTIA PR/ECOX 

tinguishable from the normal, and deviating in no clear-cut way 
frbm the remainder of the manic-depressive group. Two gave 
responses in the form of phrases and sentences, showing " flight of 
ideas " in extreme form. The sixth gave responses consisting 
almost entirely of changes in word-form, such as deep-depth, 
womanr-women. This situation throws no great light on our prob- 
lem; surely the "flight of ideas" is easily enough observed in 
manics without use of the association-test. The peculiarity of the 
sixth case, however, suggested a search throughout these 6 cases 
for changes in word-form. It was found that the remaining 
5 cases gave a total of 30 such responses, a figure much higher than 
that found so far, and due not so much to one case as to a cumula- 
tive tendency. These 5 cases gave, respectively, 10, 9, 5, 3, and i 
responses of the word-changing form. Twenty-five cases of de- 
mentia prsecox and 19 additional manic-depressives from my own 
material were therefore studied in this respect. Thirty-three such 
responses were found in the dementia prsecox group, and 32 in the 
group of 19 manic-depressives — results indicating a slightly higher 
frequency of such responses in manic-depressives, but with the 
usual marked overlapping and no very definite difference between 
the groups. In this comparison manic, depressed, and mixed types 
are indistinguishable, 3 of my depressions giving 9 of the 32 
responses of this type. This appears to justify the conclusion that 
the tendency to this type of response is associated with extreme 
excitement — a result in line with Aschaflfenburg's early conclu- 
sions — but not clearly associated with manic-depressive psychosis 
as a whole, or even with the manic condition, except in its extreme 
form. 

Tendencies to stereotypy and neologisms are traditionally asso- 
ciated with dementia praecox." A study of 25 cases from each of 
my two groups revealed only one individual— a manic-depressive 
manic— who gave any neologisms at all — 9 of his responses being 
of the word-coining type with meanings which he explained after 
the experiment. Five dementia praecox cases and 6 manic-depres- 
sives showed stereotypy (in the Kent-Rosanofif sense of repeating 
a reaction 5 times during the experiment). Neither of the traits 

" See for example the studies of Sommer, and Kent and Rosanoflf. 



GARDNER MURI'IIV 2~, 

mentioned seems likely enough, from these findings, to be suffi- 
ciently pathognomonic of either condition to justify further study. 
My own dementia prsecox group is too small to justify me in deny- 
ing that both traits may really be typical of this disorder. I wish 
only to suggest that unless these traits appear fairly regularly, or 
much more frequently in dementia prascox than in manic-depressive 
conditions, their diagnostic usefulness it not likely to be very great. 

COMPARISON WITH CHILDREN'S ASSOCIATIONS. 

From time to time, a good deal of work has been reported on the 
associations of children." Certain characteristic differences be- 
tween normal adults and normal children have been pointed out by 
Woodrow and Lowell '" — differences both in types of association 
and in the frequency of responses. They find, for example, that 
I0.6 per cent of the associations of normal adults (the looo normal 
cases of Kent and Rosanoff) were contrasts, while only 1.3 per 
cent of the associations of 1000 children were of this type. As 
regards frequency, we find, for example, that the stimulus needle 
evoked the response sew from 449 children, but from only 134 
adults. 

So much attention has been given to the phenomena of " regres- 
sion " and to the presence of certain childish tendencies in mental 
disorders, especially dementia praecox, that it seemed desirable to 
make a comparison of the associations of my two psychotic groups 
with those of children. This suggestion was given me by Dr. N. 
Kopeloff of the Psychiatric Institute, New York ; and its execution 
was made possible by use of the extensive data of Kent and 
Rosanoff, and of Woodrow and Lowell. 

First, as regards frequency. The method used was to take each 
response to a given stimulus, find how common that response is 
among adults (by use of Kent-Rosanoff frequency tables), and how 
common it is among children (by use of the Woodrow-Lowell 
frequency tables) . This method was applied to all the " common 

" E. g., see the references given by Woodrow and Lowell in article named 
in footnote 20. 

" Children's Association Frequency Tables, Psych. Rev. Monogr. Sup. 
No. 97, 1916. 



26 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

reactions " of 25 dementia prsecox cases and 25 manic-depressives 
from the Kent-Rosanoff material, and checked by comparison with 
the records of 25 normals from the same material. We should 
expect, of course, that in the long run the common reactions of 
normal adults will have a higher frequency on the adult frequency 
tables than on the children's tables. We find, in fact, that the 
average frequency of common reactions in the normals studied is 
102 in the adult tables, and J}, in the children's tables. This is 
almost exactly paralleled by the figures 109 and 67, respectively, 
given by manic-depressives. When, now, we turn to the dementia 
prsecox associations we find a decrease in frequency, as is stated 
by Kent and Rosanoflf to be characteristic ; but the higher frequency 
on the adult tables than on children's tables remains quite clear — 
78 on the former, 57 on the latter. This means simply that by the 
frequency method, the associations of dementia prsecox are de- 
cidedly more like the associations of the normal adults than like 
the associations of children, despite the fact that the tendency to 
low-frequency responses is clearly marked. This method neces- 
sarily is limited to the study of common reactions. As regards 
individual reactions, we might in theory find how large a proportion 
of these appear in the children's frequency tables. But an indi- 
vidual reaction is, by very definition, one which was not given by 
the normal adult loocn — a number far too small to limit the range of 
normal adult association. The chance factors involved in such a 
comparison are probably too enormous to give reliable results. The 
question of individual reactions will shortly be discussed in con- 
nection with the question of types of association*. 

An attempt was next made to compare the types of association 
in dementia prsecox and manic-depressive psychosis with those 
found in normal adults and children, respectively, using the data 
of Woodrow and Lowell.* Including only those types of associa- 
tion which appear, in comparable form, both in the scheme of 
Woodrow and Lowell and in my own, and making correction, in my 

* Difficulties in comparison arise because of differences in procedure ; the 
only one which can be adequately corrected is the occurrence of relatively 
fewer adjectives in their list than in the 50 words used by me in the 
comparison. Correction for this is made in the column headed "Adjective- 



GARDNER MURPHY 2J 

own material, for the fact that my own list contains a larger pro- 
portion of adjectives than Woodrow and Lowell's, the following 
results are obtained : 

Contiguity. Whol«-part. Part-whole. Contrast. 
I + id lb ic 4 

Normal (Kent-Rosanoff) 6.0 2.1 i.i 10.6 

Normal (250, K.-R.*) 8.1 1.6 2.4 8.9 

Children 15.3 3.6 .4 1.3 

D. P.f 7.0 I.I 1.8 8.9 

M.-D.t 7.5 i.o 1.8 11.6 

Subor- Supra- Adjective Noun Sound 

dination. ordination, noun, adjective, similarity. 
6 7 8 iia 

Normal (Kent-Rosanoflf) 1.6 7.6 6.9 4.3 .07 

Normal (250, K.-R.*) 3.3 8.1 9.9 9.3 

Children 2.1 3.7 11.2 7.8 .43 

D. P.f 2.6 9.0 7.2 4.3 1.4 

M.-D.f 2.6 7.3 5.9 5.8 1.3 

The results show that the associations of dementia praecox and 
manic-depressive patients, studied by the classification method, are 
decidedly more like the associations of normal adults than like those 
of children. The percentages, in fact, for the two pathological 
groups are in most cases very close to the normal ; and where they 
deviate, they show no consistent tendency to deviate in the direction 
of children's associations. 

Individual reactions may perhaps be a better key to the pecu- 
liarities of dementia praecox, manic-depressive conditions, and 
children, in so far ds these express themselves through the associa- 
tion tests. A study was therefore made of all the individual reac- 
tions from my two pathological groups (the determination of indi- 
vidual reactions in the case of verb-stimuli being obtained by means 
of the frequency-tables for my own 100 normals). For com- 
parison, I took at random % 500 individual reactions from the 
Woodrow-Lowell tables, and 500 from the Kent-Rosanoflf tables 
(associations given by one normal person in each case). The fol- 

* Classified by my group of three judges. 

t Adding Kent-Rosanoff data to ray own. 

XL e., by an arbitrary chance sampling method. 



28 



TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRiECOX 



lowing table shows the percentage of all individual 
falling within the various classes of association : 



la 

lb 

ic 

Id ....... 

2a 

2b 

2C 

3 

4 • 

5 

6 

7 • 

8 

9 ■ 

10 

iia 

lib 

lie 

iid 

12 

13 

14 

15 

i6 ...:... 

Unclassified 



Normal 
adults. 

. 6.6 

. 2.2 
. . 1.2 
.. 1.8 

• -4 
.. .6 
.. 3.6 

. 3-0 
.. .8 
. . o 
..3.2 
.. 1.8 
. .124 
.. .6 
. . .2 
. .12.0 

. 1.8 
. . .8 
.. .8 
. . i.o 
. . 1.0 



...44-4 



Normal 
children. 

6.4 

2.8 

1.0 

2.0 

.4 

.6 

2.4 

1.6 
.6 
o 

1.2 

.8 

IS-2 

.4 

.2 

14.6 

O 

1.0 
1.2 

S.0 

2.6 



40.4 



Dementia 
praecox. 

(2.2) 3.3 
.4) 
.3) 

(I.I) 
.9) 

(6.8) 
(S.i) 
(1.4) 
(4-0) 

:o ) 

(1.2) 
(2-3) 

(6.1) 
.3) 
,0 ) 
(2.3) 

;o ) 

.2) 

.7) 

.2) 
,0 ) 
(1.8) 

(7.3) 9-8 
(3.S) 4.7 

(49.4)494 



•S 
•4 
1.5 
1.2 
9.0 
6.1 
1-9 
5-3 
o 
1.6 

31 
8.1 
4 
o 

3-1 

o 
.2 
.9 
■3 

o 

2.4 



reactions 


Manic 


depressive. 


(3.0 


4.0 


( .6' 


.8 


( .5 


» -7 


(14 


» 1-9 


( .5 


) -7 


(74 


9-9 


(6.6 


) 8.8 


( .9 


1 1.2 


(3.8 


> S-O 


(0 


> 


( -9 


) 1.2 


(1.8 


1 2.4 


(8.2 


10.9 


( .3 


> 4 


(0 





(S.2 


> 6.9 


(0 ; 





( .1 


) .1 


( .9 


► 1.2 


( -5 


1 .7 


(0 


» 


(2.3 


) 31 


(7.3 


) 9.8 


(I.I 


1 14 


(48.2 


>48.2 



In the columns headed Dementia Praecox and Mahic-Depressive 
I have given in parentheses the actual percentages. In view of the 
fact, however, that my own word list contains 17 verbs out of the 
total of 67 words, while no verb-stimuli are to be considered in the 
data on normal adults and children, I add a corrected figure outside 
the paj-entheses, which is more directly comparable to the first 
two columns. It will be noted that in the percentages given above, 
normal adults and children are close together, deviating in some 
cases from psychotics by considerable margins. The psychotic 
groups, in turn, are in most cases close together. The only figures 



* Including what Kent and Rosanoflf call " doubtful reactions " — in which 
a variant of the word appears in the tables, but not the word itself. 



GARDNER MURPHY 29 

deserving a special note appear to be those under Class 2-b, in which 
the tendency of psychotics to give changes in word-form are mainly 
responsible for the result — manic-depressives taking the lead by a 

slight margin In passing, it may be noted that the total 

number of individual reactions from 51 manic-depressives is 789, 
against 684 for 48 cases of dementia praecox. This greater fre- 
quency of individual reactions in manic-depressive psychosis, so 
contrary to our expectations from the work of Kent and Rosanoff, 
is almost certainly due to the fact that my cases of dementia praecox 
presented in general only slight deterioration, while the larger 
material under this diagnosis in the earlier work comprised a large 
number of very deteriorated cases. I hazard the suggestion that 
individual reactions are characteristic not of the disorder itself but 
of the deterioration appearing in many cases. The question cannot 
be settled until data are at hand for a direct comparison of early and 
late praecox cases, showing various definitely ascertained shades of 
deterioration. It must, of course, be conceded that the lack of 
catatonic patients in my own material may be responsible for the 
findings; I think that it may justly be replied that individual reac- 
tions are not to be accepted as really characteristic of dementia 
praecox, unless they are proved to be characteristic of paranoid and 
hebephrenic forms — characteristic, in fact, of all common forms. 

CORRELATION METHODS. 

In the earlier study above referred to,^ I offered the suggestion 
that although no one type of association is clearly associated with 
either psychosis, nevertheless, high correlations existed between 
certain types of association in one psychosis, which did not exist 
in the other. The correlation, for example, between Classes 8 and 
1 1 in manic-depressive excitements was stated to be -I- .72 — mean- 
ing that the manic patient who gives many adjective-noun associa- 
tions is very likely to give many noun-adjective associations, while 
the manic who gives few of one class will, in general, give few of 
the other ; the correlation of these in dementia precox was found 
to be only -|- .28. The correlations offered were based on only 13 
dementia praecox cases, 12 manic-depressive excitements, and 21 

'^ Amer. Jour, of Insanity, Vol. 77. 



30 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PR/ECOX 

manic-depressive depressions, and are therefore all very unreliable. 
I give below the original findings, together with similar correla- 
tions obtained for 250 normal, 120 dementia pra;cox,* and 82 
manic-depressive cases ;* and also correlations for a group of 25 
manic-depressive manics, a group of 12 manic-depressive depres- 
sions,! and a group of 14 manic-depressives of mixed type. 

Correlations of Classes. 

present findings. 

1 with 8 with 
8. II 

250 Normals 23 .33 

120 D. P 34 .19 

25 M.-D. manic 52 .46 

12 M.-D. depr 54 .53 

14 M.-D. mixed 73 .55 

82 M.-D 44 -27 



EARLIER FINDINGS. 




I with 
8. 


8 with 
II. 


20 Normals 24 


.25 


13 D. P 68 


.28 


12 M.-D. manic 22 


.72 


21 M.-D. depr 20 


.66 



The above citation of earlier findings is roughly, but only roughly, 
comparable with present findings because rank-difference correla- 
tions were used in the former, and Pearson correlations in the 
latter. In all cases but that of the manic-depressive depressions, 
the present findings are much more reliable ; at this point, however, 
my present group is even smaller than the earlier group. My two 
main conclusions from the earlier data were, first, that the correla- 
tion of Class I with Class 8 is higher in dementia prsecox than 
in manic-depressive excitements, manic-depressive depressions, or 
normals ; and second, that the correlation between 8 and 1 1 is higher 
in manic-depressive excitements and depressions than in dementia 
praecox or normal. The present data seem definitely to negative the 
first conclusion, and rather clearly to confirm the second conclusion. 
It is true that the peculiar distribution of manic-depressive cases 
causes the disappearance in the whole group (82 cases) of the high 
correlation found when each of the three types of manic-depres- 
sives is studied. This does not, of course, invalidate the char- 
acteristic relation of Qasses 8 and 11 within the sub-types.J A 

* Includes much Kent-Rosanoff material, 
t Includes 4 Kent-Rosanoff cases. 

t It would be highly desirable to make a similar study of sub-types in 
dementia praecox. My small number of hebephrenics has prevented this. 



GARDNER MURPHY 31 

much more serious defect in such data, from the standpoint, at least, 
of appHcation, is that they do not present conclusions making for 
clear prediction in individual cases. A high correlation means in 
the long run a small difference between two variables ; and in the 
long run a smaller difference between the total of Class 8 and the 
total of Class ii is to be expected in manic-depressives than in 
dementia prsecox cases. An attempt, however, to devise a " trick 
method " by which a certain difference between these totals is to be 
considered a sign of dementia prascox or manic-depressive psychosis 
is of very little value ; the correlations and differences, to be useful 
in this way, would have to be much larger. The attempt to devise 
such a method, offered in my previous study, seems to me to have 
been very shortsighted. The factors underlying these curious 
differences in correlation are so exceedingly intricate and elusive, 
that vastly more work would have to be done to enable us to see 
why a certain type of association goes with another, or why these 
relations vary from one psychosis to another. The psychotic groups 
would also have to be larger (in the case of the manic-depressive 
sub-types) to make us absolutely sure that chance factors are not 
responsible for the figures. 

In addition to this very risky application of findings in the field 
of correlation, my earlier tentative repnart made use of a criterion to 
the effect that " four or more individual reactions which are con- 
tiguities " are on the whole a sign of dementia prsecox, and a 
criterion to the effect that " to give eight or more noun-adjective 
associations seems atypical of dementia prsecox." It is true that 
the present study finds more noun-adjective associations in manic- 
depressives than in dementia prascox, but the margin is not large 
enough to justify any such criterion as the one just mentioned ; and 
the number of " individual reactions which are contiguities " is 
actually higher in the present data from manic-depressives than in 
those from dementia prsecox — the criterion based on " individual 
contiguities " perhaps being derived from the fact that the earlier 
prsecox group contained several very deteriorated cases. The pre- 
mature attempts at " criteria " for aid in differential diagnosis are 
therefore withdrawn. The earlier study, in offering the criteria, 
used the phrase " if the methods hit upon do not owe their success 



32 TYPES OF WORD-ASSOCIATION IN DEMENTIA PRECOX 

to the accidental distribution of this small dementia praecox group." 
The " if " appears to have been of special significance. 

CONCLUSIONS, 
(i) The study of 250 normal, 120 dementia praecox, and 82 
manic-depressive cases, by the method of classifying associations 
according to logical relationship between stimulus and response, 
shows in every case overlapping of the groups, and in most cases 
no significant differences in central tendencies. The normal group 
gives far fewer " co-ordinates " and far more adjective-noun asso- 
ciations and noun-adjective associations than either of the patho- 
logicfil groups, but the latter groups do not differ significantly 
from each other. 

(2) Rhymes and sound associations appear to be sUghtly more 
characteristic of the manic-depressive group than of dementia 
praecox. 

(3) Responses in the form of proper names and responses using 
the first personal pronoun do not appear to be particularly char- 
acteristic of either disorder. 

(4) Responses of the " value-judgment " type appear with equal 
frequency in samplings taken from the two main groups. 

(5) Responses which consist in merely changing the word-form 
of the stimulus, as from a singular to a plural, an adjective to an 
adverb, etc. — including the addition or dropping of suffixes — appear 
to be definitely characteristic of very excited manics, but not so 
definitely characteristic of all manics or of the manic-depressive 
group. 

(6) The associations of both pathological groups resemble the 
associations of normal adults very much more than they resemble 
the associations of children, whether measured by the Kent- 
Rosanoff " frequency " inethod, or by computing the number of 
associations falling within various types. A special study of 
" individual " reactions shows no striking difference between their 
logical classification in children and in adults, and no striking 
difference in theii^ classification in the two pathological groups ; in 
a few cases, the two normal groups vary in the same direction from 
the pathological groups. 

(7) In all three of the common sub-types of the manic-deipres- 
sive psychosis, a Pearson correlation of approximately .50 appears 



GARDNER MURPHY 33 

between the adjective-noun and the noun-adjective types of asso- 
ciation, while the dementia praecox group presents a correlation ( for 
120 cases) of only .19. 

(8) The above conclusions, and constant comparison of indi- 
vidual records with others, seem decidedly to confirm the con- 
clusion of Kent and Rosanoff that " a large collection of material 
shows a gradual and not an abrupt transition from the normal state 
to pathological states " ; and, further, the conclusion of Kraepelin 
that " the associations of our patients .... deviate in general 
remarkably little from those of the healthy." So far as the present 
data go, they confirm the Kraepelinian view that the experiment 
strikes chiefly at " the crystallization of the habits of speech, which 
are little influenced for the most part by disease, comparatively 
speaking." This very disappointing result attaches, however, to 
relatively simple and direct methods of comparison ; the present 
data justify no conclusion as to the pwssibilities of the association 
experiment in the field of detailed analysis of particular associations, 
the psycho-galvanic method, or the statistical analysis of associa- 
tion-times. The suggestion is offered that types of word-associa- 
tion, as such, are but little related to the fundamental attitudes and 
adaptations to life underlying the mental disorders which are here 
compared. 



VITA. 



189s July 8 

1912 June 

1915 February 

1916 March 

1916 June 

1917 June 

1919 September 

1920 September 

1 92 1 September 



1917 April 
1921 April 



Born at Chillicothe, Ohio. 

Graduated from the Hotchkiss School, Lakeville, Conn. 

Elected to Phi Beta Kappa, Yale University. 

Elected to Sigma Xi, Yale University. 

B. A., Yale University. 

A. M. (Psychology), Harvard University. 

Columbia University. 

Instructor in Psychology, Extension Teaching, Columbia 

University. 
Lecturer in Psychology, Columbia University. 

PUBLICATIONS. 

An Experimental Study of Literary vs. Scientific Types, 
American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 28. 

A Comparison of Manic-Depressive and Dementia 
Prsecox Cases by the Free Association Method, Amem- 
CAN Journal of Insanity, Vol. yj. 



EFFECTIVENESS OF 

VOCATIONAL EDUCATION 

IN AGRICULTURE 



A study of the value of vocational 
instruction in agriculture in secondary 
schools as indicated by the occupa- 
tional distribution of former students 

BY ' 
CHARLES EVERETT MYERS 




Submitted in partial fulfillment of the require- 
ments for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 
the Faculty of Philosophy, Coiumbia University 

stailE college, pa. 

1923 



BULLETIN 
No. 82 



Agriculture Series 
No. 13 



EFFECTIVENESS OF 

VOCATIONAL EDUCATION 

IN AGRICULTURE 

A study of the value of vocational 
instruction in agriculture in secondary 
schools as indicated by the occupa- 
tional distribution of former students 



MAY, 1923 



Issued by the Federal Board for Vocational Education Washington, D. C. 



WASHINQTON : GOVERNMENT PRIHTINQ OFFICE : l«2S 



FEDERAL BOARD FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. 

MEMBERS. 

James J. Davis, Chairman, 
Secretary of Labor. 
Jenkt C. Wallace, Habbt L. F1D1.EB, \ice Chairman, 

Secretary of Agriculture. Labor. 

BteBBEBT C. Hoover, Calvin F. McIntosh, 

Secretary of Conmierce. Agriculture. 

fOHN J. TI6EBT, Edwaed T. Fbanes, 

Commissioner of Education, Manufacture and Commerce. 

E. Joseph Abonoff, Secretary and Chief Clerk. 

EXECUTIVE STAFF. 

J. C. Weight, Director. 

1 H. Lane, Chief, Fbank Cushman, Chief, 

Agricultural Education Service. Industrial Education Service. 

Adelaide S. Batlob, Chief, 
Home Economics Education Service. 
Sabl W. Babnhabt, Chief, John Aubel Kkaxz, Chief, 

Commercial Education Service. Civilian Vocational RehahiUtatton 

Division. 
John Cumminos, 
Editor and Statistician. 



Cketipicati; : This publication la Issued pursuant to the^ provisidns ' of tlie Vocational 



CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Toreword v 

PABT I. 

Introduction 1 

PAST n. 

Plan for the study . 3 

Questionnaire carefully developed 3 

Information collected through the Federal board 3 

Data turned over to the agent in charge of the study 5 

PART m. 

Interpretation of data 7 

Section 1. A brief statement of the general facts obtained from the 

questionnaire 7 

Number and percentage of schools responding large 7 

Schools representative as to enrollment 7 

Few students reported previous to' 1918 10 

Brief description of former students 10 

Section 2. Influence of vocational instruction in agriculture upon 

high-school mortality and graduation 11 

Expected "output" estimated 11 

Actual " output " estimated 12 

" Output " is divided between graduation and mortality 13 

Preceding estimates justified 14 

Sections. Occupations followed by former students of vocational 

agriculture 14 

Fifty-four per cent of the students who have left school 'are 

reported to be now farming 14 

Fifteen per cent are now in occupations other than farming 16 

Section 4. Miscellaneous factors affecting the farming status of 

former students of vocational agriculture 19 

Probability of farming is not affected by length of course 19 

Graduates are attracted to the farm _ 22 

Percentage of partners has been increasing rapidly 22 

Few specialties are reported — - — 25 

Fewer agricultural students go to college ., 26 

Section 5. Tendencies In the development of vocational Instruction 

In agriculture 28 

The average time students remain in agricultural classes has not 

markedly increased 28 

The percentage of students engagirig in farming has steadily 

increased ! '. ■ 30 

Section 6. Extent to which ex-high%chool students who have not 

studied agriculture engage In farming ;_ 32 

The New York rural survey data are conclusive 32 

Data from schools in Pennsylvania support the findings in New 

York — 34 

Vocational instruction in agriculture Is a selective and a direc- 
tive agency 34 

Who are the beginning farmers 3.5 

Section 7. Returns from Indiana and Virginia 36 

The Indiana study '■ 38 

The Virginia study 41 

III 



y CONTENTS. 

PABT IV. 

Fast 
^Conclusions 41 

APPENDIX. 

Section 1. Dependability of data 4! 

Error due to inadequate sampling 5( 

Error in tabulation ; 5: 

Section 2. Tables of totals from the original tabulations 5J 

DIAGBAMS. 

I. Representative cTiaracter of data. — ^Percentage reporting of agri- 
cultural all-day schools in the United States and in the 35 States 

participating in this survey { 

II. Orowth of vocational education in agriculture. — Number of students 
going out from secondary schools with one or more years of 
vocational instruction in agriculture : 1904 to 1921 i 

III. Low mortality among students of vocational agriculture. — ^Percent- 
age reenrolling and not reenroUing for students of vocational 

agriculture and for all high-school students . 16 

rv. Occupational distribution of former students of vocational agricul- 
ture. — Percentage, in specified occupational status, of Individuals 
who left school with one or more years of vocational Instruction 
in agriculture 18 

' V. Length of course and choice of vocation. — Time «Sevoted to the voca- 
tional study of agriculture as a determining factor In the elec- 
tion of farming as a vocation, showing that the percentage 
choosing farming as a vocation is not affected by the number of 

years devoted to the study of agriculture 20 

VI. Farm status. — Of 4,488 student farmers In eight States, per- 
centage classified as owners, partners, managers, renters, and 
laborers, by States '-. 24 

VII. Farm specialties. — Number and percentage of students for whom 

farm specialties were reported . '. 26 

HI. Types of colleges entered by students of vocational agridulture. — 
Percentage entering specified type of college for the United 

States and for four States 1 27 

IX. Influence of time spent in high school upon time devoted to the 
study of agriculture.-T-Ayer&ee years in high school and in voca- 
tional agriculture course, per student, by year of leaving school- 29 
X. Trend in managerial status of sohooUtrained farmers. — Percent- 
age in each managerial class for students leaving school in year 
specified, hy years : 1915 to 1921 31 

XI. Influence of vocational instruction in agriouUure in directing high- 
school students to the farm. — ^Percentage now farming and not 
now farming for students and graduates of vocational agricul- 
ture courses and for graduates of 271 rural high schools who did 
not study vocational agriculture 33 



.TTollahlo rvllhHpnHnna nf flio ITorloral ■RAnvrt fni* 'Vnna^•\nna^ 1^i1iiAa4-4.^n 



FOREWORD. 

After five years of development of vocational education in agri- 
culture under the terms of the Federal vocational educational act it 
seemed wise to undertake an investigation to determine what occupa- 
tions were followed by students who had received vocational instruc- 
tion in agriculture, and to gather certain other relevant facts which 
would tend to show the vocational value of the instruction given. 
The writer of this bulletin, Prof. Charles Everett Myers, Department 
of Rural Life of the Pennsylvania State College, who had organized 
such a study in the State of Pennsylvania, received an appointment as 
a special agent for agricultural education with the Federal Board for 
Vocational Education on February 16, 1922, for the purpose of 
extending the study so as to include all the States which saw fit to 
cooperate in it. This bulletin is the report based upon the data 
collected from 37 States. 

The very nature of the data collected required the active cooperation 
of the State supervisors of agricultural education and individual 
research upon the part of over 800 high-school teachers of agricul- 
ture. In large and well-established schools teachers found it neces- 
sary to spend many hours over a period of several weeks and in 
some cases to travel at their own expense. The personal effort of 
these hundreds of teachers constitutes a tribute to the professional 
attitude of the high-school teachers of agriculture. The cooperative 
nature of this report does not stop with the collection of the data, 
for the writer has called upon a wide circle of friends for advice and 
criticism concerning the interpretation of almost each item treated. 
Mrs. W. A. Broyles, Miss Mabel A. Myers, and Mrs. Olive G. Myers 
completed the tabulations after the Federal appropriation for clerical 
help had been exhausted. The unusual accuracy of the work, as 
shown by the sampling in the appendix, is largely due to their in- 
terest in, and comprehension of, the problem. Dr. John Cummings, 
Dr. Milo B. HiUegas, and Dr. W. C. Bagley have read the manu- 
script and have made invaluable suggestions concerning the form 
of presentation and clarity of expression. Dr. David Snedden has 
been consulted constantly, and has always responded with helpful 
criticism and advice. 

J. C. Wkioht, Director. 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 
EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE. 



A STUDY OF THE VALUE OF VOCATIONAL INSTRUCTION IN AGRICULTURE 
IN SECONDARY SCHOOLS AS INDICATED BY THE OCCUPATIONAL DISTRI- 
BUTION OF FORMER STUDENTS. 



Paet I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

One outstanding criticism of the value of vocational instruction in 
agriculture in our secondary schools is based on the assumption that 
but few of the students become farmers. From this premise the 
unsympathetic critic reasons that the subject is not worth what it 
costs. In the widespread demand for public economy secondary 
vocational agriculture has not been overlooked, and educational 
leaders and legislative committees have asked pertinent questions 
concerning the value of the instruction given at such a comparatively 
great cost. 

When this study was undertaken no one knew to what extent the 
boys who studied vocational agriculture engaged in farming after 
leaving school, or in what capacity they worked on the farms, or 
whether the boys devoting the more time to the study of agriculture 
were more likely to engage in farming, or whether the high-school 
graduates or the ones who dropped out before graduating were more 
likely to farm. It is true that a few persons could answer some of 
these questions for a particular school and that a few States have 
systems of " follow-up " records, but little of consequence has been 
made public in answer to the questions. 

The writer believes it to be a fair proposal that the workers in 
vocational education in agriculture be asked to justify their work, 
and he submits herewith the answer to the first question in the logi- 
cal series of questions which must be answered before the complete 
story can be told as to the extent to which vocational instruction in 
agriculture serves to improve farm practice and increase the wealth 
and happiness of agricultural people. In addition, it is believed 

1 



I EFFECTIVENESS OP VOCATIONAIi 

;hat the study will be found to contain much information of value 
o the administrator and the curriculum builder. 

The reader should find it practical to follow the procedure and 
iheck the interpretations and conclusions of this study. The sum- 
nary results of the first-hand tabulations from the original data 
ire given in State totals, and the dependability of these totals has 
)een worked out in detail and included in the appendix. An effort 
las been made to present the facts obtained in such a manner that 
lU who care to do so may work out their own conclusions. The 
lata here presented do not justify an attempt to rank the State* 
iccording to their efficiency in training farmers. Where there ap- 
pear to be ratings or comparisons, they are made to clarify the 
)rocedure or to support the interpretations made. Before students 
)f these data attempt a rating of the States they should familiarize 
hemselves with all the data here presented — ^including those given 
n the appendix — and obtain such information concerning local State 
londitions as will be found essential. 



Part II. 
PLAN FOR THE STUDY. 

QUESTIONNAIRE CAREFULLT DEVELOPED. 

A questionnaire seeking information upon the occupational dis- 
tribution of former students of vocational agriculture had been in 
process of development in the State of Pennsylvania since the sum- 
mer of 1921. The first draft was altered after being criticized by 
the staff of the Eural Life Department of the Pennsylvania State 
College, and was then sent to 14 teachers in the State. After these 
copies were filled out and returned, the form was again revised in 
the light of the difficulties of tabulation and the criticism and sug- 
gestions of the teachers filling it out. This second revision was 
submitted to several specialists in agricultural education and scien- 
tific students of education for criticism. The form as finally adopted 
and used is reproduced below. 

INFORMATION COLLECTED THROUGH THE FEDERAL BOARD. 

On March 3, 1922, the chief of the agricultural education service 
of the Federal Board for Vocational Education sent mimeographed 
copies of this form, together with the following letter, to each State 
supervisor of agricultural education: 

4801&— 23 2 3 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL, 



:3 



^1 



51' 






::2;o 



I 






p^ -g .a -o a 









^\ 










§■&«' 



bo ® 60 - 

li^f ... 



^ 
^ 



> bo 






i^^^al 



, »^ ■« ^ 



?;j3 (»« i>a * •" 



S eft's 



.go orl o Em 







— 


— 










, -; , , 




■-.' '(-,. 


^ 






— 


i 


— 


- 


— 


- 



SI 



= ■9 

2-5 



•S0 






1 nU 



■§|s 

§11 



III 



III 
■go 



EDUCATION IJSr AGRIOULTUEE. 5 

This [Agricultural Education] service of the board has acted upon one of the 
recommendations of the several regional conferences concerning research work in 
agricultural education and has made arrangements with Prof. 0. E. Myers, of 
the Pennsylvania State College, to make a study of " The functioning of 
vocational instruction in farming." 

The scope of his investigationj as per the Inclosed questionnaire (Form 1) is 
nation-wide and 100 per cent replies are asked so that each student who has 
gone out from the high schools with as much as one year's instruction in voca- 
tional agriculture may be accounted for. Professoi; Myers will also investigate 
the college records of such students on a national basis, and will make sectional 
or case studies of the functioning of such instruction in farming. 

Under separate cover you will receive sufficient questionnaires and envelopes 
to send one to each school receiving aid for agriculture last year in your State. 
I trust that you will include a personal letter of your own with the question- 
naire and forcibly call the attention of your teachers to the importance of this 
matter and the necessity of having the reports in the Washington office as 
soon as possible. An addressed return envelope should also be sent each 
teacher along with the questionnaire. 

It is hoped the teachers will not permit routine work to delay their report, 
and their attention may be called to the fact that the filling out of certain 
portions of the questionnaire will make an interesting class exercise. 

I assure you that your cooperation in securing 100 per cent returns from your 
State will be thoroughly appreciated. The original data for your State will 
be returned to you if you so desire. 

DATA TURNED OVER TO THE AGENT IN CHARGE OF THE STUDY. 

The information was tabulated by competent clerks, as described 
hereafter, under the direction of the special agent for agricultural 
education appointed to make the study. The original data were 
returned to those States which requested it, with the hope that they 
would see fit to continue the study and develop inferences from the 
data which one not thoroughly conversant with local conditions could 
not fairly formulate. 

The data were organized as follows: 

(1) Separate tabulations made: 

A. Complete data by State ; by school ; by year. 

B. For students having studied vocational agriculture for three and 

four years, by year ; by State ; by schooL 

C. For graduates for the States of Arkansas, Illinois, New Hampshire, 

New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. 

D. For occupations other than farming, showing number in each State. 

E. For farm specialties and numbers in each, by State. 

F. For graduates going to college, by State and type of college. 

G. For schools not reporting former students out of school, by year; 

by State. 



< EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

12) Summaries made : 

I. Totals of "A," by year ; by State. 
II. Totals of "A" and " B," by State, subtracting " B " from "A," show- 
ing totals for former students who had had one and two yean 
of Instruction in agriculture. 

III. Totals (or specified States for "A" and " C," subtracting "O" 

from "A," showing totals for nongraduatea in Arkansas, Illinois, 
New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. 

IV. List of occupations other than farming and totals in each, classified 

as related and unrelated. 
((S) Correlations made : 

a. Farming and rating for success. 

b. Farming and number of years' instruction in agriculture. 



Part III. 
INTERPRETATION OF DATA. 

SECTION 1. 

A BRIEF STATEMENT OP THE GENERAL FACTS OBTAINED FROM 
THE QUESTIONNAIRE. 

NXTMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF SCHOOLS RESPONDING LARGE. 

Eeports on the questionnaire were received from 35 States. The 
reports were tabulated for a total of 722 schools,^ or practically 62 
per cent of the all-day schools in these States which offer a full 
program in vocational agriculture. These 722 schools represent 47.8 
per cent of all agricultural schools federally aided under the terms 
of the Smith-Hughes Act, according to the annual report of the 
Federal Board for Vocational Education for the year ended June 
30, 1921. Table 1 of the appendix shows in detail how these per- 
centages were computed, and Diagram I represents graphically by 
States the completeness of the returns. 

Schools started later than April, 1921, could not have given stud- 
ents vocational instruction for one year or more, and reports fromi 
these schools were therefore excluded from the study. A few reporta 
were received too late to be included in the tabulations. These re- 
ports would have raised the percentage of schools reporting foir sev- 
eral of the States very materially, and might have varied the results- 
by 1 or 2 per cent in a few States. But the results for the coun- 
try as a whole would not have been appreciably affected if these re- 
ports had been included. 

SCHOOLS REPRESENTATIVE AS TO ENROLLMENT. 

After the information was tabulated a list of the schools report- 
ing from each State was sent to the State supervisor with a request 
that he -indicate what the enrollment was in the named schools for 
the year ended June 30, 1921. Total enrollments for the several' 
States were obtained from the Federal board's report, deductions 
being made for the negro schools and negro enipollments in the 

> Negro schools in the Southern States have not participated in this study, and the 
figures In ithe Federal board's report have been altered to eliminate the negro schools andi 
negro enrollment wherever they appear. 

T. 



8 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL. 



Southern States. Due to an apparent discrepancy between the 
schools reporting and the number accredited to three States by the 
board's report, the figures obtained by special reports from these 
States (Illinois, Ohio, Pennsylvania) were used instead of the 

DiAOBAM I. — Representative charaoter of data. — ^Percentage reporting of agri- 
cultural all-day schools in the United States and in the 35 States participating 
in this survey. 




Black percentage reporting. 

White , : , percentage not reporting. 

figures given in the board's report. Two other States (Arkansas and 
Idaho) sent in reports for a total of seven schools more than they 
were accredited with, due in Arkansas to schools being discontinue 
for small enrollment, and in Idaho to Confused records due to change 
ing officials. All these figures are given in detail in Table 1 of the 
appendix. The data were tabulated from 61.8 per cent of the 
Schools from the 35 States reporting, these schools enrpUing 59 per 

♦Schools reporting Include 2 in Arkansas and 5 in Idaho in excess of the number 
credited to these States In the report of the Federal Board lor Vocational Education. 



EDUCATION IN AGRICTJLTUEE. 



cent of the students studying vocational agriculture in these 35 
States. The 61.8 per cent of the schools in the 35 States consti- 
tutes 47.8 per cent of all schools federally aided for teaching voca- 

DiAGEAM II. — Growth of vocational education in agriculture. — ^Number of 
students going out from secondary schools with one or more years of voca- 
tional instruction in agriculture : 1904 to 1921. 



FEDLIiiiLmmLi 
[DI)C&TIDNIkGT:|<)l7 



zm 




mm 



wm^s 26 s^ 79 u/ m m 4JI mmmwmh 

WMWMII m 1913 m 1915 1916 1917 1918 1919 1920 m WM 



10 EFFECTTVENBSS OF VOOATIONAL 

tional agriculture, and these schools enroll 45 per cent of aU stu- 
dents studying vocational agriculture in federally aided schools.- The 
small variation between the peEcentage of schools and the percent- 
age of students would be practically eliminated if the same cor- 
rections for total' enrollments were made for all States as were 
made for Arkansas, Illinois, New Jersey, Ohio, and. Pennsylvania. 
Such corrections woul^ floake the " total enrollments " and the " en- 
rollments in the schools reporting " entirely comparable. There 
can be no reasonable] question, therefore, in respect to enrollment, 
as to the fairly representative character of the schools reporting, 
when either the S5 Staties as group or the entire country is taken 
as the unit. 

|. TEW STUDENTS EEPOETED PKEVEOITS TO 1918. 

A scho(|t in Wisconsin reported 1 student, with two years' in- 
struction in vocational agriculture, leaving that school in 1904; and 
for 'each succeeding year, until and including 1911, one or more 
schools inlthis State reported from 1 to 3 students leaving school 
with one ©r more years' vocational instruction in agriculture. For 
1 908 a school in Calif ornia|, reported 1 student, and for 1909 one 
schqpl |n New York reported 8 students. For 1912 New York re- 
ported -24 students, and North Dakota reported ^. ' In 1913 Illinois 
and Vermont were added to|the list of States, and in 1914 Pennsyl- 
vania was added with 3 students going out with one or more years' 
vocational; instruction in apiculture. By 1917 only 13 of the 35 
States had reported student^ leaving school with training in voca- 
tional agriculture. These were -Calif ©rnia, Colorado, Illinois, Loia- 
siana. New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, 
North Dakota, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. 
For 1917, i.l2 of the 13 St|tes (California reported no students) 
reported but 297 students leaving school who had had vocational 
instruction for farming. By 1918, 28 of the 35 States participat- 
ing in this study were sending out students; in 1912, 32 States^ arid 
in 1920 and 1921 all 35 States were sending out students instructed in 



vocational 
growth. 



agriculture. Dia^rah II gives a graphic picture of this 

BRIEF DESCRTPTIOlir OF FOEMEK STUDENTS. 



"«"-»■«»*•'■ {i'' ^ 



A total iof 8,340 individuals were reported out of school witK'8'ne 
or more years of vocational instruction in agriculture.^ These in- 
dividuals have had, on; the average, two and seven-tenths years in 
high school and one and. seven-tenths years of instruction in agricul- 
tuife. Of the total, 15.7 per cent have had three or, four yeaicf of 

'One year of instruction In some States is accredltPd as one-fourth of a year's work 
in high school and in other StatRS.as qae-ha,lf of a year's work, In yery rare Instances 
is lull time np.minally devoted to agriculture to the exclusion of (tther subjects. The 
writer has been unable to detect any definite tendencies due to this variation. 



instruction in agriculture and 84.3 per cent have had not exceeding 
one or two years of such instruction. Of those having had three or 
four years of instruction in agriculture, 80 per cent have graduated ; 
and of those with one or two years of such instruction, 45.1 per cent 
have graduated. Of the total number, 50.4 per cent have graduated. 
Of the total, 22 per cent have gone to college; and of the number 
who have graduated, 44 per cent. Of those who have gone to college, 
36.5 per cent have gone to agricultural colleges. Fifty-four per 
cent of all these students are reported to be now on farms — 10 per 
cent of these farmers being owners, 6 per cent managers, 7 per cent 
renters, 48 per cent partners, and 29 per cent laborers. Table 4 of 
the appendix gives the State totals for each item of the questionnaire. 
The percentage now on farms, if calculated on the basis of reports 
specifying present occupation (i. e., omitting the no-report cases), 
becomes 59, instead of 54. 

The ratings for scholarship appear Jo corroborate common obser- 
vation. The 7,860 rated for scholarship were classed about as we 
should expect any one group to be classed — 27.3 per cent were rated 
high, 53.4 per cent average, and 19.3 per cent low. It is safe to 
assume that these ratings represent the standing of these students 
within the group of all high-school students with whom they were 
associated ; and with such an assumption, Ave are justified in conclud- 
ing that the vocational instruction has not selected a group of students 
on the basis of scholastic ability as indicated by teachers' marks. 

SECTION 2. 

INFLUENCE OF VOCATIONAL INSTRUCTION IN AGRICULTURE UPON 
HIGH-SCHOOL MORTALITY AND GRADUATION. 

EXPECTED " OUTPUT " * ESTIMATED. 

According to the United States Bureau of Education statistics on 
high-school mortality and graduation, found in Bulletin, 1920, No. 
34, 37.2 per cent of the total number of students * enrolled in the high 

° The term "output" is used to designate the total number of students leaving 
school In any one year and includes graduates as well as those who drop oiit before 
graduating. 

' This iigure may fairly be taken as representing expected " output " for agricultural 
students only on the assumption that the students enrolled in vocational agi'iculture 
are distributed among the four high-school classes, as are all high-school students. The 
writer has reason to believe that three-fourths or more of the agricultural enrollment is 
in the first and second years of high school, where the mortality is 27.4 per cent an- 
nually. The mortality for the third and fourth years is only 12.7 per cent; but 41.9 per 
cent of the third and fourth year students graduate, making an " output " of 54.6 per 
cent for these two years. If we were to make the correction on this assumption of 
unequal division of the agricultural enrollment, the mortality among this group of stu- 
dents would be over 2 per cent less than it has been estimated in the accompanying text. 
Any other weighting of the enrollment toward the first and second years would propor- 
tionally lower the mortality figure. This is additional evidence of the eonservativeness 
of the above estimate. 

48019—23—3 



12 EFFKCTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL, 

schools of the country in any one year fail to reenroU for the suc- 
ceeding year's work. For the four years ending June 30, 1918, 1919, 
1920, 1921, the summation enrollment in " all-day " schools feder- 
ally -aided for teaching agriculture (negro enrollment excluded) 
was 99,306. The expected "output" would be 37.2 per cent of 
99,306, or 36,942. In other words, if the high-school " output " were 
the same for agricultural students as it is for all high-school stu- 
dents, we would have 36,942 students who had quit school and who 
had had one or more years of vocational instruction in agriculture. 

ACTUAJ, "output" estimated. 

For the four yeare under consideration 47.8 per cent of the schools 
federally aided reported an "output" of 7,023 students. One hun- 
dred pei- cent of the actual " output " therefore may be estimated to 
be 14,692 students, or only 39.8 per cent. of the expected "output" of 
86,942 students." Tlii's might" mean one of three things: First, that 
onjy 39.8 per cent of the students actually leaving school were re- 
ported by the teachers; or, second, that 60.2 per cent of the students 
who ordinarily .leave school have remained after enrolling in agricul- 
ture; or, thirds both factors may operate. The first premise is not 
tenable, for the reports as a whole bear every evidence that they 
were compiled from the school record's on this item. However, 100 
per cent accuracy can not be claimed, for occasionally school records 
have been burned, are inaccurate, or are not available. An occa- 
sional teacher reported graduates only, and a very few teachers 
reported no students except those who had left school during their 
tenure. On the other hand, we know that 50.4 per cent of the 
students with one or more years of vocational instruction in agri- 
culture graduate as against 40.6 per cent of high-school students as 
a group. This is a gain in favor of the agricultural students of 9.8 
in the percentage graduating. But, though this is a very marked 
difference, vocational instruction in . agriculture has not been in 
operation long enough for the full effects of its holding power to be 
manifested in the percentage graduating. Only one set of first-year 
students has had an opportunity to be represented in this study as 
graduates, while four sets of first-year, students are represented after 
three-fourths of a year, one and three- fourths years, two and three- 
fourths years, and, three and thjee-fourths years, respectively. One 
school starting vocational instruction in agriculture in 1918 reported 
that it had retained all of its agricultural students to graduate in 
1922. Twelve schools started in 1919, 17 schools started in 1920, 
and 44 started in 1921 had lost no students who had enrolled in 
agriculture. It was a very common remark made by the teachers 



EDUCATION IN AGEICULTUEE, 13 

on the reports that " Very few of the students starting the work have 
left school. Most of the strong students remain to complete the 
course." 

The agent making the study is of the opinion that the teachers 
have not missed 10 per cent of the students actually leaving school, 
but granting this liberal error of 10 per cent and adding 1,469 to 
the 14,692 output as figured above, we have in the United States 
to-day 16,161 former high-school students now out of school who 
have had one or more years of vocational instruction in agriculture, 
and this number is only 43.7 per cent of the number we should expect 
to find if the mortality rate for students of agriculture were as high 
as that determined for high-school students as a group. 

" OUTPUT " IS DIVIDED BETWEEK GRADUATION AND MOETALITT. 

Of the expected " output" of 36,942 students (from a total enroll- 
ment of 99,306) , 40.6 per cent, or 14,998, would represent the expected 
graduates and the remaining 21,944 would represent the expected 
mortality. Of the actual estimated " output " of 16,161, 50.4 per 
cent, or 8,145, are graduates, and the remainder, or 8,016, represents 
the actual mox'tality. (These figures add emphasis to two facts 
previously mentioned : First, that a large proportion of the agricul- 
tural students are enrolled in the first two years of high school ; and, 
second, that there has been just one freshman cla?s to reach gradua- 
tion since the passage of the Federal vocational education act. Time 
might be expected to eliminate the graduation factor, but continued 
rapid increase of enrollment in the first two years of the high-school 
course may make predictions as to the exact amounts of expected 
graduation or mortality unsafe. The figures here are deduced from 
what has taken place under defined conditions.) Instead of a mor- 
tality of 21,944 students, which represents the expected mortality for 
all high-school students, we have had a mortality of 8,016 students 
for those who have completed one or more year's work in vocational 
agriculture. We have lost but 36.5 per cent of the students who 
usually drop out of high school before completing the work; or, in 
other words, vocational instruction in agriculture appears^ to be 
responsible for reducing the mortality of its students by 63.5 per cent. 

• It is known that some portion of this lessened mortality of students of agriculture ia 
due to the lower mortality rate for rural high schools, and can not all be accredited to 
vocational instruction in agriculture. Just how much the rural high-school mortality 
rate is below the urban rate is not known. A comparison of the data in the Bureau of 
Education Bulletins, 1920, Nos. 24 and 34, pp. 91 and 29, respectiTely, will show that a 
difference exists. This is probably due to the fact that only about 16 per cent of rural chil- 
dren enter high' school, as against 60 per cent of urban children. Hence, the rural sec- 
ondary school student is a much more highly selected individual than the urban secondary 
seliool student. 



14 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

PRECEDING ESTIMATES JtTSTIFIED. 

The data compiled by the Bureau of Education represented the 
status of the enrollment in 1918 and included approximately 90 per 
cent of the high-school students of the country. The data here pre- 
sented include approximately one-half of the enrollment in agricul- 
ture for the year 1918 and the three succeeding years. These data 
are adequate and comparable and the conclusion incontestable. The 
mortality among high-school students studying vocational agricul- 
ture is much less than that among all high-school students, the data 
indicating that it is about two-fifths as great. Diagram III graphi- 
cally shows this smaller mprtality. 

SECTION 3. 

OCCUPATIONS FOLLOWED BY FORMER STUDENTS OF VOCATIONAL 

AGRICULTURE. 

FIFTY-FOUE PEE CENT OF THE STUDENTS WHO HAVE LEFT SCHOOL ABE 
EEPOETED TO BE NOW FARMING. 

Of the 8,340 students reported as having left school with one or 
more years of vocational instruction in agriculture, 4,488 were 
reported as now farming. Of this number, 48.3 per cent were re- 
ported as " partners," 29.4 per cent as " laborers," 9.5 per cent as 
"owners." 7.2 per cent as "renters," and 5.6 per cent as "managers." 
These terms were not defined on the questionnaire for the reason 
that practically all of the teachers who were to fill out the forms 
Were college graduates and had had these terms uniformly; defined 
in courses in farm management. The discrimination with which 
the students were distributed on this portion of the questionnaire 
has largely justified faith in the definiteness of the terms. Owner 
and partner Were often checked for the same individual, and renter 
and partner occasionally; The term manager was all but iuniversally 
used to denote a man working for a salary. In the tabulation of 
data, partner was given precedence, and when the < same individual 
■was listed as an "owner" ori" renter" and also as a "partner" he 
Avas counted as a "partner." There was a typographical error on 
the questionnaire which confused some of the teachers in reporting 
the " farm laborers," and in these instances the tabulator was com- 
pelled to judge whether or hot the teacher intended to indicate that 
the man was a general common laborer; Fortunately^ three other 
items on the questionnaire, namely, "Date left high school," "What 
occupations has he worked at besides farming," and " Number of 
months farmed since leaving high school," gave an almost perfect 
check upon the accuracy of the report on this item. 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTUKE. 



15 



The terms " partner " and " laborer " were more often confused. 
There was some tendency for the teachers to reserve the term " part- 
ner " to indicate the more equal partnership relations between father 
and son or between brother and brother. In this study the term " part- 

Diagram' III. — Low mortality among students of vocational agriculture. — Per- 
centage reenrolling and not reenrolling for students of vocational agriculture 
and for all high-scliool students. 



%%U1&U SCHOOL 



r[»™t 



nORTALlTY 




16 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



ner " has been interpreted to mean legal or actual partnerships, with 
equal rights and responsibilities, and also, ," minor partnerships " 
where the " minor partner " is taken into counsel concerning the 
management of the farm or is given definite responsibilities of man- 
agement. Where the tabulator found unmistakable evidence on the 
report that the ,teacher had hot given thi^ interpretation to the term, 
corrections were made where possible. The tabulators were alliof 
the opinion that many more teachers reported the men as " laborers " 
when. they should have been reported as ," partners," than vice versa. 
A personal check " on the ground " in , 12 communities in Pennsyl- 
vania found this uniformly true. 



FIFTEEN PER CENT ARE NOW IN OCCUPATIONS OTHER THAN FARMING. 

The following list is a detailed classification of the occupations in 
which 2,848 former students had engaged, and the numbers which 
had engaged in each. 



Total t 2, 348 



Clerk-^__. 
* Teacher _. 

Laborer _. 
♦Mechanic . 



312 

310 

118 

111 

Factory 110 



*Auto mechanic 

Merchant 

Miner 

Auto driver 

Railroad 

♦Carpenter 

Salesman , 

Postal' service :. 

*Cow tester 

♦Lumberman 

Banker 

Bookkeeper 

Electrician 

♦Dairy manufacturing. 

Drayman 

Navy 

Housekeeper 

Road construction 

Army 

Oil field 

Shop 

Druggist 

Miller 

Loafer 

Engineer 

Printing office 



93 

74 
59 
55 
54 
51 
51 
50 
46 
45 
41 
41 
36 
33 
33 
31 
25 
25 
24 
22 
22 
19 
19 
17 
16 
15 






Wire service 

Job worker 

Stenographer . 

♦Stock dealer 

♦Blacksmith ^i-^^ 

♦Buipher 

♦Extension worker 

♦(Jreenhouse 

Nurse 

Minister 

Paijiter 

♦Agricultural teacher 

♦Feed dealer 

♦Officer, farmers' organization. 

Oil station 

Musician 

Plumber 

Undertaker 

Ball player 

Barber 

Fisherman 

Hospital 

Insurance 

Baker 

Business 

Buyer 

♦Cannery 

Mason 

Moving-pictui-e operator __„_ 

Rubber worker_i , ; 

♦Veterinarian 

Aviator 

Chemist 



15 
12 
12 
12 

hi 

10 
10 
10 
10 
9 
9 
8 
8 
8 
8 
7 
7 
7 
6 
6 
■ 6 
6 
6 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
4 
4 



EDUCATION IN AGRICtTLTURE. 



17 



Concrete worker 

Dentist 

Draftsman 

Janitor 

Missionary 

Newspaper 

Public works 

Restaurant 

*Tlle ditcher 

Cobbler 

Cook 

Expressman 

*Herdsman 

Hotel 

♦Milkman 

*Nursery 

Plasterer 

Radio service 

Real estate 

Sanitation 

Surveyor* 

Tailor 

Chautauqua 

Circus 

Clock worker 

Elevator man 

♦Landscape gardner 
Laundry 



Law office 2 

♦Livery stable 2 

Packing house 2 

Sign painter 2 

*Trapper 2 

♦Tree surgery . 2 

Actor 1 

Artist 1 

Auctioneer 1 

Bacteriologist 1 

Bell hop 1 

Cartoonist 1 

Coast guard 1 

Detective 1 

Doctor 1 

Editor ^ 1 

Fireman 1 

Lawyer 1 

Milliner - 1 

Newsboy 1 

Photographer 1 

Pool hall 1 

Sheriff - - 1 

Shoe shiner 1 

Young Men's Christian Asso- 
ciation ^ 1 

Other 21 



The questionnaire on this point read: "^\1iat occupations has he 
worked at besides farming? " The list shows 117 occupations re- 
ported for 2,348 former students. ' Deducting 1,128 duplicated in the 
number who are now on farms or who have gone to college, we have 
1,220 former students, or 15 per cent of the total number reported, 
who apparently are now working in the occupations listed for them. 

One-third of all the former students now working at occupations 
other than farming are listed in the occupations starred — the writer 
considering these to be" related occupations." He belives that voca- 
tional instruction in agriculture has a direct vocational or prevoca- 
tional value in each of the vocations starred. It is true that some 
of the vocations, such as auto mechanic, mechanic, and carpenter, 
if followed in urban communities or in a highly specialized in- 
dustrial environment, might be benefited but slightly by vocational 
instruction in agriculture. But when we consider that around 80 per 
cent of the rural boys remain in rural districts, the vocational sig- 
nificance of the agricultural instruction in " farm shop " and 
" farm mechanics " deserves consideration. Teachers are second to 
clerks in leading the list of other occupiations. Practically all these 
teachers are rural teachers and are required by law to teach agri- 
culture. There are 25 " related occupations," and they have at- 



18 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL, 



tr acted 803 former students, 276, or 43.6 per cent of whom are now 
farming. To the remaining 92 (^ccupations 1,545 former students 
have been attracted, and 346 of these students, or 22.4 per cent, are 
now farming. The fact that over, twice as large a proportion go 
back to farming from the related occupations as go back to farming 
from the other occupations seems tp indicate some very positive rela- 

DiAGBAM IV. — Occupational Mstribution of former students of vocational agri~ 
culture. — Percentage, in specified dccup^tional- status, of individuals wHo left 
school with one or more years of vocational instruction in agriculture. 



T4«~ 




Percentages based upon total of known status (7,552 out of 8,340 former studehts). 

tions. Of all former students who are now farming 13.6 per cent 
have worked at occupations other than farming. 

The total of 8,340 former students of vocational agriculture are 
accounted for in the reports as follows.: Fifty-four per cent are now 
farming, 5 per cent are in related occupations, 8 per cent have gone 

* It may be assumed that those of unknoxwi ot unreported occupational status are dis- 
tributed occupationally in the same prjapo^ti<)ne as are shown for those of known statu a. 



EDUCATION IN AGRIOTJLTUKE. 19 

to agricultural colleges, 14 per cent have gone to nonagricultural col- 
leges, 10 per cent are in nonagricultural occupations, and 9 per cent 
are unaccounted for. If each of the above six percentages had a true 
value of 0.4 per cent higher than the whole numbers given, there 
would be a duplication of 2.4 per cent, for the numbers would then 
total 102.4 per cent; but by carrying the percentages to the second 
decimal place the actual duplication was found to be less than I'per 
cent. This negligible duplication represents the number of students 
who have gone to college, but who are now farming. It can not be 
assumed that all of the students who were reported as going to col- 
lege are now in college. The data do not justify any further analysis 
on this point beyond the fact that less than 8 per cent of those going 
to college have had time to graduate. It might be claimed (from 
common knowledge of college mortality) that about one-third of 
these students have left coUege. If such an assumption is justified, 
and an estimate of the.number of these students who are " now in col- 
lege " is attempted, the 22 per cent of all former vocational agricul- 
tural stud&nts who have gone to college might be^ interpreted to 
indicate that 14 or 15 per cent of all former vocational agricultural 
students are " now in college." The data-would justify the conclusion 
that a majority of the students who have left college would fall in 
the " unaccounted for " groiip. Diagram IV is a fair graphic presen- 
tation of the known facts. In. this graph the percentages are baSfed 
upon the total number of former students for whom an occupational 
status was reported, and the size of the group unaccounted for is 
shown in the central white area. The position in the diagram of this 
unaccounted for group implies the assumption that these former stu- 
dents are distributed among the various occupations in the same 
proportions as are shown for the stiidents whose occupational status 
is known. 

SECTIOlir 4. 

MISCELLANEOUS FACTORS AFFECTING THE FARMING STATUS OF 
FORMER STUDENTS OF VOCATIONAL AGRICULTURE. 

PEOBABILITT OF FARMING IS NOT AFEECTED BY LENGTH OF COURSE. 

In order to determine whether number of yfears devoted to the 
study of agriculture was correlated in any definite way with the 
boy's choice of a vocation, the percentage of boys studying agricul- 
ture three and four years and also the percentage of school-trained 
farmers who had studied agriculture for three and four years in 
secondary schools were computed for each State. The same per- 
centages were computed for those who h^d studied agriculture for 
one and two years. These percentages are shown graphically in 
Diagram V. If the correlation between the time devoted to the 
4801&— 23 1 



20 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



study of agriculture and the probability of choosing to farm were 
zero in each State, each pair of solid and broken lines would coin- 
cide. If more years devoted to the study of agriculture increased 
the probability of the boy choosing to farm, and fewer decreased the 
probability, the broken line representing the percentage of farmers 
having had three and four years of instruction in vocational agri- 
culture would tend to rise above its solid-line mate according to the 
strength of the probability, and conversely : the broken line repre- 
senting farmers of one or two years would drop below its solid line 
mate to the same degree. It is readily seen that for each pair the 
lines tend to keep very close together^ The mathematical expression 

Diagram V. — Length of course and choice of vocation. — Time devoted to the vo- 
cational study of agriculture as a determining factor in the election of farm- 
ing as a vocation, showing that the percentage choosing farming as a voca- 
tion Is not affected by the number of years devoted to the study of agriculture. 




for this tendency of the lines of each pair to coincide (or the Pear- 
son coefficient of correlation between "the percentage of boys who 
have studied agriculture in high schools for three or four years " 
and "the percentage of high-school trained farmers who have 
studied agriculture for three or four years ") is +0.94. The correla- 
tion between " the percentage of. boys who jiave studied agriculture 
in high school for three or four years " and " the percentage of all 
high-school students who have studied agriculture one or more years, 
and who are now farming " is —0.05. 

It is very evident from Diagram V that the percentages of stu- 
dents studying vocational agriculture for three and four years were 
insignificant in most of the States, and that is probably one of the 
greatest values of the graph. The lack of influence of the longer 
time given to the study of agriculture upon the probability of choos- 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE. 



21 



ing to farm may be seen also, by studying the following table, which 
gives summary totals for all States reporting combined: 

Length of course and choice of farming as a vocation. 



Length of agricultural course, in years. 


Former students of vocational agri- 
culture. 


Total. 


Now 
farming. 


other. 




Number. 


Total . . . 


8,340 


4,488 


3,852 








1,307 
7,033 


684 
3,804 


623 


1 and 2 years 


3,229 








Percentage distribution by length of 
course. 


Total 


100 


100 


100 








16 

84 


15 
85 


16 




84 








Percentage distribution by present 
status. 


Total 


100 


54 


46 








100 
100 


52 
54 


48 


1 and 2 years '. 


46 







Diiferences of 4 or 5 in the correlated percentages shown in Dia- 
gram V may be significant as concerns the conditions in any one State, 
when the number of students reported from that State is deemed large 
enough to be representative. The figures needed for such a study 
may be had from Tables 4 and 5 of the appendix. The most pro- 
nounced variations in Diagram V are for the States of Louisiana, 
New Hampshire, Maine, and Pennsylvania. In the first two States, 
the differences are negative, but there were reported just 33 and 44 
students, respectively, who had had three or four years in agri- 
culture. The percentages for Maine were based upon 64 students 
and for Pennsylvania on 273 students who had had three or four 
years in agriculture. Pennsylvania has 37 community vocational 
schools which require all boys to take two full years of agriculture, 
and offer two additional years in agriculture as electives. All 
students in these communities who desire a secondary education must 
follow the vocational curriculum for two years in the community 
vocational school, or else leave home for their education. Naturally, 
a great many boys, who would not elect agriculture if they were free 
to choose, are forced into the agricultural classes during the first 
two years. A similar effect will be noted in the case of Pennsyl- 

^^^" -h former agricultural 



rTr\ r>r\mcf 



1/^oT" ^-Vm 4"trir\a r\-f 



nr\t lacrci 



22 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

students enter. The evidence is conclusive that whether or not a boy 
farms is determined by factors which have little influence upon the 
amount of time (beyond one or two years) which he devotes to the 
study of agriculture. The complete tabulation summary by States 
for students studying agriculture three or four years is included in 
the appendix as Table 5. 

GRADUATES ARE ATTRACTED TO THE FARM. 

A separate tabulation was made for graduates from the reports 
from Arkansas, Illinois, New Hampshire, New York, Ohio, and 
Pennsylvania. The complete totals from this tabulation may be 
found in Table 6 of the appendix. The six States reported 2,076 
graduates with 942, or 45.6 per cent, of them engaged in farming. 
The percentage of all former students now on farms in these States 
is 49.2. In three States, namely, Illinois, New Hampshire, and 
Qhio, the percentage of graduates now on farms equals or exceeds 
the percentage of all former students now on farms. The graduates 
in these States average 1.1 more years in high school than do the 
nongraduates, and average 0.4 of one year more time devoted to 
tiie Study of agriculture. The graduates from the six States are 
attracted to the farm in practically the same proportion as are all 
former students of agriculture, though local conditions "ttfjlliin States 
generally may markedly affect these proportions. 

PERCENTAGE OF PARTNERS HAS BEEN INCREASING RAPIDLY. 

, Of the, 1915 output o,| students reported as now farming 29 per 
c^Pjt were given the, partnership staitiis. . Of the 1920 and 1921 outputs, 
.^1 per cept of the students reported as farming were given this status. 
t)iagram X shows, this increase by year, graphically, and in cppi- 
parison with tendencies fpr^ farm laborers, owners, managers, and 
renters, piagram. ,yi shows the present managerial status of school- 
trained farmers, and the prominence of the partner group. 

The extent to' which boys ari^' taken into partnership oh the farin 
has iboiiied up, rather unexpectedly, to magnificent jproportiohs. This 
is a he'Vv institutipn in American fdrni economy, and practically an 
''about f k'ce " from the custom! prevalent through the generatioli^ 
in which the typical farrQ^ir Was a dominating, and' "often the 
domineering, personality in' the farm home. The change has not 
tkken place without cduse. Ecohbmic and social changes have been 
preparing €he Way, and variola's influences have been at work for 
nearly a generation. The farmers' institutes in the early part of 
this century emphasized the need of keeping the boy on the farm 
and advised giving' the boy a pig or a calf.' Later the boys' and 
girls' club work started a systematic and continuous campaign for 
the recognition of the importance' of the) boys and' girls on the' farm; 
knd combated the practice of " boy's calf and father's steer. ^'v With 



EDUCATION IN AGEICULTUEE. 23 

the beginning of vocational instruction in agriculture and the home 
project, we had thousands of written agreements between father 
and son and many other thousands of verbal agreements concerning 
the product of certain portions of the son's labor as it pertained to 
his project work. The amount of suasion, tact, skill, and wakeful- 
ness these agreements demanded of teachers of agriculture will never 
be known, but in retrospect hundreds of teachers look upon this 
work as the most difficult of their many duties. During all this time 
the farm papers have been broadcasting ideals of " son participa- 
tion " in the farm business, and State supervisors and college 
teachers have been emphasizing, through addresses and teaching, the 
necessity of letting the son have responsibilities and a share in the 
returns from the farm in order that he may become interested in 
agricultural production and have suitable conditions for developing 
his best self. There has been little glamour and less publicity to the 
results from all these efforts to educate the farmer in this essential; 
but the quiet, earnest efforts of thousands of individuals over a 
period of years have had their effect, and this study brings out, in a 
measure at least, the extensiveness of this new institution. 

The types of partnerships prevalent in Pennsylvania are indicated 
by the following illustrations. These illustrations were obtained 
while the writer was interviewing the former students who were 
reported as " now farming " in 10 selected communities in the 
State. The communities were selected because of their efficiency in 
training boys who farm after leaving school. 

1. The father is eccentric and domineering ; but to interest the son 
and retain him on the farm, he has deeded the farm to the boy, 
and makes a clumsy effort to let the son have a real voice in the 
management of the farm. However, the father is proud of the son's 
mechanical ability and gives him actual responsibility, for this end 
of the farm work. The son has a farm shop with " every tool that 
they have at the vocational school." 

2. The father has moved to town and has deeded the farm to 
his three sons. They run the farm as equal partners, the youngest 
son being a graduate from the agricultural course in the community 
vocational school. 

3. The oldest son of a widowed mother is a graduate from the 
vocational school and is responsible for the labor on the farm. He 
has more nearly the status of a superintendent, the mother being the 
real manager. He says he receives " All the money I need." 

4. The only son is on comradeship relations with his father. They 
have a common bank account and a farm large enough for each to 
do what he pleases when the two do not have common interests. 
The son had one year of vocational instruction in agriculture. 



24 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



5. The father recognizes his son's greater ability and knowledge, 
and says with pride, " I'm his hired hand." The father owns the 
farm. The son is very capable and recognizes the value of his 
father's experience and wisely seeks his counsel. 

VI. — Fdrvi status. — Of 4,488 student farmers in eight States, percentage classi- 
fied as owners, partners, managers, renters, and laborers, by States. 



CLi\88 



PLRCLNTAGL IN LACU CLA55 

10 so 30 40 «0 60 



TOTAL 
i. managers 
s.rcntcrs 
3.owne:rs 

4wl.ABORCRS 
S. PARTNERS 



100.0 
5.6 
t.« 

as 

24.4 
A8.S 






*«»»*< 



TOTAL. EIGHT STATES COMBINEP 



TOTAl. 
I. MANACaOnS 

e RCNTcns 

A. OWNCQA 
A UABOnCflS 



ARKANSAS 




TOTAi- 
I MANA&CRa 
e OtNTCRS , 

0.0'\«/NCRa , •- , 

4i U ABORCRd 
J. PARTNC«a 



IDAUO 



6.8 
3 O.S 

■4 2 . T 



TOTAL. 

L MAN AOC R6 
?. R[lN-rCR3 
■iOV^ IMCR d 
.A.U AbORCRa 

^ p ARTNcn a 



ILLINOIS 



I oo.o 

I 4.3 
T.* 




TOTAL. 

I. MAN A&Cn 6 

aRCNTcRa 

AOWNCRd 

4.1-A&ORCRe 
O.PARTNC.RS 



NCW HAMPSHIRE. 



TO T AU 
J. MANACjCRS' 

aRCNTcna' 

A L- AbD RCRO 

J. p Aff-rrsJc Ra 



NEW JERSEY 




-TOTAL. 
I. MANACaCRS 
e.RE NTCRS 
•3.0WNCRS 
'4'. l-AbORElRa 
tI.PARTNE.BO 



NEW YORK 



TO TAU 
I. MANACvElRd 
e.RCNTCRa 
, O. OV/ N C R O 
I 4L.A&ORCR6 
O'. PARTNER a 



OMIO 



BWt J *.t.>-'.'-i :^ , ;; s:; y -s-w^ i 



1. MANAOC Ra 

2. RENTCHS 
AOVs/NCRa 

-^L l_AaORCR<S 
A PARTNCR« 



PENNSYLVANIA 



£. O 
6. I 

aa. 4 



■U«11H„ fc.' 'TCtl^T.yTI 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE. 25 

6. The father is a tradesman whose two sons have graduated from 
the community vocational school and are interested in farming. 
They have obtained a farm home and the sons manage and work the 
farm and rent additional land. 

7. The father permits one son to make all he can from poultry, 
and a second son to make all he can from swine. Otherwise, the 
sons work under the direction of their father, who directs them as 
apprentices learning farm skills. 

8. Two graduates from the community vocational school have 
reated, from the father of one, a large equipped and stocked farm, 
and are running it on an equal partnership basis. 

9. Two brothers, both having had some vocational instruction, buy 
a farm with the help of credit from relatives and neighbors. 

10. The two sons own as much stock as their father and do a good 
deal of buying and selling, dealing chiefly in horses and cattle. The 
boys raise the feed which they think they will need, but appear to 
do the work after it has been started without much consideration 
as to whose corn they are plowing or whose hay they are putting 
up. When one insists on having his particular way the others let 
him go alone. 

11. The son receives a stated portion of the farm income, but is 
given very little liberty in the management of the farm. The father 
is ignorant and opinionated, making only those concessions which are 
necessary to keep the son on the farm. 

Illustrations might be added at great length, but the above are 
typical in the light of the writer's recent experience. It is an inter- 
esting fact that out of nearly -100 cases the writer remembers but one 
partner who, was willing to give up farming as soon as possible, 
and not over a half dozen who were willing to consider changing 
their occupation. The overwhelming majority were enthusiastic 
about remaining on the farm or later going to college and staying in 
agricultural work. On the other hand, almost without exception, 
the boys with labor status only were dissatisfied and anxious to get 
away from the farm. Tlie general attitude was that farming is all 
right if you have a farm of your own, but otherwise anything is 
better. 

FEW SPECIALTIES ARE REPORTED. 

A mature senior enrolled in the writer's class in agricultural edu- 
cation was given the job of making a separate tabulation of the 
farm specialties reported. He counted 1,119 farmers who appeared 
to be properly reported as specializing. The number counted by the 
tabulators, who were instructed not to attempt discriminations on this 
item, was 1,226. This item was difficult to interpret because of a 
typographicaPerror in the questionnaire. The questionnaire called 



26 



EFFECTIVEISrESS OF VOCATIONAL 



for " dollars total farm income derived from specialty," when it 
should have read, "per cent total farm income derived from spe- 
cialty." Very few answers were attempted to the question, and when 
an answer was given it was all but meaningless. The writer is of the 
opinion that if the 40 per cent standard could have been applied in 
determining whether or ]jot to count a farmer as specializing, the 
number counted on these reports would have been materially de- 
creased. The results of the special tabulation for the States as a 
group are shown graphically in Diagram VII. The graph may give 
one a somewhat exaggerated idea of the relative importance of dif- 
ferent farm specialties. If the figures are approximately correct 
according to the 40 per cent rule for specialization, they show that 

DiAOEAM VH. — Farm speGialtiee. — ^Number and percentage of students for 
whom farm specialties were reported. 



CLA86 



FORMER STUDENTS OF VOCATIONAL AGRICULTUBL 



PCRCCNTA.Gt IN EACH CLASS 
go ao ^o 



TOT;\L ALU ^TUDCMTft 

UNACCOUNTCO TOR 

OF KNOWM DCCUPHTlONALgraW 



NOT NOV^ FARMING 
NOW FARMING 

aCNUIAU - NOT SPCCIALIZIHG 
SPECIALTY FARMCRS 
UNCLASSIFICO 

fiP ^O . U^LTV FABWCBS 

DAIRYING 

MOGS 

Live STOCK 

GAQDENINO 

POTATOES 

POOLTRV 

FRUIT 

GRAIN 

RCGISTCRCD STOCK 

26 OTHER SPCCUU-TrCS 



0,3AO 
7 60 

3,0 1>< 

A-«66 

1,1 19 
lOT 

iqt 

I -42 
101 



a9 

2 It 






the school-trained farmers are specializing to a far greater extent 
than are farmers as a group. As there is no way to check the teach- 
ers' definitions of specialization, due to the faulty questionnaire, the 
writer does not consider the data on this item conclusive. 



FEWER AGRICULTURAL STUDENTS GO TO COLLEGE, 

According to the Bureau of Education Bulletin, 1920, No. 34, 52 
per cent of all high-school graduates go to college. This percentage 
^ is based upon data iox 1917-18. Since then college registration 
has been increasing at a remarkable rate, with several States show- 
ing a freshman college enrollment considerably larger than the 
number of high-school graduates for that year. The data collected 
for this study are subject to the influence of this increased interest 
in college education, and show 44 per cent of the graduates with 
vocational instruction going to college. A corresponding figure for 
air high-school students during these same years must be consider- 
ably higher than 52 per cent, or the figure for 1917-]^. Even with 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE, 



27 



this low figure of 52 per cent, it is seen that the percentage for 
vocational students who go to college is, significantly, below that for 
all high-school graduates. When we remember that the vocational 



DiAGKAM VIII. — Types of colleges entered ly students of vocational agricul- 
ture. — Percentage entering specified type of college for tlie United States and 
for four States. 



TYPL 
OF 

college: 



PERCLMTAGL 



[ERimrfflTYPLorciLffi 



10 



20 



.30 



40 



5C 



JNITED 6W[5 IO0%=IM4§TU0ENT5 



AGRICULTURAL 

ART6 

ENQNLLRING 

BUSINESS 

NORMAL 

UNCLA65iriCD 




A&RtCULTURAL 

ARTS 

ENGINCCRiNG 

BUSINESS 

NORMAL 

UNCLASSIFIED 



18 
8 
O 



SI 



ILLINOIS 100% = Itf STUDENTS 



E] 



4.zza 



AGRICULTURAL 

ARTS 

engine: EIRING 

BUSINESS 

NORMAL 

UNCLASSiriED 



NElW YORK I00%=24S5TU£>ENTS 




AGRICULTURAL 

ARTS 

ENGINEERING 

BUSINESS 

NORMAL 

UNCLASSIFIED 



31 

SI 

8 

12 

13 



AGRICULTURAL 

ARTS 

ENGINEERING 

BUSINESS 

NORMAL 

UNCLASSIFIED 



£0 
16 
IS 
I I 
12 
26 



OHIO 100%' IS5 STUDENTS 




PENNSYLVANIA ioo%=i85 students 




groups graduate practically 10 per cent (9.8 per cent) more of 
their students than all high schools graduate, we may conclude that 
the college is not making an effective appeal to the vocational stu- 
dents who are retained in high school through lessened mortality. 
The schools having vocational instruction graduate 502 of every 1,000 
48019^23 5 



28 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



entrants who study agriculture one or more years, as against 406 
for high-school students as a group. Out of a gain of 96 graduates 
for each 1,000 high-school entrants, the college gains but 10 fresh- 
men, or 10.4 per cent of the increase. 

The types of colleges attracting graduates who have received voca- 
tional instruction are shown in Table 7 of the appendix. Diagram 
VIII gives a picture of the situation in the 35 States as a group, and 
in certain States separately. The few States are shown separately 
to give an idea as to how uniform the situation is in the various 
States. In one State, Pennsylvania, the situation is notably excep- 
tional. The explanation given on page — concerning three-year and 
four-year students is sufficient to show the cause of this variation. A 
student was counted as going to college whenever he continued his 
education in any sort of a school after graduation from high school. 
Many of these schools, such as tractor schools, so-called commercial 
colleges, and nursing schools, were not of the degree-granting type. 
A few types of colleges mentioned a few times each may be identified 
by referring to Table 7 of the appendix, which gives a more detailed 
classification of these institutions than that shown on the graph. 

SECTION 5. 

TENDENCIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF VOCATIONAL INSTRUCTION 

IN AGRICULTURE. 



THE AVERAGE TIME STUDENTS REMAIN IN AGRICTTLTURAL CLASSES HAS 
NOT MARKEDLY INCREASED. 

The average time which a student devoted to the study of agri- 
culture, according to the reports of all students, was 1.7 years, and 
the corresponding figure for time spent in high school was 2.7 years. 
The variation by years has been as follows : 



Year of leaving school. 


Number of 
students. 


Average 
time in 
agricul- 
ture 
(years). 


Average 

time in 

high school 

(years). 


1904-17 


811 
471 
925 
2,066 
2,912 
506 
649 


1.65 
2.01 
1.65 
1.68 
X.77 
1.84 
1.55 


2 56 


1918 


2 71 


1919 


2 76 


1920 


2 82 


1921 


2 93 


1922 




tJnfenown 


1 65 







The 506 students reported for 1922 represent mid-year graduy 
ates ajid mortality for the year 1921-22 up to April, 1922. The last 
item above is included to show the nature of the error in this com- 
parison, and that 649 students should be distributed among the 
six preceding periods, although we have no evidence to show how 
this distribution should be made. ""'t^"+^"^ +i--" o™„ti ;„„ ;_ 



EDUCATION IX AGRICULTURE. 



29 



the amount of time devoted to the study of agriculture indicates an 
optimum which is likely to remain around one and three-fourths to 

Diagram IX. — Influence of time spent in high school upon time devoted to the 
study of agriculture. — Average years in high school and in vocational agricul- 
ture course, per student, by year of leaving school. 

YCAR or LEAVING SCHOOL 

mM \w m m m \% m m r") m m 




m m m 

SCHOOL 

Total years in high, school solid line. 

Years in vocational agriculture broken line. 

two years, or whether it is the result of the rapid extension of the 
work into new schools, is at least partially answered by the figures 



30 



EFFEdTlVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



from a few States which have reported students for 8 or ^ 10 
years. The increases and comparisons are shown in Diagram IX. 
The data show that, the- time devoted to the study of agriculture 
has remained practically constant, while the time spent in high 
school has slowly but graduUy increased. Wisconsin appears to be an 
exception, but only , graduates were reported from there before 
1914. The curve for Pennsylvania again shows the effect of the 
community vocational schools and the requirement that all students 
take agriculture for two years. If conditions continue as in the past 
we may confidently expect the average student to take only two 
years of instruction in agriculture, even if he remains in high school 
for a longer period. Apparently a practical maximum was struck 
in the beginning, but whether this is an optimum is another question. 

THE PERCENTAGE OF STUDENTS ENGAGING IN FARMING HAS STEADILY 

INCREASED. 

Of all former students reported, 54 per cent were listed as " now 
farming." The percentage now farming of students leaving school 
each year gradually increases year by year, as shown in the following 
table : 



Year of leaving' school. 


Total 
number 
of former 
students. 


Percent- 
age now 
farming. 


Percent- 
age now 
farming 
ol3 or 
4 year 
students. 


Number 
of 3 or 4 

year 
students. 


Percent- 
age 3 or4 

year 

students 

are of 

total 

number. 


1915 


131 
173 
297 
471 
926 
2,066 
2,912 


39.9 
45.1 
46.9 
49.4 
53.7 
55.1 
59.2 


34.9 
41.3 
47.6 
51.2 
53.4 
50.7 
53.0 


26 
29 
42 
117 
118 
296 
511 


19.8 


1916 


16 8 


1917 


14.1 


1918 




1919 


12 8 


1920 


14.3 


1921 


17 5 







It will be noticed from the above table that the percentage of 
students studying agriculture three or four years has fluctuated 
somewhat ; but tha,t the percentages of these students now on farms 
has followed rather closely the percentages for all students now on 
farms. The careful reader may raise a question as to whether this 
increase from 39.9 per cent of the schools' " output " for 1915 now 
on farms to 59.2 per, cent of the " output" for 1921 now on farms 
necessarily proves that there has been a permanent gain in the effi- 
ciency of the vocational instruction in agriculture in causing stu- 
dents to farm. It might be suggested that it may only represent a 
sociological condition of rural life. May not the boys be retained on 
the farm for a season because of immaturity, parental influence, 
isolation, or numerous other similar factors, and their numbers de- 
crease as the years go by? The writer ^ can not answer this question 
for the country as a whole, but he can give a partial answer for 10 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE. 



31 



communities in Pennsylvania. The farms in this State are in such 
proximity to cities and industrial activities that the urge to wage 
earning is very strong. Farm wages do not appeal to the man 
working for hire. Practically all of the school-trained farm oper- 
ators interviewed in the 10 communities in Pennsylvania expected 
to continue farming, but the men worMng for hire were almost 
as uniformly set on getting away from the farm. However, many 
farms were being taken over by men who had been away from home 
working for a number of years. When the home farms came into 
their hands, either through inheritance or because of the advanced 

DiAGEAM X. — Trend in managerial status of school-trained farmers. — Percent- 
age In each managerial class for students leaving school in year specified, by 
years : 1915 to 1921. 

€0% 



50% 



40% 



30% 



20% 



10% 



















^„.— — ''■ 


OTAL ONI 


ARM 








^ 
















y 


PARTNER 


5 _,,.—- 









>-<:-: 







,-■--'' 


LABORER 


r" 




^^siSB5 




■^•^.^ 


OWNERS 








-HaSaSei 


s~ - 












iqis "ik niT 1418 no 

YEAR or LEAVING SCHOOL 



neo 



1421 



(922 



age of their parents, they returned to take charge. * Some boys who 
go to agricultural college expect to return to the farm, and many 
of the boys who leave home for wage earning hope to be able to take 
up farming at a future date when their services on the home farm 
will be more adequately recognized or when they can obtain a farm 
to manage. These factors are all working in the 10 communities 
above referred to, and the writer's experience leads him to believe 
that they are sufficiently strong to be felt generally in other sections, 
and may possibly increase the percentage on farms as the years go 
by rather than decrease it. Certainly there will be some migrations 
in both directions (see pp. 34 and 35). The only means of get- 
ting at the truth concerning the permanency of the constant increase 



32 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

in number of former students engaging in farming will be to keep 
permanent individual records over a period of years. The bare data 
show a very healthy development in the possible vocational signifi- 
cance of agricultural instruction since 1915, and the writer is in- 
clined to accept this growth as a mark of gradual and constant 
progress in the attainment of the ideal of effective vocational edu- 
cation through the schools, and believes that the data should be 
accepted for their face value until their true worth can be scientifi- 
cally determined. Diagram X shows the amount and direction of 
the change in the percentage of all former students on farms and 
the percentages now farming listed as owners, managers, renters, 
partners, and laborers for the years 1915 to 1922. 

SECTION 6. 

EXTENT TO WHICH EX=HIQH.SCHOOL STUDENTS WHO HAVE NOT 
STUDIED AGRICULTURE ENGAGE IN FARMING. 

The large percentage of high-school students who have studied 
vocational agriculture, and who are now farming, would have less 
significance if it could be shown that other high-school students simi- 
larly situated, but without the opportunity to study agriculture, 
engage in farming in about the same proportions. An attempt was 
made to get extensive data on this question in eight States, but the 
attempt was successful only in New York and partially successful 
in Pennsylvania. 

THE NEW TOEK RURAL SURVEY DATA ARE CONCLUSIVE. ° 

Reports were obtained from 271 rural high schools in the State 
of New York, representing over 2,350 high-school graduates who had 
not studied vocational agriculture. Of this number only 3.6 per cent 
are now engaged in farming. The New York survey found that 
45.2 per cent of the graduates from the vocational courses in agri- 
culture (reports«on 910 ex-students who had studied agriculture in 
32 of the 75 schools of the State offering vocational instruction in 
agriculture) are now farming. The present study under the Fed- 
eral board (representing 1,115 ex-students who had studied agricul- 
ture in 46 of the above-mentioned 75 schools) shows that 48 per 
cent of all students who had studied agriculture for three or four 
years are now engaged in farming. There is a difference of over 
40 in the percentage of students going from school to the' farm 
when we compare high-school graduates who have not studied agri- 

« The figures here quoted are not taken frO'in the published report. Doctor Baton, 
author of the report, gave the writer this information on a. form prepared by the writer 
in order that the data might be as nearly comparable as possible. 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTUKE. 



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34 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

culture with graduates from the vocational courses. The percentage 
of vocational school graduates engaged in farming is over twelve times 
as great as is the percentage for rural high-school graduates who did 
not study vocational agriculture. It can not be successfully main- 
tained that the conditions in the 75 communities or schools in which 
vocational agriculture is taught are sufficiently different from the 
conditions in 196 to 271 other communities or schools where voca- 
tional agriculture is not taught, to account for even a small fraction 
of this wide variation in the percentage of their students who en- 
gage in farming after leaving school. Certainly the 75 rural high 
schools do not select the potential farmers from 271 communities, 
nor would the sociologist or economist be unable to duplicate the 75 
communities in the State of New York in so far as conditions favor- 
able to high-school students engaging in farming are concerned. 

DATA FROM SCHOOLS IN PENNSYLVANIA SUPPORT THE FINDINGS IN NEW 

YORK. 

In 10 communities in Pennsylvania where vocational agriculture 
is taught, only 3 academic high-school graduates under 25 years of 
age were found farming, while there were 225 ex-students farming 
who had studied vocational agriculture. In 8 other communities in 
Pennsylvania where vocational agriculture was offered, 5.4 per cent 
of all male students (129 in number) entering the schools in the fall 
of 1917 and not studying agriculture are now on farms, and in 5 
additiohal communities where 412 entering students (in the fall of 
1917) had no opportunity to study agriculture, 2.1 per cent were re- 
ported as now engaged in farming. These last five communities were 
served by first-class high schools 'which- were carried on the eligible 
list to receive Smith-Hughes aid as soon as it was available. The 
number of boys without high-school training found farming with 
any marked degree of managerial duties in the 10 communities 
which the writer visited was the same as the number found farming 
who had had an academic high-school education. 

It is evident that in New York and Pennsylvania boys with high- 
school training without agricultural instruction do not generally 
engage in farming after leaving school. Diagram XI gives a graphic 
picture of the data. 

'i , 

VOCATIONAL INSTRUCTION IN AGRICULTURE IS A SELECTIVE AND A DIREC- 
TIVE AGENCY. 

From the foregoing data one can but conclude that vocational 
instruction in agriculture in the rural high schools is not only a 
great selective agency (as any special type of instruction will likely 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE. 35 

function), but is also a great directive agency, sending young men 
into farming early in life. If academic high-school students go into 
farming to any appreciable extent, it is after they have been at other 
work for a period of years, at least long enough to be beyond the 
ken of school authorities. The gain in vocational efficiency due 
to an early start in an occupation where success is so largely 
dependent upon acquired skills, attitudes, and abilities which can 
be obtained only through long practice is very evident. Espe- 
cially is this so when the young farmer is taken into the coimcils 
of management as has been shown to be the casg with over half of 
the school-trained farmers. Even the unsympathetic must admit 
that vocational instruction in agriculture in communities where it is 
found has already taken a prominent place in the preparation of 
the coming generation of farmers. It is also evident, in the light of 
the New York rural survey and the data from 23 Pennsylvania com- 
munities, that if farmers with a secondary education are to be 
secured to man the farms the rural secondary schools will not meet 
the demand unless they offer vocational instruction in agriculture. 

WHO AKE THE BEGINNrNTG FAEMERS? 

As vocational instruction in agriculture is a comparatively rare 
thing in rural communities, and as the data of this study seem fairly 
to indicate that the young men who go to academic rural high 
schools do not remain on the farms, it is relevant to ask: How are 
the farms taken over in the communities where the vocational work 
does not now reach ? Data are available for Jefferson County, N. Y., 
in a survey made by Prof. G. F. Warren, of Cornell University. The 
following comparisons of how 670 farmers in Jefferson County, 
N. Y., began and how the 4,488 school-trained farmers (who aver- 
age about 20 years of age and two and one-half years on the farm 
since leaving high school) are now employed on the farm is sug- 
gestive of many advantages accruing to the school-trained farmer. 
One should bear in mind, however, that the farmers of Jeffer- 
son County are an unselected group of present owners, while the 
school-trained farmers represent a selected group of beginners, as 
only about 16 per cent of rural children ever enter high school. 
There are other discrepancies between the two groups which make 
the comparisons interesting and suggestive rather than scientifically 
dependable. 



36 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 
Hoio farmers gain experience. 



Farmers on 670 farms in Jefferson County, N. Y. 



4,488 school-trained farmers averaging 2J years 
on the farm. 



Percentage of cases in which the farmer 
began as: 

Owner 2.7 

Renter (tenant) 5. 8 

Laborer (hired man) 12. 8 

Hired man, then tenant. 41. 6 

■ 54.4 

Other labor ^ 36.7 

Other labor, then 

owner 4.9 

I Other labor, then 

tenant 4.2 

Other' labor, then 
hired man, then 

owner 6.9 

Other labor, then 

tenant, then owner 5.7 
Other labor, then 
hired man, then 

tenant....... 9.3 

Other labor, then 
hired man, then 
tenant, then owner 5. 7 

Partner 

Manager 

Total 100.0 

Average age became, owner, 35 years. 

(Average age farmers became owners in 

Livingston County, 36 years.) . . 

Average age became tenant, 29 yeajs. 



Percentage now employed as: 

Owner 9.5 

Renter (tenant) 7.2 

Laborer (hired man) 29. 4 

Other labor 

(13.6 per cent of these farm- 
ers had worked at occupations 
other than farming.) 



Partner 48. 3 

Manager 5.6 

Total 100.0 

Average age of these farmers, 20 years. 



The above figurbs show that 36.7 per cent of the farmers of Jeffer- 
son County began at other labor than farm labor, and though, we 
can not expect the group of 25 per cent to 40 per cent of all students 
who study agriculture and fail to engage in agricultural work imme- 
diately after leaving school to return to the farm, nevertheless it is 
pertinent evidence that "some of them will return and so have an 
opportunity to benefit from their vocational instruction. 

SECTION 7. 

RETURNS FROM INDIANA AND VIRGINIA. 

As this, manuscript was being put into final form data were received 
from the States of Indiana and Virginia. These data came in too 
late to be included in the totals and percentages of this study, and 
are included here as received.'' These returns serve as examples of 



' Table 2 of the Indiana report is a ranlsing of the schools In the State and is omitted 
because It has no particular bearing upon this study. 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE. 37 

what each State should do in the way of summarizing data on 
" folloAv-up " records of former students. 

The returns corroborate the conclusions and data for the 35 States. 
They make the percentage of schools and the percentage of the total 
enrollment which are represented by " follow-up " data well over 
50 per cent of the schools and enrollment in the United States. The 
35 States reported 8,340 former students of vocational agriculture 
out of school and 4,488 of these as actual farmers, the data from 
the States of Indiana and Virginia increas3 the former figure to 
10,005 and the latter figure to 5,446. The inclusion of the data from 
these States changes the percentage of former students who engage 
in farming after leaving school by only five-tenths of 1 per cent, and 
in no case would the inclusion of the results from thesj two States 
change the data sufficiently to call into question any of the con- 
clusions of this study. 

Director Wreidt finds that 76 per cent of the students who have 
left school for work are engaged in the work for which they were 
prepared. In comparing this figure with the 54 per cent of former 
students who are now farming, the reader should bear in mind that 
the 54 per cent is based upon all former students of vocational agri- 
culture who have left school, and includes only actual farmers. On 
this basis Director Wreidt's figures show 61 per cent of all former 
students engaged in farming. This is the same percentage as obtains 
in the State of Ohio. Some persons may be inclined to suggest that 
Director Wreidt's phraseology " At work for which they were pre- 
pared " is ambiguous enough to account for a large number of stu- 
dents not in strictly agricultural work; but a quotation from a per- 
sonal letter from Director Wreidt will clear away any doubts regard- 
ing his classification. 

" You ask liow we considered such related occupations as cow testing and 
teaching agriculture. The table shows a total of 711 boys who had had one 
year or more of the vocational course in agriculture and who were at work. 
Of this number, 542, or 76 per cent, were at work in the occupation for which 
they were trained. All but 14 of the 542 were unquestionably at work on the 
farm. The remaining 14 were engaged in what we call " related occupations." 
These related occupations were defined as occupations so closely related to 
farming that the training received in the vocational course had a very definite 
vocational value in the related occupation. The 14 are completely accounted 
for, as follows: 

1 selling Fordson tractor. 

1 cream tester for a creamery company. 

1 buys farm produce. 

1 tests milk in a milk testers' association. 

1 does cow testing for a cow-testing association. 

1 is in the poultry business, raising and selling poultry. 

1 is a florist. 

1 works In a drug store and raises and sells poultry. 



38 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

1 teaches country school for eight months,, but farms* four months and 
Saturdays and holidays. 

1 teaches vocational agriculture. 

1 teaches agricultural in elementary schools. 

3 teach agriculture, but we do not know whether it is vocational agricul- 
ture or whether it is in high school or in elementary school. 

" We used what we caEed a • cross-section method ' of tabulating our results. 
If a boy had been out of school for three years and worked on a farm for the 
first two and one-half years, but was clerking in a grocery store at the time the 
study was made, he was not recorded as at work on the farm. The figures 
therefore present a cross-section view of what the boys are doing at the par- 
ticular time when the study was made. 

" If there was any doubt in our minds as to the proper interpretation to be 
made, we did not record the boy as working on the farm. For example, three 
boys were attending Wabash College in Crawfordsville, which is near their 
home farm. They had had the vocational agriculture course in the Crawfords- 
ville High School. While attending college they were at work on their home 
farms just outside of Crawfordsville all summer and from time to time through- 
out the college sessions. We recorded these boys as attending college in a non- 
agricultural course." 

Wlien we consider that these results were checked by Director 
Wreidt personally by conference with the teachers compiling the 
records, we can justly place great dependability upon their accuracy. 

State Supervisor Eason, of Virginia, concludes that "Apparently 
the more education a pupil receives the less likely is he to follow 
farming as a means of earning a livelihood." The results from a 
number of States indicated that this conclusion was justified, but 
other States made the reverse showing. The mathematical expres- 
sion for the correlation in the 35 States was found to be — .05 dz .12 
as regards the advantages of three or four years devoted to the study 
of agriculture over one or two years. Hence we are justified in con- 
cluding that any pronounced showing in either direction in any 
particular State is not due to inherent tendencies chargeable to 
schooling but due to local conditions. 

The only data given in this study concerning negro schools are 
contained in the tables submitted by Supervisor Eason for the eight 
negro schools of Virginia which, it will be remarked, make, as com- 
pared with the white schools, a very poor showing. There is cer- 
tainly a field for further investigation and constructive work in 
increasing the vocational efficiency of these schools. As negro seconds 
ary education is in its infancy, the conditions ought to be ideal for 
developing the type of school or method of instruction which would 
give the greatest possible vocational returns. 

THE INDIANA STUDY. 

The compilations of the data for Indiana were distributed in the 
State under the following covering letter by the State director of 
vocational education: 



EDUCATION IN AGRICTJLTUKE. 



39 



To trustees, superintendents, principals, and teachers of agriculture: 

The attached Tables 1, 2, and 3 are submitted for such use as you may be 
able to make of them. The figures show what becomes of the boys who have 
had one year or more of the approved course in vocational agriculture in 
Indiana. - i 

The facts were obtained last spring from the vocational teachers and were 
carefully checked by the undersigned in personal conference with the teach- 
ers. We have the names of all but a few of the 711 boys listed in column 11. 

Of these 711 boys in Indiana who have had one year or more of vocational 
training in agriculture in high school, and who have left school for work, 76 
per cent are engaged in farming, the occupation for which they were trained. 

To the writer these figures show that for the State as a whole the vocational 
agriculture course is performing one of the functions it is intended to per- 
form, namely, to give vocational training to future farm workers. 

You will be interested in finding how your school compares with other 
schools in the State. 

Let me urge every agriculture school to try to raise the average for the State 
by being as careful as possible in selecting pupils for admission to the course. 
The course in vocational agriculture misses its distinctive aim unless a large 
portion of the boys become farmers. 



Table 1.- 



-Boys iclio have had one year or more of vocational agriculture in 
Indiana, May, 192$. 



City. 



■P2 



g.2 
3 <a 



SS o 
go 

His 






5S 

.Sfe 

as 



Left high school. 



■S4 



In college. 



I 



At worlc. 



5g 



■3 >. 

O O 



12 






t. o o 



13 



Total, 60 
cities.. - 



Angola 

Aubum 

Aurora 

Battle Ground.. 
Brazil 



Bremen 

Brookston 

Charlestowu 

Clay City 

Columbia City.. 



Columbus 

Cory don 

CrawfordsviUe.. 

Dayton 

Delphi 



DepauWi . . 

Elwood 

Forest 

Frankfort. 
Garrett 



2,531 1,422 



248 



104 



68 



169 



Aug., 1920 
Aug., 1919 
June, 1920 
Sept.,1920 
Jan., 1917 

Sept., 1919 
Aug., 1920 
JulT, 1920 
Sept.,1919 
Sept., 1917 

Sept., 1914 
Sept., 1918 

...do 

Sept., 1920 
Sept.,1916 

Sept., 1919 
June, 1919 
Sept., 1919 
Sept., 1918 
Sept., 1920 



32 

44 
18 
28 
81 

145 
56 
75 
20 
59 

19 
33 
41 
51 
20 



7 
11 

4 
10 
54 

103 
13 
23 



IS 



19 



35 



76.2 



100 
10b 
100 



100 
100 
100 
76 

67 
58 



100 
85 
100 

loe 



40 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL. 



Table 1. — Boys who have had one pear or more of vocational agriculture in 
Indiana, May, 1922 — Continued. 





11 

Eg 
OR 

■1 


1! 

P 

o o.a 


*> 

.g 

•a 

h 

si 

1 
1 


1 
1 

as 
II 

2; 


Lelt high, school 








1 . 

11 

a 


1 

3 
O 


In college. 


At work. 


City. 


If 

1 


a> 

br 

3 
■w 

■Si 
So 

do" 
& 

a 




•s 

a 


S b" 


^1 


a 

< 


1° 


1 


2 


3 


4 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 . 


12 


13 


14 


Gosport 


Sept., 1920 
Aug., 1919 
Sept., 1916 
Sept., 1917 
Sept., 1920 

Sept., 1915 

Sept., 1919 
June,. 1920 
Sept., 1916 
Aug., 1920 

Jan., 1920 
Sept., 1916 
do 


26 
33 
76 
65 
19 

54 

24 
27 
40 
32 

55 
18 
29 
65 
38 

44 
34 
33 
27 
51 

56 
28 
82 
25 
14 

26 
44 
93 
46 
48 

33 
36 

50 
97 
35 

15 
20 
30 
19 
20 


17 
21 
47 
23 
16 

16 

11 
21 
14 
15 

33 

""ie" 

29 
24 

36 
24 
17 
22 
32 

25 
22 
35 
23 
11 

21 
35 
28 
29 
38 

23 
35 

22 
37 
23 

13 
18 
28 
16 

14 


1 
8 
5 
5 

16 

2 
1 
3 
3 

20 
8 
1 

12 
3 

1 

....„ 

S 
5 
2 
1 

1 

■■■"4" 

2 
3 

2 

""is" 

9 

1 

2 

1 
3 
4 


. 8 

4 

24 

27 

3 

22 

11 

5 

23 

14 

2 
10 
12 
24 
11 

7 
10 
16 

2 
19 

26 
1 

45 
1 
3 

4 
9 
61 
15 
7 

8 

1 

28 
47 
3 

1 




1 


1 




7 

4 

23 

20 

2 

15 

6 
3 
18 
12 

2 
7 

10 

22 

9 

5 
5 
9 
2 
19 

23 

1 

39 

1 

3 

4 
8 
49 
12 
7 

8 

1 

22 
36 
3 

1 


6 
4 
18 
16 
2 

9 

4 
3 
18 
11 

2 
6 
9 
14 
9 

4 

5 

7 

1 

14 

20 

1 

32 

""3 

4 

8 

22 

5 

4 

8 

19 
21 

2 


1 
...... 

4 

6 

2 
...... 

...... 

1 

8 

1 
....„ 

1 
5 

3 
....„ 

1 

■'27' 

7 
3 

...... 

3 
15 

1 

1 


86 


Greenfield 


100 


Greensburg 


1 

3 

...... 

3 








78 


Hanover.... 

Hillsboto.. 

Indianapolis 

Jackson Town- 
ship, Tippeca- 
noe County 

Kingman.,, 

MamSa.!!'/.::::; 

Marion 


7 
1 

4 

5 
1 
2 
2 


"i' 

1 

4 

1 
2 

1 


7 

3 

1 
..... 


80 
100 

60 

67 
100 
100 

92 

100 


Matthews 1 

Metz 


""2 

1 

2 
2 

5 


3 




3 


86 
90 


Monticello 

MooresHill...... 

Mooresville 


Sept., 1915 
Sept., 1918 

Sept., 1915 
Sept., 1919 
Sept., 1917 
Aug., 1920 
Sept., 1918 

Sept., 1916 
Sept., 1920 

, 191S 

Sept., 1920 
Aug., 1920 

Aug., 1919 


1 
2 




1 
2 


64 

100 

80 


Morristown 

Mount Summit. . 
Mount Vernon... 


3 
2 


2 
1 


1 

1 


100 
77 
50 


New Salisbury. . 










74 


OwensvlUe...... 




3 


2 


1 


87 
100 


PencUeton 

PlainviUe 


4 


2 




2 


82 



EeelsviUe 










100 


Bichland 










100 


Scottsburg 


'■■■3' 


1 
9 
3 


"3 


1 
9 


100 
45 
42 
57 


Seymour 

Shelby ville 

Spencer 


Sept., 1916 
May, 1917 
Sept., 1919 

June, 1917 
Aug., 1918 

Sept., 1916 
Sept., 1917 
Aug., 1920 

...do 

Sept., 1920 


Stockwell 










100 


SummitTiUe 













Union Township, 
Johnson 
County 




6 
11 


"2 


6 
9 


86 
58 
67 


jWaterloo... !...... 


West Lafayette.. 













West Lebanon... 












Westpoint 


1 










1 


1 




100 


Winchester 


...do 












Worthlngton... 


..do ... 


2 




1 


1 




1 




1 










> Discontinued May, 1921. 



Table 2, ranking cities on the basis of percentages, shown in the 
last column of Table 1, and Table- 3, repeating the totals of Table 1, 
are omitted. 



EDUCATION IN AGKIOULTUEE. 41 

Table 1 shows that of the 711 boys in Indiana who have had one 
year or more of vocational training in agriculture in high school 
and who' are at work 76 per cent are engaged at farming, the occu- 
pation for which they were trained. 

In 22 agriculture schools all (100 per cent) of the boys who have 
had oiie year or more of the vocational course in high school and 
who are at work are engaged at farming. This involves 102 boys 
in the 22 agriculture schools. 

These figures show that the Indiana vocational schools in agri- 
culture are performing one of the functions they are intended to 
perform, namely, to give vocational training to future farm workers. 

It is also interesting to note that boys who have taken the voca- 
tional course in agriculture which prepares them to be farmers are 
also able to' meet college entrance requirements. As shown in Ta- 
ble 1, 104 boys who have had one year or more of the vocational 
course in agriculture were in college; 36 of these boys were in the 
college agriculture course and 68 in other courses. 

THE VIRGINIA STUDT. 

Following is an extract from the annual report to the Federal 
Board for Vocational Education by J. D. Eason, State supervisor 
for agricultural education : 

A study of the follow-up records presented below brings out some very 
striking situations, situations which may necessitate revolutionary changes In 
the whole scheme of vocational education. The data have not been collected 
for a long enough period for the board to justify now any radical changes, but 
a study of the data forces some serious questions concerning our procedure In 
training young men for the business of farming. 

The tabulations show (1) that 40 per cent of all pupils who have left (by 
graduation and otherwise) the agricultural departments are now engaged In 
farming, a percentage higher than the most sanguine had hoped for; (2) the 
percentage of high-school graduates who pursued courses in vocational agri- 
culture now farming is far less than those who left school before finishing the 
course. Apparently the more education a pupil receives the less likely is he 
to follow farming as a means of earning a livelihood. (3) More of the grad- 
uates of agricultural high schools attend the Virginia Polytechnic Institute 
than any other college, and more of them are specializing in agriculture- than 
in anything else, but the total number of graduates from agricultural depart- 
ments who are enrolled in academic colleges is in excess of the number enrolled 
In the college of agriculture. 

Detail for the Virginia schools is given in the four tables follow- 
ing — for white schools in Tables 1 and 2, and for colored schools in 
Tables 3 and 4. 



42 



EITECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Table 1. — Virginia white schools of vocational agricultwre: 

the period, 1911-1922. 

[Compiled February, 1922.] 



General data -for 





Depart- 
ment of 

agri- 
oulture 
estab- 
lished. 


Num- 
ber 
years 
in 
op- 
era- 
tion. 


Enrollment. 


Pupils vrho have left school. 


School. 


Total 
all 

years. 


Aver- 
age. 


Totsl 
indi- 
vid- 
ual. 


Pres- 
ent. 


Grad- 
uates. 


Non- 
grad- 
uates. 


Total. 


Num- 
ber. 

farm- 
ing. 


-Per 
cent 

(arm- 
ing. 


Total 






2,991 




1,823 


1,019 


300 


504 


814 


320 


40 












1919r20 
1917-18 
1919-20 
1918-19 
1919-20 

1918-19 
1919-20 
1919-20 
1917-18 
1921-22 

1917-18 
1917-18 
1917-18 
1917-18 
1919-20 

1919-20 
1919-20 
1920-21 
1918-19 
1919-20 

1917-18 
1917-18 
1919-20 
1917-18. 
1'918-19 

1919-2B' 

19^0-21 

1920-21 

1921-22 

1921-22 

1917-18 
1919-20 
1917-18 
1917-18 
1919-20 

19i9-^20 
1917-18 
1920-21 
1921-22 
. 1919-20 


3 
3 
3 
4 
3 

, 4 
3 
3 

5 

1 

5 
5 
6 

I 

3 
3 
2 
' 5 
3 

5' 
5 
3 
5 
4. 

3 
. 2 
2 
1 
1 

5 
3 
5 
5 
3 

3 
B 

■I 
3 

3 

2, 
4 
,2, 
1 

^ 3. 

■ ' 5' 
3 
5 
4 

4 
3 
6 


30 
89 
62 
110 
31 

68 
44 
62 
67 
17 

- 82, 
92 
.75 
45 
68 

75> 
61 
32 
102 
33 

63 
59 
39 
93 
-34 

'" 62' 
40 
32 
18 
17 

86 
64 
92 
79 
47 

61 
68 
60 
22 

: ®^ 

' 34- 
31 
38' 
27 
U 

44 
57' 
65 
74 
56, 

46 
62 
124 


10 
18 
17 
27 
10 

17 
15 
17 
13 

, 17' 

16 
18 
15 
9 
19 

25' 
17 
16 
,20, 
11 

13 
12 
13 

18 
• 8 

20 
20 
16 
18 
17 

17 
21 
18 
16 
16 

■ 14 

,.30 

22 

,,,20 

U 
15 
14 
13 
11 

. 14 
11 
21 
13 

,14 

'12' 
20 
25 


18 
64 
32 
67 
24 

38 
26 
42 
51 
17 

60 
41 
48 
33 
36 

. 45 

37 

21 

,62' 

20 

39 
3& 
23' 

41 
28 

36 
23 

18 
18 
17 

, 43 
40 
48 
60 
32 

' 38 
46 
39 
22 

, 44 

26 

, 23 

' 29 

18 

11 

. 26 
31 
36 
37 
39 

31 

i ,38 

46 


10 
21 
IB 
38 

18 

19 
15 
29 
21 
17 

16 
19 
21 
13 
17 

'28 
17 
19 
29 
14 

19 
16 
13 
20 
14 

■ ''27 ' 
22 
17 

18 

17 

17 
18 
25 
21 
19 

"''15 
.10 

,16 

„ 18 
16 
17 
13 
11 

18 
16 
27 
18 
24 

' 1"9 
23 
20 


2 
10 

8 
11 

2 

11 

8 

...... 


6 
22 

6 
18 

4 

S 
3 
13 
19 


8 
32 
14 
29 

6 

19 
11 
13 
30 


4 
12 
7 
5 
2 

5 
6 

7 
8 


50 


^rpomattox , 


38 


Atlee.l.w.-. 


SO 




17 




33 




26 




35 




54 


Burfcrille... 


27 


Burke's Garden 




Gharlotte Court House. ..:.... 
CMseCity 


,8 
6 

12 
8 

10 

5 

2 

....„ 

10' 
12 
& 
6 
6 

...... 


24 

17 

11 
9 

12 
18 

2 
17 

6 

10 

10 

5 

'I 

9 
...... 


32 
23 
27 
20 
19 

17 
20 

2 
23 

6 

■20 
22 
10 
21 
14 

9 

1 
1 


9 
5 
6 
5 

8 

7 
9 


28 
22 


Chester..! 


22 


Clarexaont ,* 


25 


Climax 


42 


Cobbs Creek 


41 


Courtland 


45 


Critz .. . 






4 

9 
6 
2 

14 

1 

5 


43 


Cumtierlliid 


67 


i)inwiddi^.<7 


45 


Driver. . . . 


23 


Eastville 


20 


Elk Creek , 

EM6'g ':. ■ ■ ' ■ .. ; ■" 


67 

7 


li'mcastle 


56 


Tloris. * 




Great Bridge 


1 


100 




















6 
9 
4 
28 
2 

14 

10 

. 2 

1 


20 
13 
19 
11 
11 

9 

26 

2 


26 
22 
23 
39 
13 

23 
36 

4. 


14 
9 

'.5 
10 
6 

3 

8 

,, 2 


64 


Lincoln ^ 


40 


Ma'ijassas . .. ^'. ■.. .' ;. 


22 




28 


Mount 'Jackson ... 


46 




13 


New London i 


22 




50 






Poquoson ^. 


20 

...... 

* 


8 

8 
7 
7 
1 


28 

8 

7 

12 

6 


2 

2 
2 
5 
2 


7 




1919-20 
1920-21 
1918-19 
1920-21 
1921-2i2 

1919-20 
1917-18' 
1919-20 
1917-18 
1918-19 

1917-18 
1919-20 
1917-18 


25 


Salem , . 


28 




41 


Syringa 


40 


I'emperanceville 






1 
3 
3 

8' 
4 

5 
7 
25 


7 
12 

6 
11 
11 

7 
8 
1 


8 
15 

1? 
15 

12 
15 
26 


2 
9 

I 
11 

4 

, 8 

13 


26 


fefctfriiie. :.:... ::.... : 


60 


Varina 


66 


Wakefield 


37 




78 




33 


Windsor...:. V.,..;. 


53 







EDUCATION IN, A6EICULTUEE. 



43 



Table 2. — Virginia white schools of vocational affriculture: Detailed occupa- 
tional dist7-ibution of pupils who have left school in the period 1917-1022. 



School. 


a 
1 


1 

h 

II 

.15 

> 


1 

ai 
ll 

> 


1 

i 

d 

i 
> 


s 

1. 

> 

id 


1 

o 

i 

103 


'1 

s 

13 

1 

168 


1 

St 

M 

i 

1 

a 
00 

19 


be 
26 


OS 

s 

7 


M 
& 

1-1 

18 


1 

1 
n 

14 


t 
1 

5 

CO 

3 


1 

1 


s 

'23 


to 

la 

6 


1 



1 
S 

3 


ei 

d 
S 
d 
es 

P5 

t^ 
10 


> 

P 

d 

M 
00 

39 


1 
1 

a 

M 

S 
43 


d 

1 



.5 


1 

1 

2 


> 

1 

d 

OS 

<! 
9 


g 

Q 
8 




Total 


320 


40 


7 


IB 


65 


123 


Apple Grove...... 


4 
12 
7 
6 
2 

5 

? 
8 










1 
4 
2 

1 

7 
2 


1 
6 
2 
9 

1 

11 
2 


1 
1 


2 


-- 








"i 






- 


Appomattox...... 


2 






2 


2 




3 


1 




(> 


Atlee 








3 


-- 




2 






Blaoksburg 


.... 
4 


3 


5 


8 
1 

4 


3 




1 


... 




1 


3 


1 
1 

■••J 
2 






"i 


'i 

1 


n 


Boyce 


1 
1 










Bridgewatar 






1 


















1 

"i 




BrownsbuTg 












3 




'i 

1 


■-i 


'2 




Buckingham 


















1 


Burke ville 


5 


.... 


2 


7 


e 


12 






2 












Burkes Garden . . . 
















Charlotte C.H.... 


9 
5 
6 
S 

8 

7 
9 






1 
1 


1 
1 
2 


6 
5 
2 
1 

5 

2 
3 


7 
6 
4 
I 
6 

2 
4 


2 


1 


1 


3 














•3 

-■••( 


2 
4 

1 


1 




'3 
"i 


1 
"i 


1. 


Chase City 








1 


1 


"2 


1 
1 




s 


Chester 


2 




2 
1 

1 










n 


Claremont 






"5 


-•• 


3 
2 








A 


ClimftT,. , 












— 


"i 




: 




"3 
1 
5 


.... 

1 

i 


'2 
'2 




1 


Cobhs Creek 










? 


Courtland 


1 






1 






4 


Critz 














1 

1 












Culpeper 


10 
4 

9 

5 
2 
14 

1 

5 






1 


1 


2 


3 












1 








? 


Cumberland 




















1 


Dinwiddle 


""i 

2 
2 
3 


1 





1 
4 
3 
2 
3 


4 
9 
2 
2 
1 


5 
13 
5 

4 
4 




















1 


2 


1 


Driver 




















1 


Eastville 




1 








1 


















Elk Creek 


.... 


1 


















1 
4 


1 


Ewing 








1 
















2 


Fincastle 










1 






1 




... 


- 


.... 


1 


Floris 
















1 










Great Bridge 


1 


















Ivy Depot 
















































Lawrenceville 








........ 








































Lebanon 


14 
9 
5 

10 
6 

3 

8 
2 


1 
1 

'"i 






1 
1 

'"i 


3 
1 
4 
2 
2 

6 
2 


4 
2 
4 
4 
2 

8 
4 
1 














2 
2 
1 
2 










1 
3 
3 




- 


"i 

1 

'i 


'2 


1 


Lincoln 
















-• 




1 
1 
1 





S 


Manassas 

Middle town 






2 
""2 

""i 


1 

1 


"i 


1, 1 
2 1 

1 




3 

14 


Mount Jackson 






2 
7 


"'"i 


■■ 




1 




1 

2 





1 


2 
2 
I 


1 

1 


"i 


...: 1 
1, 1 


... 


1 
1 








"}. 


New London 


1 






1.') 






1 






1 




Pearisburg 


























Poquoson 


2 

2 
2 
5 
2 










2 


2 


1 


6 




• -•: 2 

1 




1 








2 
2 
1 








1 


'i 


!■> 


Pnwhfttan 










3 


RalflTTi 






























I 
2 


.. 




1 


Sparta 


3 




1 


4 


.... 


4 

1 




















1 


Syringa 








1 




1 








1 


















j 








2 
9 
6 
6 
11 

4 
8 
13 


























1 






3 


2 
3 
1 

1 




" 


-■ 


i 




Turbeville 


1 






1 


.... 


1 








1 




1 


1 




















1 






1 

1 


:::: 




Wakefield 


2 


1 


2 


5 


3 

1 

6 
4 

1 


8 1 
1 .... 

6l.... 
7;.... 
2i.... 

1 






1 












Whitmell 


1 

"5 




1 








::: 


1 


Williamsburg 






1 

1 


1 
3 

1 


? 


Windsor 


.... 


2 




::.v; 






5 











44 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Table 3. — Virginia colored' gohooig of vocational agriculture! General data for* 
■ ', the period, 1917-^1932. 

[Compiled February, 1922.] 





Depart- 
ment 
of Agri- 
culture 
estab- 
Ushed. 


Num- 
ber 
years 
in 
op- 
era- 
tion. 


Enrollment. 


Pupils who have left school. 


School. 


Total 

aU 

years. 


Aver- 
age. 


Total 
indi- 
vid- 
ual. 


Pres- 
ent. 


Grad- 
uates. 


Non- 
grad- 
uates. 


Total. 


Num- 
ber 

farm- 
ing. 


Per 
cent 
fann- 
ing. 


Total 






419 


18 


225 


155 


24 


47 


71 


12 


17 




1918-19 
1918-19 
1918-19 
1921-22 
1921-22 
1918-19 
1921-22 
1918-19 






Albemarle County Training 
School. ; 




121 

59 
62 
12 
21 
50 
9 
85 


, 30 
14 
18 
12 
21 
12 
» 
17 


S2 
34 
27 
12 
21 
.27 
r 9 
*3 


43 

1* 
21 
12 
21 
18. 
9 
17 


7 


2 

20 
6 


9 
20 
5 


2 
5 
1 


22 


Caroline County Training 
School 


25 


Charles City County Training 
School 


20 


Halifax Comity Training 
School 




Middlesex County Training 
School . 








. 




Nottoway County Training 
School. 


3 


6 


9 


2. 


22 


Sussex Comity Training 
School 




Virginia Normal and Indus- 
i tml listlitute;. 


14 


14 


2& 


2 


7 







Table 4. — Virginia colored schools of vocational agriculture: Detailed occupa- 
tional distriliution of piipils who have left school in the period 1917-19S2. 



R OS a 

ig| 

a-op 

> - : 



;.B 





rS 




o ^ 




■?>^ 








n 






o 


a 
5 



Total i ,.j. 



10 



AlbeBiarle Comity Training SehooL 

Caroline County Training School 

Charles City County Training School 

Halifax County Training School 

Middlesex County Training School 

Nottoway County Training School— 

Sussex County Training School 

Virginia Norioal and Industrial Institute.. 



13 



17 



Part IV. 
CONCLUSIONS. 

1. From 60 to 75 per cent of the students given vocational instruc- 
tion in agriculture are now in agricultural work. 

With 54 per cent farming, 5 per cent in related occupations, 8 
per cent in agricultural college, and 9 per cent unaccounted for, we 
have a possible 76 per cent for the high figure in the above estimate. 
On the other hand, 67 per cent might be justified for the low figure, 
but the writer prefers to keep his estimates of fact well within the 
field of reasonable criticism. Opinion is divided upon the question of 
the functioning of vocational instruction in agriculture as a prepa- 
ration for agricultural college, but there seems to be a large degree 
of accord among teacher-trainers that the college student prepared in 
the vocational classes of the high school makes the best possible 
material for the teacher-training classes. It has been shown that the 
students in the Pennsylvania State College' who have had their 
preparatory work in the vocational classes make as good grades as 
do their classniates, and it is possible to make at least a plausible 
argument that the vocational instruction in the high school will func- 
tion to improve farming through the agricultural college graduate 
or other college men who farm. 

2. The vocational classes in agriculture in the States of New 
York and Pennsylvania are sending from ten to twenty times as large 
a proportion of their students directly into' farming as do the 
academic high schools. The writer knows of no evidence which 
would lead one to expect large variations from this estimate in the 
other States. The low and high figures in this estimate are far 
apart, but the low figure is as low as anyone could reasonably set 
in the light of the data of this study, and the writer believes that 
the high figure -is well within the realm of the probable. 

3. The number of students going out annually from the secondary 
schools with vocational instruction in agriculture has increased 
tenfold since the passage of the Federal vocational education (Smith- 
Hughes) act. 

In 1917 the number reported was 297 and in 1921 it was reported 
as 2,912. 

8 Unpublished data. 

45 



46 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 

4. The mortality rate for students of vocational agriculture is 
only two-fifths as great as is the mortality rate for all high-school 
students. 

Whether this lessened mortality is a condition under which the 
work is carried on or a result of the work is yet to be determined. 
The fact that vocational instruction in agriculture is subject to but 
two-fifths of the usual educational and financial loss due to mortality 
is well worth knowing and using. 

5. The low mortality rate and the high graduation rate for students 
of vocational agriculture do not increase college enrollment pro- 
portionately. 

As the colleges enroll a sniall proportion of the larger number of 
graduates, among students of vocational agriculture, a larger propor- 
tion must be attr^ptjcci to the vocations. The returns from a number 
of States show thg^t a larger percentage of high-school graduates 
from the vpcationa,! courses engage in farming than of those leaving 
school before graduating. 

6. W^ieth^r a student devotes one or two years or three or four 
years to the study of agriculture seems not to affect the probability 
that he will farm. 

The results, from: a few States show some tendency for either a, 
positive or negative correlation, and the time element is probably a 
real factor in causing boys to farm in some localities and under some 
conditions; but there is, no correlation when the country as a whole 
is considered^ the unit. 

7. There is np tendency for the average amount of time which 
students devote to the study of vocational agriculture to be increased 
or, lessened. 

In the State of Pennsylvania the two-year requirement in the 3T 
community vocational schools brings the average up with a tendency 
to remain between two and one-half and two and three-fourths 
years. Between 1915 and 1918 Wisconsin's average fluctuated be- 
tween two and two and one-half years, but for the last three years 
the average has stayed close to the two-year mark. With such a con- 
stant average for the country as a whole from 1904 to the present, 
one should confidently expect an equally constant reason or set of 
reasons.® 

8. Students who receive vocational instruction in agriculture are 
being given a partnership interest in the home farm, and this part- 
nership status has increased rapidly since the passage of the Smith- 
Hughes Act. Of the ^students, reported on farms in 1916, 29 per cent 

» The rapid growth of Tocational instruction in agriculture and the Influence of college 
entrance requirements may go a long way toward explaining this fact; but the reasons 
should be scientifically determined, and if they are found to be illegitimate they should 
be made IneCfectire and the condition righted. 



EDUCATION" IN AGEICULTURE. • 47 

Avere classed as partners. In 1918 the percentage of partners had 
gone up to 45, and in 1920 and 1921 the percentage of partners was 51. 

9. Though the data show a fairly high degree of efficiency for the 
vocational instruction in agriculture as regards the above conclu- 
sions, the data also show how far from universal this instruction is 
for all boys who are to take charge of farms or who are to work upon 
farms. 

The rural economists say that the productive managerial life of 
a farmer is 20 years, which means that one-twentieth of the farms 
of the country must be taken over by beginners each year. If each 
of these new farm operators is to have the advantage of a secondary 
education, with vocational instruction, it will be necessary to turn 
out each year one-twentieth as many graduates as there are farms. 
The six and one-half million farms of the country would need 
325,000 recruits each year. In 1921 the secondary schools sent 3,900 
students (estimate based upon percentage of schools reporting) onto 
the farm with one or more years' vocational instruction in agricul- 
ture. This is but 1.2 per cent of the number actually needed, and 
many of these had very meager training. To insure each beginning 
farm operator a four-year secondary education, with vocational 
instruction, it will be necessary to graduate each year one hundred 
times as many students as went onto the farm from vocational agri- 
cultural classes during the year 1920-21. If the ideal of universal 
secondary and vocational education for farmers is maintained, it is 
well tO' recognize the fact that at present just about 1 per cent of the 
job is being done. If ideals are to be made realities, and if it is to 
be possible for each future farmer to secure a secondary education, 
Avith vocational instruction, it will be necessary to plan to work on 
a much larger scale. Before such expansion is justifiable, much 
research must be done. The next move is to determine how the 
organization, methods, and materials of vocational education in 
agriculture all function and, when the value of the product is 
assured, to expand the work with all energies to make it universal 
and democratic. 

10. The writer considers that this study is but a beginning step in 
determining the extent to which vocational instruction functions in 
farming. He believes that each State should keep informed con- 
cerning the various items of this study as they apply to each school 
in the State. The next step will be to determine the farm practice 
of the school product, and then whether or not the school instruc- 
tion is responsible for any improvement that might be found. Under 
present conditions the indirect or community value of vocational in- 
struction in agriculture is a vital question that needs study. 

11. The results from this study show conclusively that vocational 
instruction in agriculture has been in operation long enough to 



48 ^EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL, 

justify intensive researches for the purpose of determining its effi- 
ciency in improving the various phases of farm practice. A national 
program for research should be formulated and carried forward 
with the full support of State and Federal organizations for voca- 
tional education in agriculture. 

12. The interpretations and conclusions of this study are sup- 
ported by the results of the New York rural survey and by similar 
studies in Indiana and Virginia. 

The data for the New York rural survey were obtained through 
an entirely separate study and by methods different from those used 
in gathering the data here presented. The schools studied were in 
part the same, and the State averages on the comparable points 
based upon 32 and 46 schools, respectively, correspond with all but 
mathematical accuracy. 

The data from Indiana and Virginia were obtained, tabulated, 
verified, and interpreted as Director Wreidt and Supervisor Eason 
thought best. This study does not present data for the States of 
Indiana and Virginia to compare with their results, but it does pre- 
sent data for neighboring States with very similar results. When 
four persons working separately get approximately identical or 
harmonious results, the truth can not be very far off. 

13. When it becomes desirable to repeat this study, a 15 per cent 
random sample of the schools will give dependable results for the 
country as a whole. 



APPENDIX. 



SECTION" 1. 



DEPENDABILITY OF DATA. 

The preceding pages have necessarily contained much information 
concerning the extensiveness and accuracy of thei data upon which 
this study is based. The following pages are intended, primarily, 
for the student who wants to check the procedure or make a more 
detailed study of certain items or certain localities. This study 
should be an incentive for numerous local studies by persons in 
direct contact with local conditions, so that highly dependable 
results may be had for an individual school. Such students will have 
no difficulty in comparing their results with the totals given here, 
and in the light of their knowledge of local conditions make de- 
tailed interpretations. The summaries for the original tabulations 
are all that can be included here), for the next step in detail would 
fill a large volume. As such detail could not be used with a desirable 
degree of accuracy by any except those closely connected with the 
situations concerned, its publication is not justified. 



Table 1.- 



-Representative character of data — "All-day " agricultural schools, 
with separate schools for negroes excluded. 



State. 



Number of schools. 


Enrollment. 


Percentage of total. 


Total." 


Eeport- 
ing. 


Total. 


In schools 
report- 


Schools 
report- 

mg. 


Enroll- 
ment In 
schools 










reporting. 


23 


11 


357 


138 


48 


39' 


44 


«46 


<940 


940 


100 


100 


39 


15 


1,097 


478 


38 


44, 


21 


11 


548 


217 


52 


40 


5 


5 


77 


77 


100 


100 


18 


11 


283 


168 


61 


59 


14 


10 


264 


213 


71 


84 


'30 


14 


1,403 


S19 


47 


37 


14 


'19 


1,053 


1,053 


100 


100 


!115 


66 


< 2,717 


1,609 


57 


59 


45 


15 


733 


235 


33 


32 


30 


15 


1,040 


377 


50 


36 


22 


15 


688 


247 


68 


36 


18 


16 


331 


315 


89 


95 


47 


19 


716 


302 


40 


42 


74 


37 


1,949 


912 


50 


47 


38 


19 


586 


360 


50 


61 


10 


10 


143 


143 


100 


100 


15 


15 


<712 


712 


100 


100 


75 


46 


1,938 


803 


61 


41 



Arizona 

Arkansas 

Cahtornia 

Colorado 

Connecticut. 



Delaware.. 
Florida.... 
Georgia. . . 

Idaho 

Illinois 



Iowa 

Kentucky.. 
Louisiana.. 

Maine 

Minnesota.. 



Missouri 

Nebraska 

New Hampshire. 

New Jersey 

New York 



' Figm'es in this column, except as noted, were taken from the report of th? Federal Board for Vocational 
Education for the year ending June 30, 1921. 

' All figures in this column, excepting those for Idaho, were obtained by special reports from the State 
supervisors. 

' Reports for Arkansas include 2, and reports tor Idaho 5 schools m excess of the number reported to the 
Federal board. 

< These figures, also, were obtained by special reports. 

I This figure is for 1920, as the 1921 figure was not available. 

49 



50 EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL. 

Table 1. — Representative character of data, etc. — Continued. 





Number of schools. 


Enrollment. 


Percentage of total. 


state. 


Total. 


Eeport- 
ing. 


Total. 


In schools 
re_port- 


^'chools 
report- 
ing. 


Enroll- 
ment in 
schools 
reporting. 


North Carolina 


35 
13 
*63 
27 
16 

<53 
37 

18 
40 

81 

22 

1 

31 


14 
10 
61 
16 
5 

63 
22 
11 
30 

29 

11 

1 

24 


764 
293 
n,401 
580 
460 

« 1,213 
768 
357 
917 

1,035 

893 

60 

1,222 


250 
267 
1,330 
207 
113 

1,213 
428 
214 
655 

460 

366 

60 

853 


40 
77 
97 
S9 
31 

100 
59 
61 
75 

36 
50 
100 

77 


33 


North Dakota 


91 


Ohio 


95 




34 




25 


Pennsylvania , 


100 


South Carolina 


66 


South Dalsota 


60 


TnTinp.wefi- ^ 


71 


Texas 


44 


Utah 


41 




100 


Wisconsin 


70 






Total, 33 States. :. 


1,134 
32 

6 


702 
16 
4 


27,528 
688 
(») 


16,234 
^*\08 


61.79 

50 

80 


sa94 






Wyoming 








United States 


1,512 


722 


37,082 


16,686 


47.8 


45 







* These figures, also, were obtained by special reports. 

• No report. 



ERROR DUE TO INADEQUATE SAMPLING. 

To obtain some idea as to the number of schools which must 
report in order to secure a fair sampling of the schools of a 
State, the reports from the Pennsylvania schools were checked for 
the percentage of former students now on farms and the percentage 
going to college when 25, 40, 60, and 90 per cent of the schools of 
the State had reported. Twenty-five per cent of the schools indi- 
cated results about 6 per cent below what the complete returns for 
the State gave, 40 and 60 per cent of the schools indicated results 
for the State almost identical 'with the complete returns, and 
90 per ceiht of the schools indicated results about 8 per cent above 
what the complete returns gave. We must conclude that the 40 
and 60 per cent samples only chanced to be representative. When 
so few as 53 schools are being considered, the failure of even a few 
schools to report may develop a considerable margin of error. But 
after weighing the 35 States according to the lumber of students 
reported out of school, we may confidently expect errors in the 
separate States to be largely offset and neutralized. 

Table 1 shows that the percentage of schools reporting in the 
group of 31 States represents practically an equal percentage of 
the total enrollment in those States. It should be remembered, how- 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTUEE. 51 

ever, that there is a rather wide variation between these percentages 
in some of the States and that this factor will make State compari- 
sons or interpretations treacherous for those who are not conversant 
with the local conditions. 

EREOK IN TABULATION. 

In checking the reports to eliminate duplicates in occupations for 
the State of Illinois, two unusual reports were noticed. These two 
reports listed 31 students which the writer thought should not have 
been counted. The tabulator had failed to note the evidence (though 
not positive evidence) that these students were still in school. The 
reports for the entire State (66 in number) were retabulated with 
great care. The writer made all decisions, personally, concerning 
each questionable item. The results of this retabulation are given in 
Table 2. It will be observed that 65 fewer students were counted in 
this retabulation. Forty-six of these students were thrown out by 
four decisions (22 thrown out in one decision) . Over half the error 
all the way through these items is due to 36 graduates (in various 
of the 66 reports) which one tabulator considered were mid-year 
graduates and should be counted; but on checking evidence was 
found on the reports indicating that these students would graduate 
in May or June of this year (1922), though the evidence was not 
conclusive in all cases. It will be seen from the table that one of the 
most important items, namely, the number of former students now 
on farms, had an error of less than 1 per cent. In most of the items 
about three- fourths of the error here shown was due to interpretation 
and the one-fourth due to mistakes in arithmetic; but as four per- 
sons did the work, both of these errors must be variable and are 
negligible for the study as a whole. The totals from the original 
tabulation for Illinois are used in this study. 

The reports from Tllinois were the last reports to come in and 
were received in June, : whereas they were supposed to have been 
filled out as of March or April. Hence there was a tendency on the 
part of the teachers to report students who were scheduled to gradu- 
ate within a week or so and to report students who had planned to 
quit school at the end of the year. The reports from other States 
filled out in Marchior April were not subject to any great error of 
interpretation in this respect. This is shown to be a fact by Table 3, 
where a 15 per cent random sample of the 722 schools, retabulated 
under the same conditions as the 12J per cent sample, which the 66 
schools of Illinois represents, gave an error in count of number of 
students of 1.1 per cent, as against 6.2 per cent for Illinois. Again, 



&2 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



for the same reasons stated above, the decisions were more liable 
to error in the case of Illinois.! State Supervisor Carl Colvin, of 
Illinois, reviewed the questionable reports from his State and was 
able to determine from his personal knowledge that the writer had 
been too severe in his decisions and thought that the true count 
would faU between 1,000 and 1,030, or within a variation of 30 
instead of 65, as shown in Table 2. The writer holds this opinion 
also, and these data are submitted here to represent an extreme case 
of the greatest possible variation in results at all compatible with 
rational judgment, and that even this extreme case does not show 
error sufficient to affect the results for the study as a whole. 



Tabi^e 2. — Showing numerical divergence and percentage of error resulting from 
two separate tabulations of the data submitted by the State of Illinois. 



Item of questionnaire. 



Divergence 
of second 

tabulation 
from first 

tabulation. 



Percentage 
error based 
upon first 
tabulation 
(1,030 
boys). 



Number of students 

Aggregate years these students studied vocational agriculture 

Aggregate years in high school 

Number of graduates 

Number rated for scholarship: 

High 

Average ; ..: 

Low 

Number going to college...' 

Number mnonagricultural occupations 

Number of farm owners 

Number of farm managers 

Number of renters : 

Number of partners 

Number of farm laborers » i... 

Aggregate months farmed 

Nmnber specializing ». 

Number rated for success: 

High 

Average 

Low 




6.19 
1.80 
£.19 



3 
5 
1 
2 
g 
10 

9 

4 

8 

i 
2 

13 


5 
1 



The work, of tabulation was done by unusually well-qualified per- 
sons : A senior in commerce and finance with a reputation for care 
and accuracy in tabulating for the Pennsylvania State College Ex- 
periment Station, three former high-school teachers thoroughly con- 
versant with rural high-school conditions and the purpose and 
method of this study, and an advanced student in agricultural edu-- 
Cation who had collected original data for the study in a Pennsyl- 
vania school and community.; During the first few days the writer 
gave detailed supervision to the work of tabulating, and after that 
he was available as needed. 

The personal error in tabulation was determined as follows: The 
States were arranged in alphabetical order, and the reports from each 



EDUCATION IN AGRICULTUKE. 



53 



State arranged by chance within the State. Every twentieth report 
was then selected and retabulated with the greatest of care, and suc- 
cessive 5 per cent samplings were taken in like manner until the 
results remained as constant as could be expected from the data. 
Table 3 gives the results for a 5, 10, and 15 per cent sample. A 
fourth 5 per cent sample was taken, and the 20 per cent sample so 
obtained decreased the error of the 15 per cent sample by less than 
one-tenth of 1 per cent as to the number of students involved. This 
table shows that the personal error due to retabulation and error due 
to unrepresentative sampling combined is 1.1 per cent for a 15 per cent 
sample for number of students and 3.3 per cent for number going to 
college. (That is, the estimated 100 per cent on the basis of 15 per 
cent results would vary from the actual 100 per cent by 1.1 per cent 
and 3.3 per cent, respectively.) An actual complete recount of these 
items showed eight-tenths per cent error for number of students and 
3 per cent error for number going to college. 



Table 3. — Five, ten, and fifteen per cent random samples of the reports from„ 
722 schools, shoioing error due to tabulation and what constitutes a fair 
sample of the reports. 





Number 

ot 
students. 


Number 
years 
studied 
voca- 
tional 
agri- 
culture, 
aggre- 
gate. 


Number 
years In 
high 
school, 
aggre- 
gate. 


Number 
graduat- 
ing. 


Scholarship. 


Item. 


Number 
high. 


Number 
average. 


Number 
low. 


Ten per cent of total tabulation 


834 

916 
846 

833 
853 

&40 

2.87 

1.10 


1,447 

1,710 
i;774 

1,563 
1,436 

10.31 

10.13 

10.16 


2,290 

2,532 
2,,532 

2,067 
2,134 

■0.29 

10.25 

10.02 


421 

444 

488 

381 
346 

2.76 

4.79 

3.28 


215 

274 
238 

247 
255 

7.07 

3.93 

3.28 


420 

430 
440 

393 

380 

1.20 
3.24 
5.60 


152 


Five _per cent random sample 
niuTtiplled by 2: 
Original tabulation .... . 


114 


Corrected tabulation 

Ten per cent random sample: 
OrlginLal tabulation 


124 
165 


Corrected tabulation 

Degree to which 5 per cent cor- 
rected sample is not rep- 
resentative, per cent error 

Degree to whlcn 10 per cent cor- 
rected sample is not rep- 
resentative, per cent error 

Degree to which IS per cent 
corrected sample is not rep- 
resentative, per cent error 


154 
4.56 
1.56 
0.09 



54 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Table 3.— Five, ten, and fifteen per cent random sa/fnples of the reports from 
722 schools, etc. — Continued. 



Item. 



Since leaving blgb school. 



Num- 
ber 

going 
to 
col- 



Num- 
ber 
having 
worked 
at occu- 
pations 
other 
than 
{arm- 
ing. 



Number now farming a 



Own- 
er. 



Man 
ager. 



Rent- 
er. 



Part- 
ner. 



La- 
borer. 



Num- 
ber 
montlis 
(armed, 



g^te. 



Num- 
ber 
farm 
spe- 
cialties 
report- 
ed. 



Success rating. 



Num- 
ber 
high. 



Num- 
ber 
aver- 



Num- 
ber 
Idw. 



Ten per cent of total 
tabulation (basis of 

study) 

Five per cent random 
sample multiplied 
byz: '• , 
Original tabu- 

latlOTi... :... 

Corrected , tabu- 
. latlon.il........ 

Ten per cent random 
sample: 
Original t a b u - 

lation 

Corrected tabu- 

' lation 

Degree to which 6 per 
cent corrected sam- 
ple is not represent- 
ative, per cent error. 
Begree to which 10 per 
cent corrected sam- 
ple is not represent- 
ative, per cent error. 
Degree to which 15 
per cent corrected 
sanaplels notcepre- 
sentative, per, cent 
error 



184 



240 
234 



197 
201 



S.58 



1.56 



3.30 



235 



256 
272 



224 
223 



2.52 



1.32 



0.06 



42 



0.71 



0.48 



0.23 



30 



1.19 



A 59, 



0.47 



32 



2.63 



0.S4< 



216 



244 
238 



197 
184 



3.36 



2^20 



1.67 



132 

180 
1«2 

155 

5.75 
2.76 

3.83 



5,04fl 

5,818 
5,978 

5,336 
4,:^66 

10.92 

'0.34 

10.14 



100 



72 
91 



2.63 



3. SI 



162 

226 
228 

181 
177 

7.67 

2.20 

.:'! .'J 

3.83 



332 
340 



270 
249 



4.07 



2.23 



50 

64 



42- 
32- 



0.71. 



1.68 



1.69 



1 These figures are not percentages, but ntunerlcal differences in the averages obtained in years or months- 
(or each student in school or on (arm. ' 

A IB per cent sample represents the data fairly,, aiid practically 
£1,11 the errors iRpted are variable errors due to perspnjiil^ judgBaeiit 
and clei-ical mistake^; persbial judgment being ,faj the greatfei;,, 
The items causing th§ most trouble were: Number 'of graduates,, 
number going to college, number of farm laborers, and number 
specializing. Each of these items required decisions on the part of; 
the tabulator, and these decisions often made arithmetical accuracy 
very difficult. However, even the larger errors here, noted are negligi- 
ble so far as the conclusions reached in tliis study are concerned.. 
The retabulations gave larger numbers of graduates and college- 
entrants than are considered in the interpretation of the data. Th&- 
estimates are conservative and the conclusions would be unaffected 
by errors several times as great. The writer spent several weeks 
verifying, checking, sampling, retabulating, seeking further infor- 
mation, computing error, and comparing results. The longer and 
more critically he worked the more convinced he became that the 
data here presented are dependable within 1 or 2 per cent for the 
country as the unit, and that they should not vary more than 8 to 10- 
per cent for any one State. 



EDUCATION IN AGRICtTLTUKE. 



55 



One point needs emphasis: What has been called a questionnaire 
was in reality a form for an official report. It was sent out strictly 
through official channels, and the returns gave unmistakable evi- 
dence that the teachers considered the collection of the data as an 
official duty. This attitude of the teachers certainly has been reflected 
in the large number of returns and in the completeness and accuracy 
of those returns. 

SECTION 2. 

TABLES OF TOTALS FROM THE ORIGINAL TABULATIONS. 

TABI.E 4. — Record of -former students who have left secondary school with 1 or 



more years' toork in vocational agriculture; data by States and by years. 




Number 

of 
students. 


Number 
years 

studied 
voca- 
tional 

agricul- 
ture, 
aggre- 
gate. 


Number 
years in 
higb 
school, 
aggre- 
gate. 


Number 
graduat- 
ing. 


Scholarship. 


State or year of leaving school. 


Number 
high. 


Number 
average. 


Number 
low. 


Total, 35 States 


8,340 


14,471 


22,899 


4,206 


2,148 


4,195 


1,517 








147 
33 

378 
88 

105 

70 
73 
89 
162 
271 

1,030 
128 
133 
120 
158 

215 
198 
153 
130 
255 

1,115 
154 
HI 
650 
76 

75 
805 
226 

47 
231 

232 
125 
131 
364 
72 


250 
48 
489 
122 
146 

94 
95 
122 
294 
405 

1,607 
199 
236 
233 
378 

337 
263 
228 
275 

402 

2,163 
327 
222 

1,085 
106 

99 

1,911 

338 

62 

332 

310 
226 
227 
754 
86 


350 
93 
616 
182 
283 

112 
138 
187 
401 
781 

3,252 
400 
425 
322 
510 
492 
662 
443 
388 
418 

3,216 
380 
361 

2,225 
210 

167 
1,983 
539 
126 
562 

600 
418 
225 
1,223 
209 


56 
14 
93 
18 
50 

15 
18 
33 
56 
104 

554 
73 

103 
67 
97 

73 
135 
75 
61 
65 

423 
66 

78 
478 
40 

21 

480 

83 

23 

84 

148 

79 

121 

288 

34 


47 
4 
89 
10 
22 

4 
7 
27 
34 
70 

239 
28 
45 
38 
53 

77 
77 
44 
14 
79 

206 
39 
49 

186 
14 

24 
201 
66 
20 
58 

90 
24 
44 
106 
13 


62 
21 
181 
.51 
46 

29 
34 
44 
89 
137 

568 
68 
74 
40 
73 

94 
96 
71 
67 
114 

639 
63 
49 

319 
49 

40 
362 
120 

12 
110 

94 
78 
56 
209 
46 


38 


Arizona 


7 


Ark*^nsHS . . . , , 


72 




27 


Colorado 


23 


Connecticut 


4 




29 


Florida 


18 


Georgia 


22 


Idaho 


58 


Illinois 


219 




16 




14 


T^oiiisianft 


25 




20 


Minn wot?* 


40 


Missouri: 


25 


Nebraska 


30 


Now TT^tT'p'Thire 


41 




48 


New York 


183 


North Carolina 

North Dakota 


25 
11 


Ohio 


130 


Oklahoma 


11 




10 




122 


South CTarolina 


33 




15 


Tennessee 


61 




28 


•Utah 


IS 




30 




51 


Wycaning 


13 








8,340 


14,471 


22,899 


4,206 


2,148 


4,195 


1,517 








23 
26 
82 
79 
131 

173 
297 
471 
926 
2,066 

2,912 
506 

648 


39 
41 
149 
130 
240 

318 

524 

948 

1,652 

3,473 

5,134 
933 

990 


52 
62 
222 
212 
392 

477 

659 

1,277 

2,549 

5,815 

8,414 
1,695 

1,073 


16 
8 
S3 
40 
75 

83 

118 

239 

459 

1,081 

1,657 
252 

125 


2 

4 

24 

21 

26 

37 

51 

115 

252 

484 

871 
116 

145 


21 
17 
45 
37 
73 

98 
166 
245 
423 
1,089 

1,397 
256 

330 






5 


1913 


11 


1914 


18 


1915 


27 


1916 


33 




63 


1918 


76 




176 


1920 


386 


1921 


507 


1922 


115 




110 







56 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Tabeb 4^ — Record of former stufl-ewts who hme left secondary soiiodl with 1 or 
more years' work in,voeBitioA.al agriculturej. etc. — Continued. ■ ' 











t . . 










1 ■ 






i 


! ■ '■ 1 . 


Since leSvlng high sehool. ,..: , '■','.'■■ .-, 


''■ 


Nupi- 
ber 
going 
to 
col- 
lege. 


Num- 
ber 
having 
worked 
at occu- 
pations 
other 
than 
farm- 
ing. 


', ■ ■ ■ ' / ' . ' ■ ■ 1 
Number now farming as— 


! . . ■ 

Num- 
ber 
months 
farmed, 
aggre- 
gate 

-■■', 


Num- 
ber 
farm 
spe- 
cial- 
ties 
re^ 

ported. 


Success rating. 


State or year of 
leaving school. 


Own- 
er. 


Man- 
■agee. 


Kent- 
' er. 


Part- 
ner 


La- 
borer. 


Num- 
hl& 


Num- 
ber 
B/rec- 
age. 


Num- 
ber 
low. 


Total, 35 States- 


1,844 


2,348 


428 


254 


328 


2,169 


1,311 


50,459 


1,226 


1,612 


2,972 


669 




28 
10 
48 
7 
22 

11 
10 
12 
22 
-68- 

177 
25 
63 
36 
16 

34 
54 
24 
39 
30 

243 
39 
29 

155 
28 

5 
185 
90 
10 
50 

. 102 
53 


62 
6 
123 
18 
25 

14 
15 
26 
'25 
62 

242 

i 12 

' 63 

".■■47 

;(32 

IT 16 

, ;;■ 39 

! , 19 
47 

',;_57 

421 
26 
33 

175 
19 

■;27 

336 
54 
26 

.:m 

'62 

■-'•- 25 


14 
1,: 

24 
9 
3 

7 
1 

15 
8 

13 

43 

2 

9 

20 

2, 

5 

13 

1 

3 

19 

36 
9 
IS 

15, 
5 

'"ix 

14' 


i4 
3 
8 
3 
2 

1 
1 
9 

'..7 
14 

25 

7 

6 

...... 

3 

6 

...... 

4 

35 
11 

"'ie' 

1 

4 

31 

9 


13 
2 

38 
2 
3 

1 
2 
1 

■ 1. 
- 9 

S8 

10 

-4 

9 

3 

, :'■■■? 

""■■3" 

.27 
15 
3 
16 
11 

7 

2 

19 

17 

■8 

; 1 

■;8 


55 
10 
107 
18 
41 

6 

: 14 
25 
21 
82 

243 
26 
33 
14 
45 

118 
72 
24 
18 

125 

169 
50 
32 

226 

18; 

14 

171 

69 

7 
80 

31 

57 
45 
84 
19 


24 
7 

40 
39 
14 

13 

5 
- 8 

■ -.1 
-.-.74. 

196 
26 

1 

•'■• 1 

31 

; 34 

-.22 

': 39 

25 
53 

181 

4 

14 

,,123 

.;' 6 

','24 
118 

16 
.'. » 

21 

19 
6 
41 
65 
16 


1,371 
320 
1,698. 

478 
', 768 

1,287 

167 

911 

.867 

.-1,737 

4,'016 
699 
683. 
266 

1,127 

l,-683 

8ra 

316 

665 

2,232 

6,.673 
2,355. 

.889 
3,470 

510 

217 
7,054- 
852 
107 
924 

896 
880 

"3,'643' 

489 


15 
4 
33 
26 
40 

14 
2 

39 
6 

49 

" 254 

11 

9 

5. 

41 

54 
32 
10 
14 
144 

.82. 

. 17. 

37 

72 

6 

3 
69 
15 
.. 5 
31 

26 
30 

2 
37 

2 


30 

3 

59 

: 20' 

21 

13 

5 
23 
-23 

68 

. 174 
20 
26 

.18 
28 

76 

42 
25 
30 

86. 

166 

32 

.29 

145 

18 

20 

185 

30 

.. 10 

.S3'T 

42 

23 

8 

77 

' 5' 


64 
15 
142 
33 
46 

16 

16 

29 

, 22, 

127 

339: 
49 
23 
43 
66 

■ 84' 
64 

• 32 
28 

. 108 

362 
65 
45 

233 

27 

21 

295 

90 

.. 11 

!. 86. 

43 

. 74 

119 

132 

33 


28 


Arizona 


1 


Arkansas 


37 




' 14 


Colorado.....,..., 


10 
4 


Delaware 


7 


Florida 


18 


Georfda 


1 


Idaho 

Illinois i 


25 

.i 
.98 




• -18 


Kentucky . '. : : 

Jioulsiana.i , 

Maine 


4 
23 
8 




''■ '15 


iMissouri 


13 


Nebraska 


14 


New Hampshire . . 

■New Jersey .- 


2 
12 


New York.r 


43 


N orth Carolina 

North Dakota ; 

.Ohio . 


9 
6 
49 


Oklahoma. 


4 


Oregon 


5 


Peun'sylvania 

South Caroliiia 

'South Dakota 


35 
9 
1 


Tennessee.. 


9 

31 

15 
28 
18 
2 


4 

,:. 4 

8 

12 

9 

1 


17 
11 


Utah : 








■Wisconsin.. ,; 

Wyoming .'.' 


101 
- 13 


120 
23 


26 
■ 2 






Total, 35 States.., 


1,844 


2,348 


428 


254 


326 


2,169 


ijSll 


50,459 


1,226 


1,612 


2,972 


■:^ 


1904-19U J. 


6 
3 

8 
10 
38 

34 
49 
108 
242 
S24 

717 
45 

60 


12 
12 
22 
:29 
72 

■"74 
126. 
169 
318 
628 

731 
66 

89 


10 

3 
14 

6 
16 

17 
30 
27 
48 
91 ; 

134 
22 

10 






1 
2 
10 
U 
15 

' 25 
67 
104 
233 

577 

875 
145 

104 


3 
2 

12 
17 
11 

19 
29 
60 
148 
327 

517 
. 106 

60 


1,572 
268 
288 
271 
798 

1,360 
3,672 
5,574 
8,619 
12,664 

13,202 
1,218 

933 


6 
2 
8 
6. 
22. 

22 
54 
61 
136 
303 

454 
102 

60 


8 
3 

12 
8 

24 

31 
69 
. 98 
210 
401 

604 

88 

66 


15 
. .8 
42 
37( 
40 

,69 
111 
163 

348 

744. 

1,054 
164 

177 




1912 , 


2 
7 
3 
4 

' 7 
U 
22 
34 
66 

71 
16 

11 


2 
1 
3 
5 

10 
10 
20 
34 

77 

128 

15 

23 


■ , 3 
3 


m3 •. 


1914 i 

1915 


4 
1 

6 

14 

■.:f.ai 

;.'«5 
.131 

240 

:■** 
48 


1916 


1917 


1918 


1919 


1920 


1921 ji 




Year of leaving school 
not known J 





EDUCATION IS AGEICULTUBB. 



57 



Table 5. — Students having had three or four years' instruction in vocational 

agriculturey hy States. 





Number 

of 
schools. 


Number 

of 
students. 


Number, 
years 
studied 
, voca- 
tional 

culture, 
aggre- 
gate. 


Number 
years 
in high 
school, 
aggre- 
gate- 


Number 
grad- 
uating. 


Scholarship. 


State. 


Number 
high. 


Number 
average. 


Number 
low. 


Total, 30 States. 


233 


1,307 


4,573 


4,646 


1,032, 


"423 


662 


141 




6 
1 
8 
2 
2 

3 
6 
5 
20 
9 

6 
9 
6 

1 
1 

8 

10 

35 

7 

6 

30 

1 

1 

26 

4 

8 
2 
3 
10 

1 


27 
9 
6 
2 
7 

7 
34 
29 
82 
36 

33 

64 

12 

2 

1 

44 
36 
274 
48 
32 

105 
2 
3 

273 
9 

22 
7 
10 
89 
2 


88 
28 
19 
6 
22 

22 
118 

93 
251 
115 

119 

^7 

37 

6 

3 

158 
116 
964 
169 
99 

337 

6 

9 

1,073 

27 

68 

21 

30 

326 

6 


100 

17 

23 

8 

26 

25 
131 

92 
316 
137 

130 

267 

42 

8 
4 

172 
63 
■ 993 
178 
127 

407 
8' 

11 
824 

29 

81 

25 

39 

365 

8 


22 
4 
6 
2 
5 

4 
27 
21 
65 
34 

31 

53 

7 

2 

1 

36 
8 
163 
40 
29 

95 

2 

2 

243 

8 

16 

7 

' 10 

'■ 87 

2 


11 
4 
2 


15 
5 
2 
1 
3 

3 

17 
18 
45 
13 

12 

23 

5 

1 
1 

28 
16 
173 
32 
14 

40 

1 

I 

110 

7 

13 

5 
6 
51 

1 


1 


Arkansas.. 




California 


1 




1 


Connecticut 


2 

3 
9 
8 
25 
17 

17 

32 

3 

1 


1 


Florida 


1 


Georgia 


6 


Idabo 


2 


Tllinn1=! 


11 


Kentucky 


6 


Tin^ilRlnriA , , , , , 






10 


Minnesota 


3 


Mi<iRoiirI 








New Hampshire 


8 
10 
73 
13 
16 

42 
1 
2 

82 
2 

5 
2 
3 
30 


7 
6 




23 


North Carolina 

North Dakota 

Ohio 


1 
2 

14 










Pennsylvania 


33 


Tennessee 


3 






Utah i 


1 




7 




1 









58 



EPPEOTIVBNESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Table 5. — Btud&nts having had three or four yearsf instruction in vocational 
agriculture, ty States. — Continued. 





Since leaving high school. 




Num- 
ber 
going 
to 
col- 
lege. 


Num- 
ber 
having 
worked 
at occu- 
pations 
other 
than 
farm- 
ing. 


Number now farming 


IS— 


Num- 
ber 

months 
farmed, 

aggre- 
gate. 


Num- 
ber 
farm 

ciames 

re- 
ported. 


Success rating. 


state. 


Own- 
er. 


Man- 
ager. 


Rent- 
er. 


Part- 
ner. 


La- 
borer. 


Num- 
ber 
high. 


Num- 
ber 

aver- 
age. 


Num- 
ber 
low. 


Total, 30 States.. 


392 


421 


61 


49 


41 


335 


178 


9,021 


190 


333 


484 


49 


Alabama 


13 


10 

1 
1 


2 
2 


...... 


2 
1 


7 
2 
3 
1 

1 

2 

4 

4 

30 


1 
...... 

"'io' 
11 


206 
78 
26 
10 
19 

80 
684 
' 88 
222 

64 

59 

437 

11 


3 
3 
3 

i' 

2 
3' 

19 
3 

'"■'36' 

1 


7 
3 

1 
2 
2 

1 

10 
10 
21 

9 

8 

18 

5 


10 
4 
3 


2 






California 


1 


1 


Colorado 




1 






Connecticut <.. 


4 

2 
11 

6 
17 
19- 

15 
9 
3 


" i 
1 

1. 12 
13 
18 
10 

13 
19 
1 




3 

2 
11 
16 
30 

8 

17 
24 




Florida 


3 
1 
3 
2 
5 

2 
2 






2 


Oeorgla 


, 2 
1 
2 

...... 


""2 

S 

7 

1 
...... 

...... 




Idaho 


2 


Illinois 


2 


Kentucky . 


2 


Louisiana 


1 
1 


■"15" 
1 


i 


Maine 


2 




2 


Missouri 




-1 




























21 
2 
80 
22 
12 

27 

1 


18 

6 

105 

14 

13 

18 






8 
14 
56 
19 
10 

39 
...... 

70 
2 

7 

1 

6 

22 

1 


4 

7 

41 
...... 

12 
1 
1 

46 

1 
1 

"'\5 


130 

96 

2,217 

584 

289 

614 

24 

22 

2,498 

12 

46 


2 
14 
33 
7 
7 

21 


1 

10 

. 62 

13 

9 

26 


16 
13 
97 
17 
17 

36 
2 

"via 
3 

10 
3 

6 

31 

2 


1 


New Jersey 


1 

14 
3 

6 






2 


New York 


13 

4 


9 
3 


3 


North Carolina 

North Dakota 


i 


Ohio 


2 


4 

1 


g 






Oregon 


1 

112 

2 

6 
2 
2 
22 






""27" 
1 


1 
89 
2 

3 
2 
3 
15 


1 




68 
7 

7 

i 

7 

34 


8 


14 


3 


12 


South Carolina .v 




Tennessee 


1 


1 






Texas 




Utah 


"T 


1 
3 


1 
3 


92 
480 
33 


1 
9 






4 


Wyoming 























Tabij; 6. — Totals for graduates in sia^ States. 





Number 
years 
studied 
vocational 
agricul- 
ture, ag. 
gregate. 


Number 

years 

in high 

school, 

aggregate. 


Number 
graduat- 
ing. 


Scholarship. 


state. 


Number 
high. 


Number 
average. 


Number 
low. 


Total, 6 States 


4,424 


7,809 


2,076 


695 


1,114 


186 






Arkansas 


117 
897 
178 
956 
834 
1,442 


316 
2,147 

248 
1,701 
1,839 
1,558 


93 
641 

61 
423 
478 
480 


42 
178 

13 
135 
174 
153 


45 
310 

38 
265 
238 
218 




Illinois 


SO 
g 


New Hampshire 


New York 


17 


Ohio 


59 
43 


Pennsylvania 







EDUCATION IN AGRICULTtTRE. 59 

Table 6. — Totals for graduates in six States. — Continued. 













Since leaving high school. 












Num- 
ber 

going 
to 
col- 
lege. 


Num- 
ber 
having 
worked 
at occu- 
pations 
other 
than 
farm- 
ing. 


Number now farming as— 


Num- 
ber 
months 
farmed, 
aggre- 
gate. 


Num- 
ber 
farm 

cial- 
ties 
re- 
port- 
ed. 


Success rating. 


state. 


Own- 
er. 


Man- 
ager. 


Rent- 
er. 


Part 
ner. 


La- 
borer. 


Num- 
ber 
high. 


Num- 
b«r 
aver- 
age. 


Num- 
ber 
low. 


Total, estates.. 


729 


775 


72 


66 


59 


488 


267 


11,086 


264 


472 


712 


87 




38 
159 

30 
179 
163 
170 


37 
156 

21 
207 
136 
218 


6 
27 

2 
14 
12 
12 


1 
U 

2 
14 
12 
23 


2 
34 

■■'io' 

13 


29 
146 

16 

40 
165 

92 


7 
74 

4 
34 
78 
70 


179 
2,339 

323 
2,046 
2,401 
3,798 


6 
142 

8 
18 
51 
39 


14 

116 

4 

76 
114 
148 


31 
195 
28 
97 
178 
183 


4 


Illinois 


32 


New Hampshire 

New York 


2 

4 


Ohio 


30 


PflpnsylvHnia 


15 







Table 7. — Types of colleges to which vocational agricultural students have 

gone, hy States. 



states. 



Total 

Alabama 

Arizona 

Arkansas 

Calltomia 

Colorado 

Connecticut.... 

Delaware 

Florida..: 

Georgia 

Idaho 

Illinois 

Iowa 

Kentucky 

Louisiana 

Maine 

Minnesota 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

New Hampshire. 
New Jersey 

New York 

North Carolina.. 
North Dakota... 

Ohio 

Oklahoma.. 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania . . . 
South Carolina.. 
South Dakota... 
Tennessee 

Texas 

Utah 

Wisconsin 

Wyoming 



1,844 



662 



24 



348 



19 



162 



28 
10 
48 
7 
22 

11 
10 
12 
22 
68 

177 
25 
68 
36 
16 

34 
54 
24 
39 
30 



29 
155 
28 

5 
185 
90 
10 
50 

102 
53 

101 
13 



17 

7 

26 

15 

102 
17 
9 
67 
12 

3 
36 
21 



13 



11 



1 The reports for students in these columns were not sufficiently detailed to enable classMcation accord- 
ing to college within the Institution. 



60 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Table 7. — Types of coUeges to which vocational agriouUural students have 
gone, 6j/ States — Continued. ■ 



States. 


, 


a 


1 


1 


a 


i 


1 


8 


1 


i 


d 


i 


1= 


1 


Total 


12 


4 


3 


117 


5 


8 


4 


8 


9 


19 


2 


13 


63 


A8 














4 
2 
2 

1 






2 
















Arizona . . . . .. . 




























1 
















3 






4 


3 


California. 
























2 


1 


1 










1 










1 














1 
















1 






















FloriGa 


1 
















1 
1 
2 










Georgia 


















1 






"■ 


Trtfthn , , , 


1 
2 






2 

7 








1 


2 




3 


7 


Ulinois 


1 







1 






2 


8 


Iowa 










1 










10 




1 
1 












3 


.... 


1 


Tjniii:c;innA 


















? 


Maine 




























Minnesota 








8 
2 


















} 




Missouri 
























4 


Nebraska 










1 














1 
























1 














1 
9 




2 

1 




1 

2 

1 












New York 


2 




1 


4 


5 





3 

1 


10 


1 




•) 


North Dakota - 








1 

IS 
4 














1 




2 


2 


.... 




1 




1 








2 


8 












4 


Oregon 


















1 
4 


















23 








1 


1 






15 
6 




South "Carolina 












1 




? 


































3 
10 


















2 

8 

1 
7 




Texas 


1 




















1 


7 






















11 










13 










1 


1 






n 
















1 




■ 

































AVAILABLE PUBLICATIONS OF THE FEDERAL BOARD 
FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. 



Annual reports : 1919, 1920, 1921, 1922. 

Bulletin No. 1. Statement of Policies. Re- 
vised edition, April, 1922. 

Bulletin No. 13. (Agricultural Series, No. 
1.) Agricultural Education — Organi- 
zation and Administration. 

Bulletin No. 16. Emergency War Training 
for Radio Mechanics and Radio Op- 
erators. 

Bulletin No. 17. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 1.) Trade and Industrial 
Education — Organization and Admin- 
istration. 

Bulletin No. 18. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 2.) Brening Industrial 
Schools. 

Bulletin No. 19. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 3.) Part-Time Trade and 
and Industrial Education. 

Bulletin No. 20. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 4.) Buildings and Equip- 
ment for Schools and Classes In Trade 
and Industrial Subjects. 

Bulletin No. 21. (Agricultural Series, No. 
3.) The Home Project as a Phase 
of Vocational Agricultural Education. 

Bulletin No. 22. (Commercial Education 
Series, No. 1.) RetaU Selling. 

Bulletin No. 23. (Home :Blconomics Series, 
No. 1.) Clothing for the Family. On 
sale by Superintendent of Documents, 
Government Printing Office. 15c per 
copy. 

Bulletin No. 26. (Agricultural Series, No. 
4.) Agricultural Education — Some 
Problems In State Supervision. 

Bulletin No. 27. (Agricultural Series, No. 
5.) ' The Training of Teachers of Vo- 
cational Agriculture. 

Bulletin No. 28. (Home Economics Series, 
No. 2.) Home Economics Education-^ 
Organization and Administration. 

Bulletin No. 30. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 5.) Evening and Part- 
Time Schools in the Textile Industry 
of the Southern States. 

Bulletin No. 31. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 6.) Training Courses In 
Safety and Hygiene in the Building 
Trades. 

Bulletin No. 34. (Commercial Education 
Series, No. 3.) Commercial Educa- 
tion — Organization and Administra- 
tion. 



Bulletin No. 35. (Home Economics Series, 
No. 3.) Use and Preparation of Food. 
On sale by Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, Government Printing OflBce. 
20c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 36. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 7.) Foreman Training 
Courses. Part 1. 

Bulletin No. 36. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 7.) Foreman Training 
Courses. Part II. 

Bulletin No. 37. (Home Economics Series, 
No. 4.) Survey of the Needs In the 
Field of Vocational Home Economics 
Education. 

Bulletin No. 38. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 8.) General Mining. On 
sale by Superintendent of Documents, 
Government Printing Office. 15c per 
copy. 

Bulletin No. 39. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 9.) Coal-Mlne Gases. On 
sale by Superintendent of Documents, 
Government Printing Office. 5c per 
copy. 

Bulletin No. 40. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 10.) Coal-Mine Timbering. 
On sale by Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, Government Printing Office. 
15c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 41. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 11.) Coal-Mlne Ventila- 
tion. On sale by Superintendent of 
Documents, Government Printing Of- 
fice. 10c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 42. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 12.) Safety Lamps, In- 
cluding Flame Safety Lamps and Ap- 
proved Electric Lamps. On sale by 
" Superintendent of Documents, Govern- 
ment Printing Office. 10c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 43. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 8.) The Labor Audit. 
A Method of Industrial Investigation. 

Bulletin No. 44. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 5.) The Wage-Set- 
ting Process. 

Bulletin No. 45. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 3.) Job Specifica- 
tions. 

Bulletin No. 46. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 6. The Turnover of 
Labor. 

61 



62 



EFFECTIVENESS OF VOCATIONAL 



Balletln No. 47. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 7.) Industrial Acci- 
dents and Their Prerentlon. 

Bulletin No. 48. Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No, 4.) Employment 
Management and Industrial Training. 

Bulletin No. 40. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 2.) The Selection 
and Placement of Employees. 

Bulletin No. 60. (Employment Manage- 
ment Series, No. 1.) Employment 
Management : Its Bise and Scope. 

Bulletin No. SI. (Employment Manage- 
ment, Series, No. 9.) Bibliography of 
Employment Management. 

Bulletin No. 62. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 13.) Theory and Practice. 
Machinist's Trade. On sale by Super- 
intendent of Documents, Government 
Printing Office, 10c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 63. (Agricultural Series, No. 
e.) Lessons in Plant Production for 
Southern Schools. 

Bulletin No. 64. (Coinmercial Education 
Series, No. 4.) Survey of Junior Com- 
mercial Occupations. 

Bulletin No. 66. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 14.) Compulsory Pilrt- 
Time School Attendance Laws. 

Bulletin No. 56. (Agricultural Series, No. 
7.) Lessons in Animal t>roduction for 
Southern Schools. ' 

Bulletin No. 67. (Industriai Behabilitatldn 
Series, No. 1.) Industrial Rehabilita- 
tion — A Statement of Policies to be 
Observed in the Administration of the 
Industrial Eehabllitation Act. 

Btllletin No. 68. (Trade Industrial Series, 
No. 16.) Trade and Industrial Educa- 
tion for (}irls and Women. 

Bulletin No. 60. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 16.) Foremanship Courses 
vs. Instructor Training Courses. 

Bulletin No. 61. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 17.) Improving Foreman- 
ship. Trade Intension Courses for 
Foremen. 

Bulletin No. 62. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 18.) Instructor Training. 

Bulletin No. 63. (Agricultural Series, No. 
8.) A Unit Course in Poultry Hus- 
bandry. On sale by Superintendent of 
Documents, Government Printing 
Office. 6c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 64. (Industrial Behabillta- 
tlon Series, No. 2.) Industrial Re- 
habilitation — General Administration 
and C!ase Procedure. 

Bulletin No. 65. (Home Economics Series, 
No. 6.) Oilid Care and Cliild Wel- 
fare. On sale by Superintendent of 
Documents, Government Printing 
Office. 35c per copy. 



Bulletin No. 66. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 19.) Bibliography on Vo- 
cational Guidance. 

Bulletin No. 67. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 20.) A Survey and Analy- 
sis of the Pottery Industry. 

Bulletin No. 68. (Agricultural Series, No. 
9.) A Unit Course in Swine Hus- 
bandry. On sale by Superintendent of 
Documents, Government Printing 
Office. Sc per copy. 

Bulletin No. 69. (Trade and Industriai Se- 
ries, No. 21.) An Analysis of the 
Railway Boilermaker's Trade. 

Bulletin No. 70. (Industrial Rehabilita- 
tion Series, No. 3.) Industrial Re- 
habilitation — Services of Advisement 
and Cooperation. 

Bulletin No. 71. (Home Economics Series, 
No. 6.) The Home Project; Its Use 
in Home-making Education. On sale 
by Superintendent of Documents. Gov- 
ernment Printing Office. 10c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 72. (Industrial Rehabilita- 
tion Series, No. 4.) Vocational Re- 
habilitation In Rural Communities. 

Bulletin No. 73. (Trade and Industriai Se- 
ries, No. 22.) Part-time Schools. A 
Survey of Experience in the United 
States and Foreign Countries, with 
Recommendations. Oil sale by Super- 
intendent of Documents, Government 
Printing Office. 36c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 74. (Agricultural Sprles, No. 
10.) Analyzing a Potato Enterprise. 
Suggestions for Teachers. On sale by 
Superintendent of Documents,. Govern- 
ment Printing Office. 10c per copy. 

Bulletin No. 75. (Agricultural Series, No. 
11.) Analysing a Poultry Enterprise. 
On sale by Superintendent of Docu- 
ments, Government Printing Office, 
6c per coby. 

Bulletin No. 76. (Industriai RehablUta- 
tion Series, No. 5.) Vocational Re- 
habilitation and Workmen's Compen- 
sation. 

BuUetin No. 77. (Industrial Rehabilita- 
tion Series, No. 6.) Handbook of In- 
formation for State Officials Cooperat- 
ing in the Administration of the Voca- 
tional Rehabilitation Act. 

Bulletin No. 78. (Trade and Industrial 
Series, No. 23.) Part-time Coopera- 
tive Courses. On sale by Superin- 
tendent of Documents, Government 
Printing Office. 6e per copy. 

Bulletin No. 79. (Home Economics Se- 
ries, No. 7.) A study of Home Eco- 
nomics Education in Teacher Training 
Institutions for Negroes. On sale by 
Superintendent of Documents, Govern- 
ment Printing Office. 15e per copy. 



EDUCATION IN AGKICTJLrURE. 



63 



Bulletin No. 80. (Vocational Rehabilita- 
tion Series, No. 7.) Vocational Ee- 
habllitation — Its Purpose, Scope, and 
Methods, with Illustrative Cases. On 
sale by Superintendent of Documente, 
Government Printing Office. 10c per 
copy. 

Bulletin No. 81. (Agriculture Series, No. 
12.) Rooms and Equipment for the 
Teaching of Vocational Agriculture in 
Secondary Schools. On sale by Suppr- 
Intendent of Documents, Government 
Printing Office. 10c per copy. 



Bulletin No. 82. (Agricultural Series, No. 
13.) Effectiveness of Vocational Edu- 
cation in Agriculture. A study of the 
Value of Vocational Instruction in 
Agriculture in Secondary Schools as 
Indicated by the Occupational Distri- 
bution of Former Students. On sale by 
Superintendent of Documents, Govern- 
ment Printing Office. 10c per copy. 

Report of Proceedings of the First Na- 
tional Conference on Vocational Re- 
habilitation of Persons Disabled in In- 
dustry or Otherwise. St. Louis, Mo., 
May 15, 16, 17, 1922. 



ADDITIONAL COPIES 

Of THIS PUBLICATION MAV BE PKOCnEBD PEOM 

THE SnPKKINTBNDENT OF DOCUMENTS 

OOVEENMBNT PRINTING OFFICE 

WASHINGTON, D. C. 

AT 

10 CENTS PER COPT 



PUBCHASEB AGBBES NOT TO BESBLL OB DISTBIBUTE THIS 
COPY FOE PROFIT. ^PUB. EDS. 67, APPROVED MAT 11, 1922. 



VITA 

The author of this disertation, Charles Everett Myers, was 
born in Wayne County, West Virginia, on July 6, 1888. He re- 
ceived his early education in the one-teacher schools of the 
county and in Oakview Academy located at Wayne,, West Vir- 
ginia. He attended the West Liberty State Normal School,. 
West Liberty, West Virginia in 1907, and the following year 
entered Marshall College State Normal, Huntington, West 
Virginia, receiving a Normal School Diploma from the latter 
institution in June, I9I0. He received the degree of Bachelor' 
of Arts from the University of Illinois in June, 1913, and the 
degree of Bachelor of Science in Agriculture from the West Vir- 
ginia University in June, 1914. He attended Teachers College, 
Columbia University, for the Summer Sessions of 1916 and 
1917. He graduated from the Fourth Officers Training School, 
Camp Lee, Virginia in November, 1918. In June, 1919, he re- 
ceived the degree of Master of Arts from Teachers College, 
Columbia University, and attended the Summer Session for 
that year. During the summer of 1920, he attended The George 
Peabody College for Teachers, Nashville, Tennessee. During 
the year 1922-1923, he was in attendance at Teachers College, 
Columbia University. Between 1905 and 1911, he taught four 
terms in the rural schools of Wayne and Mingo counties. West 
Virginia. --He was Assistant in Agriculture in the West Virginia 
University during the year 1913-1914. was principal of The 
Nicholas County High School, West Virginia, four years, was 
Assistant Professor of Vocational Education in the North Car- 
olina S+at-? Colleee of Agriculture and Engineering during 1919- 
20, and Associate Professor the next vear. In January, 1921, 
he went to The Pennsvlvania State College as Associate Pro- 
;fessor of Agricultural Education. 



POLITIAN 

An Unfinished Tragedy 



BY 

EDGAR A. POE 



EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL SOURCES, INCLUDING THE 
AUTOGRAPH MS IN THE PIERPONT MORGAN 
LIBRARY WITH NOTES AND A 
COMMENTARY BY 

THOMAS OLLIVE MABBOTT 

A THESIS, SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE 
REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OP DOCTOR OF 
PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY V 



Siift (Solbgiste Press 

fiEOEGEBANTA PDBUSHING COMPANY 

MENASHA, WIS. 

1923 



POLITIAN 

An Unfinished Tragedy 



BY 

EDGAR A. POE 



EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL SOURCES, INCLUDING THE 

AUTOGRAPH MS IN THE PIERPONT MORGAN 

LIBRARY WITH NOTES AND A 

COMMENTARY BY 

THOMAS OLLIVE MABBOTT 

A THESIS, SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE 

REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF 

PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, 

■ COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



ZItic Gliilksiatc Vnee 

GEOEGE BANTA PUBLISHING COMPANY 

MENASHA, Wia 

1923 



Of the second edition of Politian 150 copies have been printed 



Copyright 1923 

by 

Thomas Ollive Mabbott 



Sllf (SnlUgltitt Vr«« 

GEORGE BANTA FtJBLISHINQ COMPANY 

MENASHA. WIS. 

1923 



PREFACE 

In preparing this, the first edition of the one important 
imaginative work of Edgar Allan Poe which has been suffered 
to remain partly in manuscript, I have been animated by the 
belief that all the verse of so great a poet should be easily 
accessible to the public. Though a prolific prose writer, Poe 
wrote a very small amount of verse, and even when all the 
cancelled passages are collected, there are only about 5000 
lines in the most complete edition of his works. Politian was 
Poe's one serious attempt at drama, and it has excited much 
curiosity, yet though many scholars of the first rank have ex- 
pressed a desire to study it, Poe's biographers and editors, the 
late Mr. Ingram excepted, have been unable to examine the 
unpublished portions, and even Ingram seems never to have 
seen the ending. 

Late in his life, Poe gave the original MS to Mrs. Sarah 
Anna Lewis — from her most of it passed to Mr. Ingram, and 
from him indirectly into the Pierpont Morgan Library, where, 
among so many treasures, it was singled out for special com- 
ment in Mr. E. V. Lucas' Roving East and Roving West (page 
1 20) — and it is through the generosity of Mr. Morgan that I 
am enabled to do for the play even more than W. M. Rossetti 
for Shelley's Charles I, since Politian is almost complete. 

During the poet's lifetime, five scenes were published and a 
few selections from other parts have been printed posthu- 
mously, but about a third of what is here given is wholly new. 
The two breaks in the MS carry away many lines, but fortu- 
nately most of these are in scenes Poe published so that 
probably only about one hundred lines have been lost. When 
it is considered how large a portion of Poe's blank verse is here 
first given to the world — nay even of all his verse, rhymed and 
unrhymed, the importance of this material, if only to students 
of metrics, must be evident at once, while examination of the 



IV Preface 

text sets at naught some theories which have been published 
abo^ut the probable ending of the play. 

Those who seek only for dramatic excellence may be dis- 
appointed — one experiment seems to have convinced Poe that 
he was not quite at home in this province; yet as the late Dr. 
Richard Garnett remarked in connection with the dramas of 
Dryden and Byron, it is not well to slight any work of a great 
man. Again, a few of the scenes show far more dramatic ability 
than some writers have recognized. The sixth scene is pleasing 
— the delicately suggested influence of Fate in the words of 
Lalage's song seems very effective, and at least one student of 
Poe has felt in Lalage's speech at the close of the seventh scene 
"distinct dramatic quality of the old sort." Monsieur William 
Little Hughes who first translated the old selections from the 
drama into French (in Contes inSdits d'Edgar Poe, Paris, 
[1862] pp. 249-281) characterizes them as "an admirable 
fragment of romantic drama, wherein live truly human char- 
acters" (p. iii) and on the basis of them Hughes expresses the 
belief that Poe could have supplied the lack of an important 
American dramatist, had he turned his attention more to that 
field (pp. 249-250) ; while G. Edmund Giindel {Edgar Allan Poe, 
Freiberg, 1895, P- ^^) expressed regret that portions of the play 
remained unpublished. The humorous scenes, Poe's only real 
attempt at comic verse, are curious and Scene x shows his 
perculiar bitter humor at a level with that in his best tales of 
the grotesque. Those who love poetry will find in the serious 
scenes passages of beauty and pathos, and those who study Poe 
can watch how, working in a new field, he strove to embody 
those fancies that haunted his brain, and can compare the 
first efforts (sometimes crude) with the perfected expressions 
in his later tales and poems. Finally, there is in this play "much 
of Poe's soul," and the student of Poe's literary genius, and of 
his tragic career may find new light both in the play, and in 
my notes which have been made as full as possible with the aid 
of the chief Poe specialists in this country. The imperfections 
of Politian are apparent enough, but the qualities of sincerity 
and earnestness, together with flashes of the true fire through- 
out, have made my task of editing not only a labor of love but 



Preface v 

a pleasure. It is no less a pleasure to thank those who have 
aided me in my work, and to whom I would now express my 
gratitude. 

First and most deeply I am indebted to Mr. J. Pierpont 
Morgan for permission to use the original MS upon which my 
text is so largely based, and to his librarians, Miss Greene and 
Miss Thurston for their unfailing courtesy. I am also grateful 
to Mr. Thos. F. Madigan who showed me and permits me to 
use the printed transcript of the one MS leaf not in the Pier- 
pont Morgan Library. 

Professor Wm. P. Trent has supervised my work, and helped 
me by constant good counsel, and two of the foremost Poe 
specialists, my friends Mr. J. H. Whitty and Professor Killis 
Campbell, have read my MS, granted me permission to 
use what I liked from their excellent editions of Poe's poems, 
and in addition have given me other valuable suggestions. 
Professor Geo. E. Woodberry and Mr. Whitty also consented 
to read my proof-sheets, an honor of which I am deeply 
sensible. 

Through the kindness of Professor Brander Matthews and 
Professor W. W. Lawrence I obtained access to the J. Lorimer 
Graham copy of Poe's 1845 volume at the Century Club, New 
York, and through the courtesy of Miss Elizabeth Cloud Seip, 
the owner of the unique file of the Baltimore Visiter I have 
examined the Poe texts of that paper. 

My indebtedness to many others is great — Miss Mary E. 
Phillips sent me her notes on the play, as did Professor C. Al- 
phonso Smith his, and I am thankful also for aid received from 
correspondents and friends, who have replied to queries or col- 
lected items for me — Mrs. Ruth Shearin, Miss Caroline Ticknor, 
Mrs. Chase (literary executor of Sarah Helen Whitman) and 
Mr. L. F. Johnson deserve special mention, as do my sometime 
fellow students at Columbia, the Misses Anna Reubenia 
Dubach and Margaret A. Nolan, Messrs. Henry W. Wells, and 
Ralph Marcus. 

Last but not least come the various members of the faculty 
of Columbia University, especially of the Departments of 
English and Comparative Literature, and of Classical Philol- 



vi Preface 

ogy — and the officials of the great libraries wherein I have 
worked, or had work done, especially The New York Public 
Library; the Library of Congress; the British Museum;- The 
American Antiquarian Society; The Ridgway Library, Phila- 
delphia; The Boston Public Library; The libraries of Brown, 
Columbia, Harvard, Transylvania, and Yale Universities, of the 
Maryland, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania, and Wis- 
consin Historical Societies; the Valentine Museum at Rich- 
mond; and the libraries of Mr. Henry E. Huntington; of the 
Curtis Publishing Co.; and of the Supreme Council of the 23° at 
Washington. To all I express my sincere gratitude. 

Thomas Ollive Mabbott. 
Columbia University, May 28, 1923. 



POLITIAN 

A Tragedy 

Scene — Rome in the [i6th] Century. 
Characters. 

Lalage, an orphan ward of Di Broglio. 

Alessandra, niece of Di Broglio, and betrothed to 
Castiglione. 

Jacinta, servant maid to Lalage» 



Duke Di Broglio. 

Castiglione, his son and heir. 

San Ozzo, companion of Castiglione. 

POLITIAN. 

Baldazzar, his friend. 

A Monk. 

Ugo \ 

Benito \ servants in the family of Di Broglio. 

Rupert ; 

I. 
\An apartment in the Palazzo of Di Broglio. Traces of 

a protracted revel. On a wine-table some candles burnt to 

the socket. Masks, a lute, a lady's slipper, cards and 

broken bottles are strewn about the floor and on the table. 

Enter Benito meeting Ugo intoxicated.] 
Ugo. Oh! is that you Benito (hiccup) are they gone? 
Benito. Faith that's a question, Ugo, hard to answer. 

But are the bottles empty? — then they're gone. 

As for the Count San Ozzo who knocked me down 

Just now on the staircase as I came up hither, 5 

I can with more precision speak of him — 

He's gone, I'm sure of that — pretty far gone. 
Ugo. Is the bravo gone? (hiccup) where is the buffo-singer? 

Did you say his Excellency had departed? 

Are all the fiddlers off (hiccup) the devil go with them ! 10 

I'm positively stupid for want of sleep! 



2 PoHHan 

Benito [eyeing him.] Oh you are right — quite right — being as 
you say 

Ugo, a most confounded stupid man. 
Ugo. Sirrah ! I said not so, or else I (hiccup) lied. 
Benito. I have no doubt, good Ugo, that you lied 15 

Being, as you observe, a most notorious liar — 

[Ugo sits and helps himself to wine. Enter Rupert.] 

Well, master Rupert, what have you done with the 
count ? 
Rupert. What should I do with any drunken man? 

I pulled him from under the table where he lay 

And tumbled him into bed. \ 

Benito. I say, good Rupert! 20 

Can it be the Duke di Broglio is acquainted 

With these untimely revels of his son ? 

It is a pity in so proper a man 

Is't not a pity in so young a man 

And of so gentle blood ? Here is a change 25 

I had not looked to see — he is sadly altered! 
Ugo. He is drunk, Benito, — did you not say so, Rupert? 

Most men are sadly altered when they're drunk 

Oh, I £tm sadly altered when I'm (hiccup) drunk 
Rupert [to Benito.] You think the Count Castiglione al- 
tered — 30 

I think so too. He was, not long ago. 

Barring some trivial improprieties 

A very nobleman in heart and deed. 
Benito. Now I've no faith in him, poor Lady Lalage! 

So beautiful and kind. 
Rupert. Truly Benito 35 

His conduct there has damned him in my eyes. 

O villain! villain! she his plighted wife 

And his own father's ward. I have noticed well 

That we may date his ruin — so I call it — 

His low debaucheries — his gambling habits 40 

And all his numerous vices from the time 

Of that most base seduction and abandonment. 



Politian 3 

Benito. We may: the sin sits heavy on his soul 

And goads him to these courses. They say the Duke 
Pardons his son, but is most wroth with her 45 

And treats her with such marked severity 
As humbles her to the dust. 

Rupert. She sits alone 

Continually in her chamber with clasped hands 
( Jacinta tells me this) 

Benito. Ah Noble lady! 

I saw her yester eve, thro' the lattice-work 50 

Of her chamber window sobbing upon her knees, 

And ever and anon amid her sobs 

She murmured forth Castiglione's name 

Rupert, she loves him still ! 

Rupert. How will she bear. 

Think you, the consummation of these nuptials? 55 
To-morrow week are they not ? 

Benito. Most true! they are. 

Tomorrow week Castiglione weds 
His cousin Alessandra. She was the friend. 
The bosom friend of the fair lady Lalage 
Ere this mischance. I cannot bear to think 60 

On the despair of the young lady Lalage. 

Ugo. This wine's not bad! gentlemen why d'ye blame 

My master in this matter? very good (hiccup) wine! 

Who is my lady Lalage? God knows! 

I don't, a super (hiccup) ciliary somebody 65 

Who play'd on the guitar! most excellent wine! 

And pride should have a fall. The count's a rake 

Or was, that's very sure, but he's reforming 

And drinks none but the very (hiccup!) best of wine. 

Rupert. Let us to bed! the man is steeped in liquor. 70 

[to Benito.] Come let us to bed. [Exeunt Rupert and Ben- 
ito.] 

Ugo [arousing.] What did they say? to bed! 

Is it so late ? is it all gone ? very well ! 
I will to bed anon [Enter Jacinta] ah ! bless my eyes ! 
Jacinta, is it you ? 



4 Politian 

Jacinta. Why, yes it is 

And yet it isn't, Ugo, there's a riddle! 75 

I was Jacinta yesternight, but now 

Madam Jacinta if you please. Sir Ugo ! 
Ugo. Sweetheart, I fear me (hiccup!) very much (hiccup!) 
that you 

Have been at the bottle — a pretty madam truly! 
Jacinta. You may well say that Sir Ugo — very pretty! 80 

At all events the Count Castiglione 

Tells me I'm pretty — drunken dolt look here ! [showing 
some jewels.] 
Ugo. (Hiccup!) where? 
Jacinta. Here! — look here! 

Ugo. Jacinta! (hiccup!) why Jacinta! 

You do not mean to say the count my master 

Gave you those jewels! 
Jacinta. What if he did friend Ugo ? 85 

What if he did? 
Ugo. Look here! — I'll take my oath 

I saw that very ring upon the finger 

The middle — the fore — no on the little finger 

Of the Count. I'm (hiccup!) done with you Jacinta! 89 

O you vile wretch! I'll (hiccup!) not have you Jacinta! 

I'm in despair! I'll (hiccup!) do some desperate deed! 

I'm desperate. 
Jacinta. You're drunk! 

Ugo. Fm going to cut — 

Jacinta. Your throat! Heaven! 
Ugo. To cut you altogether! 

I'm gone Jacinta. [going.] 
Jacinta. [pulling him back.] Stop! you snivelling fool! 

Will you not see the jewels — look you here! 95 

This broach — these pearls — these rubies — don't you see? 
Ugo [sulkily.] I see. 

Jacinta. These emeralds and this topaz! — won't you see? 
Ugo. I see. 



Politian 5 

Jacinta. You see! you see! can I get nothing more 100 

Out of your ugly mouth but "I see, I see"? 
Dolt, I'm not sure you see — or if you see 
You certainly see double. Here's a cross 
A cross of rubies, you oaf! a cross of rubies! 
D'ye hear — a cross which never cost a zecchin 105 

Less than five thousand crowns! 

Ugo. I see, oh I (hiccup) see it all. [looking knowing.] 

Jacinta. You see it all! 

You do not see it all [mocking him] you do not see 

That I'm the richest waiting maid in Rome 

The richest vintner's daughter owning these jewels! no 

You do not see, I say, that my mistress Lalage 

Who gave them to me, d'ye hear ? who gave them to me 

As a free gift, and for a marriage present 

(All of her jewels! — every one of them!) 

Is certainly gone mad! 

Ugo. The lady Lalage 115 

Gave you those jewels! How (hiccup!) came you by the 
ring? 

Jacinta. The count Castiglione, your sweet master 
Gave it her as a token of his love 
Last year — she gave it to me — d'ye see? 

Ugo. Jacinta. [with a leer.] 

Jacinta. Ugo\ [returning it.] 

Ugo. What, dear Jacinta? 

Jacinta. Do you see? 120 

Ugo. Oh, nonsense sweet Jacinta, let me look! 
Again (hiccup!) at the jewels! 

Jacinta. D'ye see? 

Ugo. Pshaw! — let me look! 

Jacinta. D'ye see? [going and holding up the jewels.] 

Ugo. Sweet dear Jacinta, madame Jacinta! 

Jacinta. Oh I see. [Puts them up and exit followed by Ugo 
staggering.] 



Politian 



II. 



[CasHglione's dressing room. Castiglione (in 

dishabille) and San Ozzo.] 
San Ozzo. An excellent joke! I' faith an excellent joke! 

Ha! ha! ha! ha! — a most superlative joke! 

I shall die, Castiglione, I shall die! 

Ha! ha! ha! ha! — Oh, I shall die of laughing! 

I shall die, I shall die. 
Castiglione \sullenly.\ I meant it for no joke 5 

San Ozzo. Oh no! oh no! — you meant it for no joke. 

Not you— ha! ha! ha! ha!— I'll die, I'll die! 

It's a very serious business I assure you 

To get drunk — a very serious business — excellent! 

So you've turned penitent at last — bravo! 10 

Why, Cas! I've got a string of beads at home 

(I'll send them to you) — a bundle of paternosters 

(You shall have them all) a robe of sackcloth too 

I used at a masquerade — you shall have it, you shall 
have it! 

And I'll go home and send you in a trice 15 

A tub of excellent ashes ! 
Castiglione. San Ozzo! have done for — \hesitating?[ 

San Ozzo. Oh! I am — I am done for — completely done 
for— I'll die! 

I shall die of laughing — yes! I'm done for — I'm 
done for! 
Castiglione \sternly\ San Ozzo! 
San Ozzo. Sir? 

Castiglione. I am serious. 

San Ozzo. I know it — very! 

Castiglione. Why then do you worry me with these 

ribald jests — 20 

I've the headach, and besides I am not well 

Either in body or soul. When saw you last 

The lady — Lalage ? 
San Ozzo. Not for eleven months 

What could have put that creature in your head? 



Politian 7 

Castiglione [fiercely.] San Ozzo! 

San Ozzo [calmly.] Sir? 

Castiglione [after a pause.] Nothing. When did you 

say 2^ 

You spoke to the lady Lalage? 
San Ozzo. Sir Count, 

I have not seen her for eleven months 
The Duke your father, as you very well know, 
Keeps her secluded from society 

And between you and I, he's right in it: 30 

Ha! ha! you understand? 
Castiglione. Not I, San Ozzo! 

I do not understand. 
San Ozzo. Well! well! no matter! [sings.] 

Birds of so fine a feather 
And of so wanton eye 
Should be caged — should be caged 35 

Should be caged in all weather 
Lest they fly! 
Castiglione. San Ozzo! you do her wrong — unmanly 
wrong 
Never in woman's breast enthroned sat 
A purer heart! If ever woman fell 40 

With an excuse for falling it was she! 
If ever plighted vows most sacredly 
Solemnly sworn perfidiously broken 
Will damn a man, that damned villain am I! 
Young, ardent, beautiful and loving well 45 

And pure as beautiful, how could she think — 
How could she dream, being herself all truth 
Of my black perfidy? Oh that I were not 
Castiglione but some peasant hind 
The humble tiller of some humble field 50 

That I might dare be honest! 
San Ozzo. Exceeding fine ! 

I never heard a better speech in my life. 
Besides you're right — Oh! honesty's the thing! 



8 Politian 

Honesty, poverty, and true content. 

With the unutterable extacies 55 

Of butter, verily, gingerbread, and milk and water. 

Castiglione [trying to suppress a smile.] San Ozzo you 
are a fool! 

San Ozzo. He's right again. My lord, I'm going home. 
Ere I be tainted with your wisdomship 
Good day! — I crave your patronage however 60 

When you become a cardinal: meantime 
I'll take the opportunity of sending 
The sackcloth and the ashes. [Exit.] 

Castiglione. Get you gone 

You merry devil! ha! ha! he makes me laugh 
Spite of myself. One can't be angry with him 65 

For the life of one. After all I don't see why 
I should so grieve about this little matter 
This every-day occurrence. Marry her — no ! 
^ Castiglione wed him with a wanton! 

Never! — oh never! — what would they say at the 
club ? 70 

^ What would San Ozzo think? I have no right 
Had I the will, to bring such foul disgrace 
Upon my family — Di Broglio's line 
Di Broglio's haughty and time-honoured line ! 
No right at all to do it. Am I not bound too 75 

By the most sacred ties of honor bound 
To my cousin Alessandra? Honor's the thing! 
I can not pawn my honor! and Lalage 
Is lowly born — I can not pawn my honor. — ; 
My honor — my honor. Pshaw ! Pshaw ! 'tis but the 

headach 80 

The consequence of yestereve's debauch — 
Gives me these qualms of conscience. Be a man ! 
A man, Castiglione, be a man! 
A glass of wine will put you all to rights. 
Ugo! — do you hear there? — ^wine! 

[Enter Ugo bearing a bundle and a basket full of 
bottles^ 

What the devil's that? 85 



Politian 9 

Ugo [hesitatingly.] My lord! 

Castiglione. What's that I say? — where is the wine? 

Ugo. My lord ! — the wine ? — here is some wine my lord — 

A dozen bottles, my lord. 
Castiglione. A dozen fools! 

Bring me a glass of wine. 
Ugo. a dozen bottles 

So please you, Sir, of best Salermo brand 90 

Sent as a present by his reverence 

The Count San Ozzo. 
Castiglione. Really, I'm much obliged 

[smiling.] To his reverence — did you not say his rever- 
ence? 

Uncork a bottle, Ugo, and let me see 

What it is made of. 
Ugo. No, Sir, you can't have any. 95 

Castiglione. How, Sir! — not have it?- — what do you 

mean by that? 
Ugo. Not a drop. Sir, — not a drop. 
Castiglione. And why? you ass. 

Ugo. Why, Sir, you see, the servant who brings it says 

Your're not to have the wine, only your choice. 
Castiglione. What does the idiot mean? 
Ugo. There's another present 100 

Down in the hall. Sir, you're to have your choice 

Of the wine or of that. 
Castiglione. Blockhead! why don't you bring 

The other present in ? 
Ugo. Eh?— Sir? 

Castiglione. Dolt! dunderhead! why don't you bring 
me up 

The other present and let me see it ? 
Ugo. I can't 105 

Castiglione. You can't! you villain? I'll try and make 

you then! 
[in a passion.] Scoundrel bring it up! What's that you 
have on your shoulder? 



lo Politian 

Ugo. Sir? — it's the sackcloth and that down below 
[throwing down the bundle.] 'S a monstrous tub of ashes — I 

can't lift it. 
Castiglione. a monstrous tub of ashes! San Ozzo's a 
fool ! I lo 

Ha! ha! ha! ha! too bad upon my soul! 
A tub of ashes! too bad! I can't be angry 
If I should die for it — to have my choice 
The wine or the ashes ! Ugo, send word to the Count 
Ha! ha! ha! ha! — Ugo send word to the Count 115 

I'll keep the wine, and he may have the ashes. 
Stay! — tell him I've been thinking — I've been 

thinking 
Of what he said — he knows — and that I'll meet 

him 
At the masquerade, and afterwards crack a bottle 

[Exit Ugo.] 
With him and the buffo-singer. Ha! ha! ha! 120 

Only to think of that! a tub of ashes! 
Ha! ha! ha! ha! I can't be angry with him! 
He's a fine fellow after all, San Ozzo! [Exit] 

III. [i.] 

[A Hall in a Palace. Alessandra and Castig- 
lione.] 
Alessandra. Thou art sad, Castiglione. 
Castiglione. Sad! — not I. 

Oh, I'm the happiest, happiest man in Rome! 

A few days more, thou knowest, my Alessandra, 

Will make thee mine. Oh, I am very happy! 
Alessandra. Methinks thou hast a singular way of 

showing ^ 

Thy happiness ! — what ails thee, cousin of mine ? 

Why didst thou sigh so deeply? 
Castiglione. Did I sigh? 

I was not conscious of it. It is a fashion, 

A silly — a most silly fashion I have 

'When I am fifry happy. Did I sigh ? [j/g-A<«|-.] 10 



Politian 1 1 

Alessandra. Thou didst. Thou art not well. Thou 
hast indulged 

Too much of late, and I am vexed to see it. 

Late hours and wine, Castiglione, — these 

Will ruin thee! Thou art already altered — 

Thy looks are haggard — nothing so wears away 15 

The constitution as late hours and wine. 
Castiglione [musing.] Nothing, fair cousin, nothing — 
not even deep sorrow — 

Wears it away like evil hours and wine. 

I will amend. 
Alessandra. Do it! I would have thee drop 

Thy riotous company, too — fellows low born — 20 

111 suit the like with old Di Broglio's heir 

And Alessandra's husband. 
Castiglione. I will drop them. 

Alessandra. Thou wilt — thou must. Attend thou also 
more 

To thy dress and equipage — they are over plain 

For thy lofty rank and fashion — much depends 25 

Upon appearances. 
Castiglione. I'll see to it. 

Alessandra. Then see to it! — pay more attention, sir, 

To a becoming carriage — much thou wantest 

In dignity. 
Castiglione. Much, much, oh much I want 

In proper dignity. 
Alessandra [haughtily.] Thou mockest me, sir! 30 

Castiglione [abstractedly .] Sweet, gentle Lalage! 
Alessandra. Heard I aright? 

I speak to him — he speaks of Lalage ! 

Sir Count ! [places her hand on his shoulder] what art 
thou dreaming ? he's not well ! 

What ails thee, sir? 
Castiglione [starting?^ Cousin! fair cousin! — madam! 

I crave thy pardon — indeed I am not well — 35 

Your hand from off my shoulder, if you please. 



1 2 Politian 

This air is most oppressive! — Madam — the Duke! 
[Enter Di Broglio.] 

Di Broglio. My son, I've news for thee! — hey? — what's 
the matter? [o^je-mw^ Alessandra.] 

r the pouts? Kiss her, Castiglione! kiss her. 
You dog! and make it up, I say, this minute! 40 

I've news for you both. Politian is expected 
Hourly in Rome — Politian, Earl of Leicester! 
We'll have him at the wedding. 'Tis his first visit 
To the imperial city. 

Alessandra. What! Politian 

Of Britain, Earl of Leicester? 

Di Broglio. The same, my love. 45 

We'll have him at the wedding. A man quite young 
In years, but grey in fame. I have not seen him, 
But Rumour speaks of him as of a prodigy 
Pre-eminent in arts and arms, and wealth. 
And high descent. We'll have him at the wedding. 50 

Alessandra. I have heard much of this Politian. 
Gay, volatile and giddy — is he not? 
And little given to thinking. 

Di Broglio. Far from it, love. 

No branch, they say, of all philosophy 
So deep abstruse he has not mastered it. 55 

Learned as few are learned. 

Alessandra. 'Tis very strange! 

I have known men have seen Politian 
And sought his company. They speak of him 
As of one who entered madly into life, 
Drinking the cup of pleasure to the dregs. 60 

Castiglione. Ridiculous! now / have seen Politian 

And know him well — nor learned nor mirthful he. 
He is a dreamer and a man shut out 
From common passions. 

Di Broglio. Children, we disagree. 

Let us go forth and taste the fragrant air 65 

Of the garden. Did I dream, or did I hear 
Politian was a melancholy man? [Exeunt.] 



Politian 13 

IV. [II.] 

[A Lady^s apartment, with a window open and 
looking into a garden. Lalage, in deep mourning, 
reading at a table on which lie some books and a hand 
mirror. In the back ground Jacinta {a servant 
maid) leans carelessly upon a chair.] 
Lalage. Jacinta! is it thou? 
Jacinta [pertly.] Yes, Ma'am, I'm here. 

Lalage. I did not know, Jacinta, you were in waiting. 
Sit down ! — let not my presence trouble you — 
Sit down ! — for I am humble, most humble. 
Jacinta [aside.] 'Tis time. 

[Jacinta seats herself in a side-long manner upon 
the chair, resting her elbows upon the back, and re- 
garding her mistress with a contemptuous look. 
Lalage continues to read.] 
Lalage. "It in another climate, so he said, 5 

"Bore a bright golden flower, but not i' this soil!" 

[pauses — turns over some leaves, and resumes \ 
"No lingering winters there, nor snow, nor shower — 
"But Ocean ever to refresh mankind 
"Breathes the shrill spirit of the western wind." 
Oh, beautiful! — most beautiful! — how like 10 

To what my fevered soul doth dream of Heaven! 
O happy land! [pauses^ She died! — the maiden 

died! 
O still more happy maiden who couldst die! 
Jacinta! 

[Jacinta returns no answer, and 'Lai.ag^ presently 
resumes.] 

Again ! — a similar tale 
Told of a beauteous dame beyond the sea! 15 

Thus speaketh one Ferdinand in the words of the 

play— 
"She died full young" — one Bossola answers him — 
"I think not so — her infelicity 
"Seemed to have years too many" — ^Ah luckless 
lady! 



14 Politian 

Jacinta! [Still no answer.] 

Here's a far sterner story 20 

But like — oh, very like in its despair — 

Of that Egyptian queen, winning so easily 

A thousand hearts — losing at length her own. 

She died. Thus endeth the history — and her maids 

Lean over her and weep — two gentle maids 25 

^ With gentle names — Eiros and Charmion ! 

Rainbow and Dove! — ^Jacinta! 
Jacinta [pettishly.] Madam, what is it? 

Lalage. Wilt thou, my good Jacinta, be so kind 

As go down in the library and bring me 

The Holy Evangelists. 
Jacinta. Pshaw! [Exit.] 

Lalage. If there be balm 30 

For the wounded spirit in Gilead it is there I 

Dew in the night time of my bitter trouble 

Will there be found — "dew sweeter far than that 

Which hangs like chains of pearl on Hermon Hill." 
[re-enter Jacinta, and throws a volume on the 

table.] 
Jacinta. There, ma'am,'s the book. Indeed she is very 

troublesome, [aside.] 35 

Lalage [astonished.] What didst thou say, Jacinta ? Have 
I done aught 

To grieve thee or to vex thee ? — I am sorry. 

For thou hast served me long and ever been 

Trust-worthy and respectful, [resumes her reading.] 
Jacinta. I can't believe 

She has any more jewels — no — no — she gave me all. 
[aside.] 40 

Lalage. What didst thou say, Jacinta? Now I bethink 
me 

Thou hast not spoken lately of thy wedding. 

How fares good Ugo? — and when is it to be? 

Can I do aught? — is there no farther aid 

Thou needest, Jacinta? 



Politian 1 5 

Jacinta. Is there no /ar/A^r aid! 45 

That's meant for me. [aside.] I'm sure, Madam, 

you need not 
Be always throwing those jewels in my teeth. 
Lalage. Jewels! Jacinta, — now indeed, Jacinta, 

I thought not of the jewels. 
Jacinta. Oh! perhaps not! 

But then I might have sworn it. After all, 50 

There's Ugo says the ring is only paste, 
For he's sure the Count Castiglione never 
Would have given a real diamond to such as you; 
And at the best I'm certain. Madam, you cannot 
Have use for jewels now. But I might have sworn 
it. [exit.] 55 

[Lalage bursts into tears and leans her head upon 
the table — after a short pause raises it\ 
Lalage. Poor Lalage! — and is it come to this? 

Thy servant maid ! — but courage ! — 'tis but a viper 
Whom thou hast cherished to sting thee to the soul! 

\taking up the mirror^ 
Ha ! here at least's a friend — too much a friend 
In earlier days — a friend will not deceive thee. 60 

Fair mirror and true! now tell me (for thou canst) 
A tale — a pretty tale — and heed thou not 
Though it be rife with woe. It answers me. 
It speaks of sunken eyes, and wasted cheeks, 
And Beauty long deceased — remembers me 65 

Of Joy departed — Hope, the Seraph Hope, ^- 
Inurned and entombed! — now, in a tone 
Low, sad, and solemn, but most audible. 
Whispers of early grave untimely yawning 
For ruined maid. Fair mirror and true! — thou liest 

not ! 70 

Thou hast no end to gain — no heart to break — 
Castiglione lied who said he loved — 
Thou true — he false! — false! — false! [while she 
speaks, a monk enters her apartment, and ap- 
proaches unobserved^ 



1 6 Politian 

Monk. Refuge thou hast. 

Sweet daughter! in Heaven. Think of eternal 
things ! 

Give up thy soul to penitence, and pray! 75 

Lalage [arising hurriedly.] I cannot pray! — my soul is at 
war with God! 

The frightful sounds of merriment below 

Disturb my senses — go ! I cannot pray — 

The sweet airs from the garden worry me ! 

Thy presence grieves me — go! — thy priestly 
raiment 80 

Fills me with dread — thy ebony crucifix 

With horror and awe! 
Monk. Think of thy precious soul! 

Lalage. Think of my early days! — think of my father 

And mother in Heaven ! think of our quiet home, 

And the rivulet that ran before the door! 85 

Think of my little sisters ! — think of them ! 

And think of me ! — think of my trusting love 

And confidence — his vows — my ruin — think — think 

Of my unspeakable misery! — begone! 

Yet stay! yet stay! — what was it thou saidst of 
prayer 90 

And penitence? Didst thou not speak of faith 

And vows before the throne? 
Monk. I did. 

Lalage. 'Tis well. 

There is a vow were fitting should be made — 

A sacred vow, imperative, and urgent, 

A solemn vow! 
Monk. Daughter, this zeal is well! 95 

Lalage. Father, this zeal is anything but well! 

Hast thou a crucifix fit for this thing? 

A crucifix whereon to register 

This sacred vow [he hands her his own.] 

Not that — Oh ! no ! — no ! — no ! [shuddering] 

Not that! Not that! — I tell thee, holy man, 100 

Thy raiments and thy ebony cross affright me ! 



Politian 17 

Stand back! I have a crucifix myself, — 

/ have a crucifix! Methinks 'twere fitting 

The deed — the vow — the symbol of the deed — 

And the deed's register should tally, father! 105 

[draws a cross-handled dagger and raises it on high.] 
Behold the cross wherewith a vow like mine 
Is written in Heaven ! 

Monk. Thy words are madness, daughter. 

And speak a purpose unholy — thy lips are livid — 
Thine eyes are wild — tempt not the wrath divine! 
Pause ere too late! — oh be not — be not rash! no 

Swear not the oath — oh swear it not ! 

Lalage. 'Tis sworn! 

V. 

[Aroom in the palace ofT)i Broglio. Di Broglio, 

and Castiglione.] 
[Castiglione.] 

Undoubtedly. 
Duke. Why do you laugh.'' 

Castiglione. Indeed 

I hardly know myself. Stay! was it not 

On yesterday we were speaking of the Earl .'' 

Of the Earl Politian ? Yes it was yesterday. 

Alessandra, you and I, you must remember! 5 

We were walking in the garden. 
Duke. Perfectly 

I do remember it — what of it — what then? — 
Castiglione. O nothing — nothing at all. 
Duke. Nothing at all ! 

It is most singular now that you should laugh 

At nothing at all! 
Castiglione. Most singular — singular! 10 

Duke. Look you, Castiglione, be so kind 

As tell me. Sir, at once what is't you mean. 

What are you talking of? 
Castiglione, Was it not so? 

We differed in opinion touching him. 



1 8 Politian 

Duke. Him! — whom? 

Castiglione. Why, Sir, the Earl Politian, 15 

Duke. The Earl of Leicester! — yes! — is it he you mean? 

We differed indeed. If I now recollect 

The words you used were that the Earl you knew 

Was neither learned nor mirthful. 
Castiglione. Ha! ha! — now did I? 

Duke. That did you, Sir, and well I knew at the time 20 

You were wrong — it being not the character 

Of the Earl — whom all the world allows to be 

A most hilarious man. Be not, my son, 

Too positive again. 
Castiglione. 'Tis singular! 

Most singular! I could not think it possible 25 

So little time could so alter one. 

To say the truth, about an hour ago 

As I was walking with the Count San Ozzo 

All arm in arm we met this very man 

The Earl — he with his friend Baldazzar 30 

Having just arrived in Rome. Ha! ha! he is 
altered ! 

Such an account he gave me of his journey! 

'Twould have made you die with laughter — such 
tales he told 

Of his caprices and his merry freaks 

Along the road — such oddity — such humour 35 

Such wit — such whim — such flashes of wild merri- 
ment 

Set off too in such full relief by the grave 

Demeanor of his friend — who to speak the truth 

Was gravity itself — 
Duke. Did I not tell you ? 

Castiglione. You did — and yet 'tis strange! but true as 

strange. 40 

How much I was mistaken ! I always thought 

The Earl a gloomy man. 
Duke. So, so, you see. 



Politian 19 

Be not too positive. Whom have we here? 

It cannot be the Earl? 
Castiglione. The Earl — oh no! 

'Tis not the Earl — but yet it is — and leaning 45 

Upon his friend Baldazzar. Ah! welcome. Sir! 
[enter Politian and Baldazzar.] 

My lord, a second welcome let me give you 

To Rome — his Grace the Duke of Broglio 

Father! this is the Earl Politian, — Earl 

Of Leicester in Great Britain, [Politian bows 
haughtily] this his friend 50 

Baldazzar, Duke of Surrey. The Earl has letters, 

So please you for your Grace. 
Duke. Ah! ha! Most welcome 

To Rome and to our palace Earl Politian ! 

And you most noble Duke! am glad to see you! 

I knew your father well, my lord Politian. 55 

Castiglione, call your cousin hither 

And let me make the noble Earl acquainted 

With your betrothed. You come. Sir, at a time 

Most seasonable. The wedding — 
Politian. Touching those letters. Sir 

Your son made mention of — (your son is he not?) 60 

Touching those letters. Sir, I wot not of them. 

If such there be, my friend Baldazzar here — 

Baldazzar! — ah! — my friend Baldazzar here 

Will hand them to your Grace. I would retire. 
Duke. Retire! — So soon? 
Castiglione. What ho! Benito! Rupert! 65 

His lordship's chambers — show his lordship to 
them! 

His lordship is unwell! [Enter Benito.] 
Benito. This way, my lord ! [Exit, followed by Voia.tia.n.] 
Duke. Retire! — unwell! 
Baldazzar. So please you. Sir, I fear me 

'Tis as you say — his lordship is unwell. 

The damp air of the evening — the fatigue 70 



20 Politian 

Of a long journey — the — indeed I had better 
Follow his lordship. He must be unwell. 
I will return anon. 
Duke. Return anon! 

Now this is strange! Castiglione! 

This way, my son, I wish to speak, with thee. 75 

You surely were mistaken in what you said 
Of the Earl, mirthful indeed! — which of us said 
Politian was a melancholy man ? [Exeunt.] 

VI. [ill.] 
[An apartment in a Palace. Politian and Baldaz- 

ZAR.] 

BaldazZar. Arouse thee now, Politian! 

Thou must not — nay indeed, indeed, thou shalt not 

Give way unto these humours. Be thyself! 

Shake off the idle fancies that beset thee, 

And live, for now thou diest ! 
Politian. Not so, Baldazzar! 5 

Surely I live. 
Baldazzar. Politian, it doth grieve me 

To see thee thus. 
Politian. Baldazzar, it doth grieve me 

To give thee cause for grief, my honoured friend. 

Command me, sir! what wouldst thou have me do? 

At thy behest I will shake off that nature 10 

Which from my forefathers I did inherit. 

Which with my mother's milk I did imbibe. 

And be no more Politian, but some other. 

Command me, sir! 
Baldazzar, To the field then — to the field — 

To the senate or the field. 
Politian. Alas! alas! 15 

There is an imp would follow me even there! 

There is an imp hath followed me even there ! 

There is — what voice was that? 



Politian ii 

Baldazzar. I heard it not. 

I heard not any voice except thine own, 
And the echo of thine own. 

Politian. Then I but dreamed. 20 

Baldazzar. Give not thy soul to dreams: the camp — the 
court 
Befit thee — Fame awaits thee — Glory calls — 
And her the trumpet-tongued thou wilt not hear 
In hearkening to imaginary sounds 
And phantom voices. 

Politian. It ?j a phantom voice! 25 

Didst thou not hear it then? 

Baldazzar. I heard it not. 

Politian. Thou heardst it not! — Baldazzar, speak no 
more 
To me, Politian, of thy camps and courts. 
Oh ! I am sick, sick, sick, even unto death, 
Of the hollow and high-sounding vanities 30 

Of the populous Earth! Bear with me yet awhile! 
We have been boys together — school-fellows — 
And now are friends — yet shall not be so long — 
For in the eternal city thou shalt do me 
A kind and gentle office, and a Power — 35 

A Power august, benignant and supreme — 
Shall then absolve thee of all farther duties 
Unto thy friend. 

Baldazzar. Thou speakest a fearful riddle 

I will not understand. 

Politian. Yet now as Fate 

Approaches, and the Hours are breathing low,^,^ 40 

The sands of Time are changed to golden grains. 

And dazzle me, Baldazzar. Alas! alas! 

I cannot die, having within my heart 

So keen a relish for the beautiful 

As hath been kindled within it. Methinks the air 45 

Is balmier now than it was wont to be — 1 

Rich melodies are floating in the winds — I 

A rarer loveliness bedecks the earth — \ 



22 Politian 

And with a holier lustre the quiet moon 
Sitteth in Heaven. — Hist! hist! thou canst not say 50 
Thou hearest not now, Baldazzar? 
Baldazzar. Indeed I hear not. 

Politian. Not hear it ! — listen now — listen ! — the faintest 
sound 
And yet the sweetest that ear ever heard! 
A lady's voice! — and sorrow in the tone! 
Baldazzar, it oppresses me like a spell! 55 

Again ! — again ! — how solemnly it falls 
Into my heart of hearts ! that eloquent voice 
Surely I never heard — yet it were well 
Had I but heard it with its thrilling tones 
In earlier days! 
Baldazzar. I myself hear it now. 60 

Be still! — the voice, if I mistake not greatly. 
Proceeds from yonder lattice — ^which you may see 
Very plainly through the window — it belongs, 
Does it not? unto this palace of the Duke. 
The singer is undoubtedly beneath 65 

The roof of his Excellency — and perhaps 
Is even that Alessandra of whom he spoke 
As the betrothed of Castiglione, 
His son and heir. 
Politian. Be still ! — it comes again ! 

Voice [very faintly .] "And is thy heart so strong 70 

As for to leave me thus 
Who hath loved thee so long 
In wealth and wo among? 
And is thy heart so strong 
As for to leave me thus? 75 

Say nay — say nay!" 
Baldazzar. The song is English, and I oft have heard it 
In merry England — never so plaintively — 
Hist ! hist ! it comes again ! 
Voice [more loudly.] "Is it so strong 

As for to leave me thus 80 



Politian 23 

Who hath loved thee so long 
In wealth and wo among? 
And is thy heart so strong 
As for to leave me thus ? 

Say nay — say nay!" 85 

Baldazzar. 'Tis hushed and all is still! 
Politian. All is not still. 

Baldazzar. Let us go down. 
Politian. Go down, Baldazzar, go! 

Baldazzar. The hour is growing late — The Duke awaits 
us, — 
Thy presence is expected in the hall 
Below. What ails thee, Earl Politian? 90 

Voice \distinctly \ "Who hath loved thee so long. 
In wealth and wo among, 
And is thy heart so strong? 
Say nay — say nay!" 
Baldazzar. Let us descend ! — 'tis time. Politian, give 95 
These fancies to the wind. Remember, pray. 
Your bearing lately savoured much of rudeness 
Unto the Duke. Arouse thee! and remember! 
Politian. Remember? I do. Lead on! \ do remember! 
\going\ 
Let us descend. Believe me I would give, 100 

Freely would give the broad lands of my earldom 
To look upon the face hidden by yon lattice — 
"To gaze upon that veiled face, and hear 
Once more that silent tongue." 
Baldazzar. Let me beg you, sir. 

Descend with me — the Duke may be offended. 105 

Let us go down, I pray you. 
Voice [loudly.] Say nay! — say nay! 

Politian [aside.] 'Tis strange! — 'tis very strange — me- 
thought the voice 
Chimed in with my desires and bade me stay! 

[approaching the window.] 
Sweet voice ! I heed thee, and will surely stay. 
Now be this Fancy, by Heaven, or be it Fate, 1 10 



24 PoliHan 

Still will I not descend. Baldazzar, make 

Apology unto the Duke for me; 

I go not down to-night. 
Baldazzar. Your lordship's pleasure 

Shall be attended to. Good night, Politian. 
PoLiTiAN. Good night, my friend, good night. 115 

VII. [IV.] 

[The gardens of a palace — Moonlight. Lalage 
and Politian.] 

Lalage. And dost thou speak of love 

To me, Politian ? — dost thou speak of love 
To Lalage ? — ah wo — ah wo is me ! 
This mockery is most cruel — most cruel indeed ! 

Politian. Weep not! oh, sob not thus! — thy bitter tears 5 
Will madden me. Oh mourn not, Lalage — 
Be comforted! I know — I know it all. 
And still I speak of love. Look at me, brightest, 
And beautiful Lalage! — turn here thine eyes! 
Thou askest me if I could speak of love, 10 

Knowing what I know, and seeing what I hdve 

seen. 
Thou askest me that — and thus I answer thee — 
Thus on my bended knee I answer thee, [kneeling^ 
Sweet Lalage, I love thee — love thee — love thee; 
Thro' good and ill — thro' weal and wo I love thee. 15 
Not mother, with her first born on her knee. 
Thrills with intenser love than I for thee. 
Not on God's altar, in any time or clime. 
Burned there a holier fire than burneth now 
Within my spirit for /A^(?. And do I love? [«m;«^.] 20 
Even for thy woes I love thee — even for thy woes — 
Thy beauty and thy woes. 

Lalage. Alas, proud Earl, 

Thou dost forget thyself, remembering me! 

How, in thy father's halls, among the maidens 

Pure and reproachless of thy princely line, 25 



Politian 25 

Could the dishonoured Lalage abide ? 

Thy wife, and with a tainted memory — 

My seared and blighted name, how would it tally '''' 

With the ancestral honours of thy house. 

And with thy glory? 

Politian. Speak not to me of glory! 30 

I hate — I loathe the name; I do abhor 
The unsatisfactory and ideal thing. 
Art thou not Lalage and I Politian ? 
Do I not love — art thou not beautiful — 
What need we more? Ha! glory! — now speak not 

of it! 35 

By all I hold most sacred and most solemn — 
By all my wishes now — my fears hereafter — 
By all I scorn on earth and hope in heaven — 
There is no deed I would more glory in. 
Than in thy cause to scoff at this same glory 40 

And trample it under foot. What matters it — 
What matters it, my fairest, and my best. 
That we go down unhonoured and forgotten 
Into the dust — so we descend together. 
Descend together — and then — and then per- 
chance — . 45 

Lalage. Why dost thou pause, Politian? 

Politian. And then perchance 

Arise together, Lalage, and roam 
The starry and quiet dwellings of the blest. 
And still — 

Lalage. Why dost thou pause, Politian? 

Politian. And still together — together. 

Lalage. Now Earl of Leicester! 50 

Thou lovest me, and in my heart of hearts 
I feel thou lovest me truly. 

Politian. Oh, Lalage! [throwing himself upon his knee.] 
And lovest thou me? 

Lalage. Hist! hush! within the gloom 

Of yonder trees methought a figure past — /" 

A spectral figure, solemn, and slow, and noiseless — 55 



26 Politian 

Like the grim shadow Conscience, solemn and 

noiseless. [walks across and returns.] 

I was mistaken — 'twas but a giant bough 
Stirred by the autumn wind. Politian! 
Politian. My Lalage — my love! why art thou moved? 

Why dost thou turn so pale? Not Conscience' self, 60 
Far less a shadow which thou likenest to it. 
Should shake the firm spirit thus. But the night 

wind 
Is chilly — and these melancholy boughs 
Throw over all things a gloom. 
Lalage. Politian! 

Thou speakest to me of love. Knowest thou the 

land 6^ 

With which all tongues are busy — a land new 

found — 
Miraculously found by one of Genoa — 
A thousand leagues within the golden west ? 
A fairy land of flowers, and fruit, and sunshine. 
And crystal lakes, and over-arching forests, 70 

And mountains, around whose towering summits 

the winds 
Of Heaven untrammeled flow — which air to 

breathe 
Is Happiness now, and will be Freedom hereafter 
In days that are to come? 
Politian. O, wilt thou — ^wilt thou 

Fly to that Paradise — my Lalage, wilt thou 75 

Fly thither with me? There Care shall be forgotten. 

And Sorrow shall be no more, and Eros be all. 

And life shall then be mine, for I will live 

For thee, and in thine eyes — and thou shalt be 

No more a mourner — but the radiant Joys 80 

Shall wait upon thee, and the angel Hope 

Attend thee ever; and I will kneel to thee 

And worship thee, and call thee my beloved. 

My own, my beautiful, my love, my wife. 



Politian Tj 

My all; — oh, wilt thou — ^wilt thou, Lalage, 85 

Fly thither with me ? 
Lalage. A deed is to be done — 

Castiglione lives ! 
Politian. And he shall die! [Exit.] 

Lalage [after a pause.] And — he — shall — die! alas! 

Castiglione die? Who spoke the words? 
Where am I? — what was it he said? — Politian! 90 

Thou art not gone — thou art not gone, Politian ! 
I feel thou art not gone — yet dare not look, 
Lest I behold thee not; thou couldst not go 
With those words upon thy lips — O, speak to me! 
And let me hear thy voice — one word — one word, 95 
To say thou art not gone, — one little sentence. 
To say how thou dost scorn — how thou dost hate 
My womanly weakness. Ha! ha! thou art not 
gone— 

speak to me! I knew thou wouldst not go! 

1 knew thou wouldst not, couldst not, durst not go. 100 

Villain, thou art not gone — thou mockest me ! 

And thus I clutch thee — thus! He is gone, he is 

gone- 
Gone— gone. Where am I? 'tis well — 'tis very 

well! 
So that the blade be keen — the blow be sure, 
'Tis well, 'tis very well — alas! alas! [Exit.] 105 

VIIL 

[A street near a Palace. Bells ringing and shouts 

heard in the distance. Several persons cross and 

recross the stage rapidly. Enter Benito walking 

quickly, and followed by Rupert at the same pace.] 

Rupert. What ho! Benito! did you say to-night? 

Is it to-night — the wedding? 
Benito. To-night I believe. [Exeunt.] 

[Enter Jacinta fantastically dressed, and bearing 
a flat band-box. She enters at first quickly — then 



28 Politian 

saunteringly — and finally stops near the middle of 
the stage, and is lost in the contemplation of the jewels 
upon one of her hands, which is ungloved. She at 
length sets down the band-box and looks at a watch 
hanging by her side.] 
Jacinta. It is not late — o no! it is not late — 

What need is there of hurry? I'll answer for it 
There's time enough to spare — now let me see! 5 

The wedding is to be at dark, and here 
The day's not half done, — stay I can tell 
To a minute how many hours there are between 
This time and dark — one, two, three, four, five, six! 
Six hours! why I can very easily do 10 

The whole of my errands in two hours at farthest ! 
Who'd be without a watch? — these are pretty 

gloves ! 
I will not walk myself to death at all — 
I won't — I'll take my time. 

[Seats herself on a bank and kicks the bandbox to 
and fro with an air of nonchalance. Benito re- 
crosses the stage rapidly with a bundle?^ 
Look you Benito! 
Benito! I say — Benito! — don't you hear? 15 

The impudent varlet not to answer me! 
The wretch not even to deign to condescend 
To see me, as I sit upon the bank 
Looking so like a lady ! Tm a lady ! 
I am indeed! — but after all I think 20 

There is a difference between some ladies 
And others — the ignorant, stupid, villain ! — 
Between my former mistress, Lalage, 
For instance, and my present noble mistress 
The lady Alessandra. I made a change 25 

For the better I think — indeed I'm sure of it — 
Besides, you know it was impossible 
When such reports have been in circulation 
■ To stay with her now — She'd nothing of the lady 
About her — not a tittle ! One would have thought 30 



Politian 29 

She was a peasant girl, she was so humble. ' 

I hate all humble people! — and then she talked 

To one with such an air of condescension. 

And she had not common sense — of that I'm sure 

Or would she, now — I ask you now, Jacinta, 35 

Do you, or do you not suppose your mistress 

Had common sense or understanding when 

She gave you all these jewels? 

[Rupert recrosses the stage rapidly and without 
noticing Jacinta.] 

That man's a fool 
Or he would not be in a hurry — he would have 

stopped — 
If he had not been a. fool he would have stopped — 40 
Took off his hat, and, making a low bow. 
Said "I am most superlatively happy 
To see you. Madam Jacinta." Well I don't know 
Some people are fools by nature — some have a 

talent 
For being stupid — look at that ass now, Ugo, 45 

He thinks I'll have him — but oh no! — I couldn't. 
He might as well, for all the use he makes of it. 
Have been born without a head. Heigho ! what's 

this? 
Oh ! it's the paper that my lady gave me. 
With the list of articles she wants — ten yards 50 

Of taffeta — sixteen of gold brocade — 
And ten of Genoa velvet — one two — three, 

[As she counts, she tears a slip from the paper at 
each number, and arranges it on the floor in an ab- 
stracted manner^ 

Four, five, six, seven — that's it — now eight, nine, ten. 
Ten yards — I can't forget it now — ten yards 
Ten yards of velvet — I must try and get me 55 

A dress of Genoa velvet — 'tis becoming. 
And I would look so like my lady in it! 
Methinks I see her now — Oh ! she's a lady 



JO Politian 

Worth serving indeed — oh she has airs and graces 
And dignity — yes ! she has dignity 60 

[Arises and struts affectedly across the stage.] 
And then she has a voice. Heavens! what a voice! 
So loud, so lady-like, and so commanding! 
"Jacinta, get me this"— "D'ye hear?— bring that!" 
"And tell the Count Castiglione I want him." 
Then "yes ma'am" I reply, and curtsy thus 65 

Meekly and daintily thus, [curtsies affectedly.] Oh! 

I'm a maid 
One in a thousand for a dainty curtsey. 
But when I get to be a lady — ^when 
I wed the apothecary — oh then it will be 
A different thing — a different thing indeed! 70 

I'll play my lady to a T, that will I. 
I'll be all dignity, and I'll talk, thus 
"Ugo, you villain" (Ugo shall be my servant) 

[During this part of the soliloquy Ugo enters un- 
perceived and in his astonishment treads upon the 
bandbox and remains with his foot in it, as if stupi- 
fied.] 

"Ugo you villain! — look you here, you rascal! 
"You good for nothing, idle, lazy scoundrel! 75 

"What are you doing here? Begone you ugly 
"You silly, sulky, dirty, stupid idiot 
"Begone I say this minute — get out you viper. 
"Get out you jackass! — out you vagabond!" 
And then if he's not gone in half a moment 80 

I'll turn about and let him have it [seeing Ugo whom 

she encounters in turning round.] — who's this? 
It's he, by all that's good, it is himself! 
I'll turn about and let him have it so — 
[striking him.] It's as well now as any other time — 
Thus — thus — I'll let him have it thus — thus — thus. 85 
You wretch ! what are you doing with your foot 
Stuffed in that bandbox? I'll let him have it thus — 
Thus — thus — [Exit Ugo followed by Jacinta who throws 

the bandbox after him.] 



Politian 3 1 

IX. [v.] 
[The suburbs. Politian a/ow^.] 

Politian. This weakness grows upon me. I am faint, 
And much I fear me ill — it will not do 
To die ere I have lived! — Stay — stay thy hand, 
O Azrael, yet awhile!— Prince of the Powers 
Of Darkness and the Tomb, O pity me ! 5 

O pity me! let me not perish now. 
In the budding of my Paradisal Hope ! 
Give me to live yet — yet a little while: 
'Tis I who pray for life — I who so late 
Demanded but to die! — what sayeth the Count? 10 
[Enter Baldazzar.] 

Baldazzar. That knowing no cause of quarrel or of feud '^ 
Between the Earl Politian and himself. 
He doth decline your cartel. 

Politian. What didst thou say? 

What answer was it you brought me, good 

Baldazzar? 
With what excessive fragrance the zephyr comes 15 
Laden from yonder bowers! — a fairer day. 
Or one more worthy Italy, methinks 
No mortal eyes have seen ! — what said the Count ? 

Baldazzar. That he, Castiglione, not being aware 

Of any feud existing, or any cause 20 

Of quarrel between your lordship and himself 
Cannot accept the challenge. 

Politian. It is most true — 

All this is very true. When saw you, sir. 

When saw you now, Baldazzar, in the frigid 

Ungenial Britain which we left so lately, 25 

A heaven so calm as this — so utterly free 

From the evil taint of clouds? — and he did say? 

Baldazzar. No more, my lord, than I have told you, sir: 
The Count Castiglione will not fight, 
Having no cause for quarrel. 

Politian. Now this is true — 30 



32 Politian 

All very true. Thou art my friend, Baldazzar, 

And I have not forgotten it — thou'lt do me 

A piece of service; wilt thou go back and say 

Unto this man, that I, the Earl of Leicester, 

Hold him a villain? — thus much, I pry thee, say 35 

Unto the Count — it is exceeding just 

He should have cause for quarrel. 

Baldazzar. My lord! — my friend! 

Politian [aside.] 'Tis he — he comes himself! [aloud.] 
. thou reasonest well. 

I know what thou wouldst say — not send the mes- 
sage- 
Well ! — I will think of it — I will not send it. 40 
Now prythee, leave me — hither doth come a person 
With whom affairs of a most private nature 
I would adjust. 

Baldazzar. I go — to-morrow we meet. 

Do we not? — at the Vatican. 

Politian. At the Vatican. [Exit Baldazzar.] 

[Enter Castiglione.] 

Castiglione. The Earl of Leicester here! 45 

Politian. I am the Earl of Leicester, and thou seest. 
Dost thou not? that I am here. 

Castiglione. My lord, some strange. 

Some singular mistake — misunderstanding — 
Hath without doubt arisen: thou hast been urged 
Thereby, in heat of anger, to address 50 

Some words most unaccountable, in writing. 
To me, Castiglione; the bearer being 
Baldazzar, Duke of Surrey. I am aware 
Of nothing which might warrant thee in this thing, 
Having given thee no offense. Ha! — am I right? 55 
'Twas a mistake ? — undoubtedly — we all 
Do err at times. 

Politian. Draw, villain, and prate no more! 

Castiglione. Ha! — draw? — and villain? have at thee 
then at once, 
Proud Earl ! [draws.] 



Politian 



^3 



Politian [drawing.] Thus to the expiatory tomb, 

Untimely sepulchre, I do devote thee 60 

In the name of Lalage ! 
Castiglione [letting fall his sword and recoiling to the 
extremity of the stage.} 

Of Lalage! 
Hold off — thy sacred hand! — a vaunt I say! 
Avaunt — I will not fight thee — indeed I dare not. 
Politian. Thou wilt not fight with me didst say, Sir 
Count? 
Shall I be baffled thus? — now this is well; 65 

Didst say thou darest not ? Ha ! 
Castiglione. I dare not — dare not — 

Hold off thy hand — with that beloved name 
So fresh upon thy lips I will not fight thee — 
I cannot — dare not. 
Politian. Now by my halidom 

I do believe thee! — coward, I do believe thee! 70 

Castiglione. Ha! — coward! — this may not be! [clutches 
his sword and staggers towards Politian, but his 
■purpose is changed before reaching him, and he 
falls upon his knee at the feet of the Earl.] Alas ! 
my lord. 
It is — it is — most true. In such a cause 
I am the veriest coward. O pity me! 
Politian [^eatly softened.] Alas! — I do — indeed I pity 
thee. 

Castiglione. And Lalage 

Politian. Scoundrel! — arise and die! 75 

Castiglione. It needeth not be — thus — thus — O let me 
die 
Thus on my bended knee. It were most fitting 
That in this deep humiliation I perish. 
For in the fight I will not raise a hand 
Against thee. Earl of Leicester. Strike thou, home 

— [baring his bosom \ 80 

Here is no let or hindrance to thy weapon — 
Strike home. I will not fight thee. 



34 Politian 

PoLiTiAN. Now s'Death and Hell ! 

Am I not — am I not sorely — grievously tempted 

To take thee at thy word? But mark me, sir! 

Think not to fly me thus. Do thou prepare 85 

For public insult in the streets — before 

The eyes of the citizens. I'll follow thee — 

Like an avenging spirit I'll follow thee 

Even unto death. Before those whom thou lovest — 

Before all Rome I'll taunt thee, villain, — I'll taunt 

thee, 90 

Dost hear? with cowardice — thou wilt not fight me? 
Thou liest! thou j^fl/A' [Exit.] 

Castiglione. Now this indeed is just! 

Most righteous, and most just, avenging Heaven! 

X. 

[The Scene is evidently the Hall of Di Broglio's 
Palace. Ugo and San Ozzo.] 

San Ozzo. D — d if he does that's flat! why — yes, that's 
flat. 

Extremely flat, and candid, and so forth 

And sociable, and. all that sort of thing 

Damned if you do? — look you, you ignoramus 

What is it you mean ? is it your fixed intention 5 

To be all day in that especial manner 

If so pray let me know! 
Ugo. I'll let you know 

Nothing about it, and for the best of reasons 

In the first place. Sir, I did not hear a word 

Your honour said, and in the second, Sir, 10 

I cannot talk at all. It's very strange 

You can't perceive I'm dead! 
San Ozzo. It's very strange 

I can't perceive you're dead? soho! I see! 
[aside.] I've heard before that such ideas as these 

Have seized on human brains, still not believing 15 



Politian 35 

The matter possible. Ha! ha! I have it! 

I wish to see the Count — he'll not admit me — 

Being in the dumps about this little matter 

Touching Politian, who in the public streets 

Called him a coward on yesterday forenoon, ao 

Set him a laughing once, and he'll forget 

Both the Earl and himself. I'll bet a trifle now 

I'll make this idiot go and tell the Count 

That he's deceased — if so the game is up. 

[aloud.] So — so — you're dead eh? come now — come now, 

Ugo ! 25 

Be candid with me — is it indeed a fact 
And are you really dead? 

Ugo. Not, Sir, exactly 

Dead, so to say, but having just committed 
Felo de se, I'm what they call deceased. 

San Ozzo. Ah ! I perceive — it's positively so 30 

Poor soul he's gone! But now I think of it 
Deceased is not the word. What say you, Ugo? 
Deceased is not the proper word to express 
Your case with due exactitude. Perhaps 
Defunct would suit it better. 

Ugo. Sir! — I'm defunct. ^c, 

San Ozzo. Ah — very well! — then I shall tell your master 
That you're defunct — or stop suppose I say — 
I think there would be more of dignity 
In saying "Sir Count, your worthy servant Ugo 
Not being dead, nor yet to say deceased, 40 

Nor yet defunct, but having unluckily 
Made way with himself — that's felo de se you 

know — 
Hath now departed this life." 

Ugo. Say that. Sir, say that! 

For now, upon consideration, I think 
I have — departed this life. 

San Ozzo. I will — I'll say it! 45 

I will inform the Count — but not so fast — 
I'm wrong — I must not do it — it were against 



36 Politian 

All rules of etiquette. This is a matter 

Demanding due consideration, Ugo, 

One of the last importance. — Do you not think 50 

(You see I yield unto your better judgment) 

Do you not think it were more fitting, Sir, 

More decorous, you know, — you understand me? 

More delicate, more proper, and all that — 

That you should tell the circumstance yourself 55 

Unto the Count — ha! — do you take me Sir? 

'Tis the better plan, is it not? 

Ugo. Why yes, it is. 

San Ozzo. Undoubtedly — it is — you are right — get up! 
And lose no time about it — be quick — get up! 

Ugo. Get up? I can't — Sir, I've been dead an hour 60 

And am stiff as you perceive. 

San Ozzo. Well yes, I do. 

You are a little — stiff — all very true. 
I most sincerely pity you — but. Sir, 
Could you not, think you, by a desperate effort, 
Contrive to stir a little ? let me help you ? 6^ 

Paugh ! this will never do ! — why, bless me. Sir, 
Perhaps you're not aware that — that — in short 
The day is very sultry — and that a corpse 
In very hot weather won't — keep, you take me. Sir? 
My nose is delicate, and to be plain 70 

You smell. Sir, yes you smell — come now be quick ! 
Indeed I cannot will not answer for 
The consequence of any longer stay. 
Sir! you may drop to pieces! 

Ugo. Good God! that's true! 

Lend me your hand. Sir, do ! 

San Ozzo. Ah that is well! 75 

Extremely well attempted ! — Sir I am glad 
To see you on your legs, — a little stiff 
No matter! — not ungraceful in a corpse. 
Now Sir, this leg — a little farther — that's it! 
Most excellent! — ah! that is exquisite! 80 



Politian 37 

Now Sir, the left — you have a genius, Ugo, 

For putting out a leg! pray Sir proceed! 

Superlative ! — now that's what I call walking ! 

Magnificent! — a little farther. Sir! 

Farewell! — now recollect you tell 85 

The Count as I directed — you've departed 

This life — you're dead, deceased, defunct. 

And all that sort of thing — ha! ha! ha! ha! 

XL 

[Interior of the Coliseum. Politian entering from 
behind — moonlight.} 
Politian. Shall meet me here within the Coliseum! 
Type of the antique Rome — rich reliquary 
Of lofty contemplation left to Time 
By buried centuries of pomp and power! 
At length at length after so many days 5 

Of weary pilgrimage and burning thirst 
(Thirst for the springs of lore that in thee lie) 
I stand, an altered and an humble man 
Amid thy shadows, and so drink within 
My very soul thy grandeur, gloom and glory! 10 

She comes not, and the spirit of the place 
Oppresses me ! 

Vastness and Age and Memories of Eld, 
Silence, and Desolation and dim Night 
Gaunt vestibules, and phantom-peopled aisles, 1 5 

I feel ye now! I feel ye in your strength! 
O spells more sure then e'er Judean king 
Taught in the gardens of Gethsemane ! 
O spells more potent than the rapt Chaldee 
Ever drew down from out the quiet stars! 20 

She comes not and the moon is high in Heaven ! 
Here where the hero fell, a column falls, 
Here where the mimic eagle glared in gold 
A secret vigil holds the swarthy bat, 
Here where the dames of Rome their yellow hair 25 



38 Politian 

Waved to the wind, now wave the reed and thistle; 
Here where on ivory couch the Caesar sate 
On bed of moss lies gloating the foul adder; 
Here where on golden throne the monarch lolled 
Glides spectre-like into his marble home, 30 

Lit by the wan light of the horned moon, 
The swift and silent lizard of the stones. 
These crumbling walls, these tottering arcades, 
These mouldering plinths, these sad and blackened 

shafts. 
These vague entablatures, this broken frieze, 35 

These shattered cornices, this wreck, this ruin. 
These stones, alas ! these grey stones are they all. 
All of the great and the colossal left 
By the corrosive hours to Fate and me ? 
"Not all," the echoes answer me, — "not all; 40 

Prophetic sounds and loud arise forever 
From us and from all ruin unto the wise. 
As from the granite Memnon to the sun. 
We rule the hearts of mightiest men; we rule 
With a despotic sway all giant minds. 45 

We are not desolate, we pallid stones. 
Not all our power is gone, — not all our Fame, 
Not all the magic of our high renown. 
Not all the wonder that encircles us, 
Not all the mysteries that in us lie, 50 

Not all the memories that hang upon 
And cling around about us as a garment 
Clothing us in a robe of more than glory." 

[Enter Lalage wildly.] 
She comes. 

Lalage I come. And now the hour is come 

For vengeance or will never. So the priest 55 

Is standing by the altar, — the robed priest! 
And by him — the bride — the bride 
And in a bride's array! and by the bride 
The bridegroom — where art thou ? 



Politian 39 

PoLiTiAN. 'Tis true where am I? 

Not where I should be? By the God of Heaven 60 

I'll mar this bridal if at the altar's foot 

The bridegroom dies. [Exit.] 
Lalage. Away, — away, — farewell ! 

Farewell Castiglione and farewell 

My hope in Heaven ! [Exit.] 



ABBREVIATIONS 

Certain rather simple abbreviations, in the main familiar 
to Poe students, are used in the Notes. B.J. = Broadway Jour- 
nal; B.S.Y.= Baltimore Saturday Visiter; J.L.G. =The J. 
Lorimer Graham copy of Poe's 1845 volume, with his own MS 
corrections; MS=manuscipt; MS cane. =cancelled readings of 
the MS; 'P.O. = Poet's Offering; F.P.h.= Poets and Poetry of 
America; P.S.= Poetry of the Sentiments; S.^.V.= Saturday 
Evening Post; ^.1^.^..= Southern Literary Messenger; S.M. 
= Saturday Museum. Books published by Poe are referred to 
sometimes by date only, standard editions, like those of Camp- 
bell, Whitty (2nd edition of Complete Poems) and Harrison, are 
referred to by editor's names alone, Harrison contracted to 
"H." Woodberry refers to Mr. Woodberry's two volume Life 
of Poe. The familiar Library abbreviations N. Y. H.[istoricaI] 
S[ociety]; N. Y. P[ublic] L[ibrary] and L[ibrary of] C[ongressJ 
are self-explanatory. All titles of books, articles, poems, etc., 
are italicized, Roman numerals refer to volumes, chapters, acts 
or scenes; Arabic to pages or lines. Authors of all poems and 
articles cited are named except works of Poe, of Shakespeare, 
and books of the Bible, but there may be a few exceptions 
unrecorded. References consisting wholly of numerals are of 
course to scenes and lines of Politian itself. 



SOURCES AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE TEXT 

The text of the play here given is based on a thorough 
collation of the remaining portions of Poe's original MS, and 
of all printed versions of the play known to have appeared 
during the poet's lifetime. The latest text certainly authorized 
by the poet has been in all cases adopted, as Poe's corrections 
were made with great care in all his works. There has been no 
trouble in deciding just what should be held the final text — for 
the scenes printed in The Raven and other Poems (1845), ^'^ 
J. Lorimer Graham copy of that volume with Poe's own pencil 
corrections has been followed; the other scenes follow the 
MS. The last scene is in part the same as Poe's poem The 
Coliseum, but the MS has been followed because the changes 
made in the separate publications of the poem may not have 
been intended for the version in the drama — the versions of 
Poe's To One in Paradise as a separate poem and as 
incorporated in his tale The Assignation differ. All known 
verbal variations of the different texts and cancelled readings 
are however collected in the Notes following. 

The editing of the actual text of the play has been very 
conservative, and while all abbreviations of names and words 
have been fully expanded, stage directions put in italics, and 
names of characters in small capitals, in the interest of uni- 
formity and the reader's convenience, as little change has been 
made in the text as possible. For the portions of the play given 
in 1845, Poe's punctuation has been followed exactly — in the 
scenes edited from the MS alone, a few corrections of spelling 
and punctuation have been made, but these changes, even the 
addition of periods at the ends of speeches, have been listed in 
the Notes. The editor has scrupled less to make these changes 
in view of Poe's confession in a letter to T. W. White, June 22, 
1835 (H. xvii, p. 9) that he had been previously careless of his 
pointing, and the Politian MS antedates this. I have not 
however attempted to introduce any uniformity into the text. 



42 Politian 

and have retained everything which Poe might possibly have 
kept. In one thing only I could not follow Poe, and I 
have wholly abandoned the division into acts. Poe seems to 
have changed his purpose regarding this in the MS, and since 
the MS is imperfect at places where it alone could show his 
final intentions, I have concluded to number the scenes con- 
secutively i-xi, adding in brackets the numbers given them in 
Poe's old selection, since references are made at times to these. 
All that can be made out of Poe's changes is recorded in the 
Notes, and Ingram's proposed arrangement is also given. The 
question might be raised whether Poe intended to omit any 
scenes altogether — certainly he drew his pen carelessly across 
one or two of the pages, but probably this was done to indicate 
what the printer should omit in setting up the selections in the 
Messenger. 

I have rpade no formal bibliography of my sources, but 
have described all the uncommon books cited where first men- 
tioned. An Index of persons mentioned is given. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF "POLITIAN" 

(All versions before 1850 are listed — thereafter only first printings and 
first incorporations in editions of the poems are given.) 

1833. Baltimore Saturday Visiter (Baltimore, Cloud and Pouder) 
October 16, contains the Coliseum (vol. iii, n. s. No. 39, page i, column i). 

1835. The original MS dates from about this period, and includes as 
preserved. Scenes i; ii; iii; iv, 1-23; v (incomplete); vi; vii; viii; ix, 1-54; x, 
(incomplete); xi. It now consists of eleven sheets, of which the first ten 
are in the Pierpont Morgan Library, all with writing on both sides of the 
page — the other sheet which was clearly the last has writing on one side 
only. Two sheets only seem to have been lost. 

The Southern Literary Messenger (Richmond, Va., T. W. White) August 
contains the Coliseum (vol. i, p. 706) as "Selected Poetry," and December, 
Scenes iv; vi; vii (vol. ii, pp. 13-16). 

1836. The Southern Literary Messenger for January contains Scenes 
iii; ix, (vol. ii, pp. 106-108). 

1841. The Saturday Evening Post (Philadelphia, George R. Graham) 
June 12 contains The Coliseum (vol. xxi. No. 1037, p. i, col. i.) 

1842. The Poets and Poetry of America, [edited] by Rufus W. Griswold 
(Philadelphia, Carey and Hart), ist edition, contains the Coliseum at pages 
387-388, as also in the following editions: — 2nd (1842); 3rd (1843); 4*^ 
(1843); 5th (1844?); 6th (1845); 7th (1846); and at pages 431-432 in the 8th 
(1847) ^"d 9th (1848) editions. From the loth (1850) and subsequent 
editions the Coliseum is excluded. 

1843. The Saturday Museum (Philadelphia, T. C. Clarke) Feb. 25 
contained the Coliseum in the article on Poe by Henry B. Hirst, reprinted 
by the same paper, March 4. This exists only in clippings. 

1845. The Broadway Journal (New York, John Bisco) March 29 con- 
tains iv, 5-27, 56-1 1 1 (vol. I, p. 197.) 

The same periodical, July 12, contains The Coliseum (vol. ii, p. 14 

("41").) 

The Raven and other Poems, by Edgar A. Poe (New York, Wiley and 
Putnam) contains The Coliseum, (pp. 12-13); and iii; iv; vi; vii; ix (pp. 31- 

1846. The Raven volume was issued with this date (London, Wiley and 
Putnam.) 

The Poetry of the Sentiments, edited by R. W. Griswold (Philadelphia, 
U. Hunt & Son) contains the Coliseum (pp. 53-54.) 

1846-49. Poe's MS revisions of the J. Lorimer Graham copy of The 
Raven volume belong to this period — there are revisions only in the Coliseum 
(p. 13) and iv (p. 34.) 

1849. The Poet's Offering edited by Mrs. Sarah Josepha Hale (Phila- 
delphia, Grigg, Elliot & Co., "1850," copyright 1849) contains under the 
heading Ruins, the Coliseum, 11. i^-ii, 33-39, (p. 460.) 



44 Politian 

18S0. The Works of the Late Edgar A. Foe (New York, J. S. Redfield) 
contains iii; iv; vi; vii; ix (vol. ii, pp. 54-74) and The Coliseum (vol. ii, pp. 
15-16.) These are mere reprints of The Raven volume versions, but the 
misprint in the Coliseum is corrected. 

1875. The Southern Magazine (Baltimore, TurnbuU Brothers) for 
November contains Ingram's article Poe's "Politian" where are first printed 
(in slightly garbled form) i, 31, 2Z, 36-45. 58-60, 113; ii, 34-57, 75; v, 35- 
36, 41-42; X 14-15, 19-20 (vol. X pp. 588-594.) 

1888. The Poetical Works of Poe edited by John H. Ingram, "The 
Chandos Classics" (London, Frederick Warne & Co.; also issued in New 
York) contains Scene V, garbled, in a note at pp. 96-99. This portion is 
reprinted in Whitty's 2nd edition, but not by Stedman & Woodberry, 
Harrison, nor Campbell. 

1909. The Bibliophile (London) for May gives, (vol. iii. No. 3, p. 136) a 
facsimile of the MS of xi, 1-9 in an article by Ingram called Variations in 
Edgar Poe's Poetry. 

1911. The Complete Poems of Edgar Allan Poe, edited by J[ames] 
H[oward] Whitty (Boston, Houghton Mifflin) reprints most of the Southern 
Magazine material (pages 228-230). 

1912. The Autograph (New York, P. F. Madigan) November-Decem- 
ber issue contains xi, 15-end (vol. i. No. 8, p. 196), 11. 15-32 later appeared in 
an auction catalogue of the Anderson Galleries. 

1917. The Complete Poems, ed. Whitty, and ed. reprints v from 
Ingram's 1888 note (pp. 325-327) and xi, 15-32 (pp. 327-328) from the 
auction catalogue. 



EDITORIAL EMENDATIONS 

The text has been edited conservatively, but it seemed pedantic to 
reproduce certain abbreviations and very obvious errors, which are listed 
below, while the stage directions have been handled with some freedom. All 
abbreviations have been expanded, the names of all characters put in sm^l 
capitals, followed by a period, and all "directions" placed in italics, followed 
by a period and enclosed in square brackets. Exceptions to this rule are, 
first, the omission of the period after a speaker's name where it is immedi- 
ately followed by a direction; second, the omission of the period where a 
direction is inserted within a sentence. The capitalization of Enter, Exit 
and Exeunt has been made uniform. 

The division into lines is ultimately Poe's, but since he "justified" the 
beginning of each speech, the arrangement of lines spoken by two or more 
characters, is, like the numbering, due to the editor. See Notes on the 
Verse. 

Obsolete spellings are retained, absolutely wrong spellings have been 
corrected, and a very few marks of punctuation added. Except for silent 
expansions of the symbol "&" all intentional changes are listed below. 

In the Scene "l6th" is added to fill a blank in the MS; in the Cast 
"neice" after Alessandra has been corrected; and a comma added after 
Baldazzar. That the date is shortly after 1492 is shown by the allusion to 
Columbus in vii 65 f. 

I. The words in italics of 92-93 are not underlined in the MS but are 
in a different script which seems to demand italics. Periods are added in 
92, 94 and 119; interrogation points in 96 and 98, and a comma and exclama- 
tion point in 123. 

II. 35-36, MS has "shd"; 2i9t accent added; 56, the reading of the 
third word is uncertain; Ingram printed the line "of bread and milk 
and water" (!); 63, Stage directions added. 

III. See Variorum for omission of ROME at head of this Scene. 
V. 19, Period added; 54, See Variorum. 

VIII. 14, and 41, see Variorum; 77, Poe has "ideot"; 82, Poe has "Its." 

X. 35, period added at end; 60, Poe has "Ive"; 77, no tail is visible 
in comma after "legs." 

XI. 54, 59, 62, Speakers' names not given in the Autograph, where the 
changes are indicated by quotation marks only. Quotation marks added in 
1. 40. 



VARIORUM 

[The following list of changes etc. made by Poe himself is verbally as 
complete as possible, but some erasures, if made with a penknife may have 
escaped detection.] 

Title. The title is from the MS. Poe wrote above IV, in pencil "Scenes 

from Politian. An Unpublished Drama, by Edgar A. Poe" but in 
the printed version of the S. L. M. called his selections "Scenes from 
an Unpublished Drama, by Edgar A. Poe" and in 1845 the heading 
is "Scenes from "PoUtian;" an Unpublished Drama." The last 
title is adopted by Griswold. 
Scene and List or Characters. Text from MS. 

In the description of Lalage after orphan are the cancelled words 
of illustrious family, last of her race, and, 
After San Ozza MS cancels a. 

Politian was first called a young and noble Roman but this 
was cancelled. 
I. Text from MS — there headed Act I, Scene i which Ingram adopts. 
49. After this MS cancels 

and listens aghast 
To the frightful sounds of merriment below 
Which she must never more share in. 
49. Ah inserted later in MS. 
83. After the first Here! MS cancels here! — 
86. Look is written over a cancelled word now illegible. 
94. gone is changed in MS from going 
98. this inserted later in MS. 
111. For my mistress MS earlier reading was the lady. 

n. Text, MS; there called Scene 2d, by Ingram Act I, Scene ii. 

80. The second Pshaw added later by Poe. 

104. Before this line MS cancels I say. 

107. Before this line Ugo {as speaker's name) is cancelled. 

110. After that MS cancels there. 

115. After \t MS cancels znA\. 

119. The second I've inserted later. 

in. This scene is complete in MS where it was first called Scene 3d 

then changed to Act 2d, Sc. ist. Ingram called it Act i. Hi. The 
scene was printed in S. L. M., Jan. 1836, numbered I and again 
in 184.S as I. The text follows 1845 except that the word ROME 
there given at the beginning of the Stage directions is omitted as 
unnecessary , since it does not occur in MS and the place of action 
has already been given in this edition. 
3 . After this' line MS adds 

Oh! I am very happy! — sad? — not I. 



Variorum a^-j 

4. MS adds stage direction (sighs heavily). 

23. MS and S. L. M. omit thou wilt 

Also substituted in MS for cancelled somewhat. 

24. For dress and equipage MS cane, reads habiliments. 
26. I'll changed in MS from I will. 

31. After gtntle MS cancels \m.mh\t. 

35. For thy MS cane, reads your. 

39. For i' MS reads in. 

39-40. For kiss her. You dog MS cane, reads you dog, kiss her. Kiss her. 

46. For a man quite MS cane, reads Politian's. 

47. For fame MS cane, reads reputation. 
For have not seen MS reads never saw. 

IV. Of this scene the MS includes only the first 2J lines. It was first 
called Act 2nd Scene ist, then Scene 4th, then Scene 3d. Ingram 
calls it Act II, Scene i. It was published in S. L. M. for December 
l8js as I and in 184^ as II. The quotations in B.J., March 2p, 184^ 
are without title. The text follows 184^ ( J. Larimer Graham copy). 
At the beginning of the stage directions S. L. M. and 184.5 insert 
ROME but this is cancelled in J. L. G. copy, which also expands the 
abbreviation before the first two speeches from Lai. and Jac. In 
these stage directions the phrase with. . . .garden is inserted later in 
the MS. For upon MS reads upon the back of, and B. J. on the 
back of. MS and B. J. omit a servant maid. 

4. For 'Tis MS reads It's. 

6. Stage directions, for and B.J. reads and then. 

14. For again MS cane, reads La! again. 

15. For beyond the sea MS cane, reads in Albion. 

16. one inserted later in MS. 

17. For In B.J. reads V. 

20. For Here's MS cane, reads This is. 

55. Stage directions. B.J. reads here "[Jacinta finally in a discussion 
about certain jewels, insults her mistress, who bursts into 
tears.]" 
76. Stage directions moved to end of line in B.J. 
99. For This sacred S. L. M. reads A vow — a and B.J. A pious. 
106. Stage direction moved to end of 108 in B.J. 

V. This scene lacks the heading and opening lines, it is called by 
Ingram Act 2 Scene ii. The text follows MS. 

7. For what of it MS cane, reads decidedly. 
39. itself changed in MS from himself. 

54. There is space for I before am but no mark appears in the MS, and I 

hesitate to add the word. 
88. After me MS cane, reads very much. 

VI. Complete in MS, and there called first Scene 2d then Scene 3d 
— and by Ingram Act II, Scene Hi. Published in S. L. M. for 
December i8j5 as II and in 1845 as III. Text, 1845. 



4§. Politian 

Stage directions S. L. M. inserts ROME at beginning and after 
Baldazzar S. L. M. adds his friend. 
6. For surely MS and S. L. M. read I live. 

57. For that eloquent MS and S. L. M. read that voice— that. 

58. For Surely I MS and S. L. M. read I surely. 
For were MS cane, reads had been. 

62. For which you may see MS cane, reads this way you can see it. 

63. For it MS and S. L. M. read that lattice though a pencil note in the 

MS indicates the change. 
79-END. Originally the Scene closed simply as follows 
'Tis hushed and all is still. 

Politian. What didst thou say ? 

That all is still? Alas, all is not stilll 

Baldazzar. Let us go down— for it is getting late 
And they wait for us below — Politian give 
These fancies to the winds. Remember, pray 
Your bearing lately savoured much of rudeness 
Unto the Duke — Arouse thee! and remember! 

Politian. Remember! I do — I do — lead on! — remember! 

Poe then wrote Scene 3d but before proceeding changed his mind 

fastened a piece of paper over the above lines, and continued to the 

end of the scene as it now stands. 
100. For Believe me MS and S. L. M. read Baldazzar! oh. 

VII. Complete in MS, called Act 3rd Sc. [illegible] and by Ingram 
Act III, i. It was published in S. L. M. Dec. iSjj as III and in 
184.5 as IV. Text 184.5. 

Stage directions MS omits Lalage and Politian. 

5. For sob MS and S. L. M. read weep. 

6. For mourn MS and S. L. M. read weep. 

9. For turn here thine eyes MS and S. L. M. read and listen to me. 

16. For knee MS cane, reads bosom. 

20. For love MS reads love thee. 

30. For to me MS and S. L. M. read — speak not. 

54. figure written in MS over an erased word which may have been 

spectral. 

58. For Stirred MS cane, reads Moved. 

60. For turn so pale MS cane, reads tremble thus. 

63. For boughs MS reads bowers. 

64. For gloom MS cane, reads shade. 

65. For speakest M>y rifac/j spokest. 

66. For With MS reads Oi;for busy MS reads speaking. 

VIII. Complete in MS, there first called Sc. 2nd then Act 4th Sc. I 
[or 2, the figure is uncertain]. Ingram calls it Act III, Scene it. Text 

follows MS. 

Stage directions, for a Palace MS cane, reads the Palace. 
3. After late is a stage direction [turns the back of the watch] cancelled 
in pencil in MS. 



Variorum 49 

14. The word nonchalance is cancelled in -pencil in the MS, but I retain 
it since Poe did not substitute any other word. 

24. For instance MS cane, reads example. 

38. For these MS cane, reads, them. 

41. Poe indicated his dissatisfaction with the word took in pencil, but did 
not change to taken. 

54. At end MS cane, reads of velvet. 

55. At one time Poe changed ten yards of to Of Genoese in pencil, but 

later erased the new reading. 
83. For so MS cane, reads thus. 

IX. The MS contains only the first 5^ lines of this scene which is 

there headed first Scene 3d then Scene 2d then simply 1. Ingram 
calls it Act III, Scene Hi. Published in S. L. M., January l8j6 as 
II and in 1845 as V. Text follows 184^. 
Stage directions, for alone MS reads solus. 
7. For In MS reads V and for Paradisal Hope! MS and S. L. M. read 
hopes — give me to live. 
44. After this line MS adds: 

If that we meet at all it were as well 
That I should meet him in the Vatican — 
r the Vatican — within the holy walls 
Of the Vatican. 
S. L. M. follows this but changes V to In. 
58. For then at once S. L. M. reads have at thee then. 

61. Stage directions, for letting fall 6'. L. M. reads dropping. 

62. For Hold off— thy S. L. M. reads Hold off— hold ofF thy. 

63 . For dare not S. L. M. reads dare not — dare not. 
65. After this line S. L. M. adds 

Exceeding well! — thou darest not fight with me? 

70. After this line S. L. M. »dds Thou darest not! 

71. For Alas! my lord S. L. M. reads Alas! alas! 

73 . For I am the veriest S. L. M. reads I am — I am — a. 

92. For "Thou liest! thou shalt!" S. L. M. reads "By Godt thou shalt!" 

93. For Now this indeed S. L. M. reads Now this — now this. 

X. This scene lacks the heading and several of the opening lines. 
Ingram calls it Act IV Scene ii, believing a whole scene before it 
was lost, though without grounds in my opinion. At the end of the 
scene "135" is written — probably the number of lines in the scene 
when complete. Since nobody knows whether Poe counted half lines 
or not, little can be judged as to what is lost. Text follows MS which 
is without change. 

XI. This scene is headed in the MS Scene 3rd and is called Act IV, 
Scene Hi by Ingram. While the MS is preserved, Mrs. Lewis some- 
time during the sixties gave the last sheet to an autograph collector, 
and for all the text after I. /J I have been forced to rely on the transcript 
of this sheet, printed by Mr. Madigan in the Autograph of November- 
December jgi2. The scene is largely made up from The Coliseum, 



50 Politian 

which Poe published as a separate poem, and I include the variants 
of all authorized texts below — those oj the Baltimore Saturday Visiter,^ 
Oct. 26, 1833; S. L. M., August 1835; Philadelphia Saturday 
Evening Post, June 12, 1841; Griswold's Poets and Poetry of America 
{/St — pth editions, 1842-184.8); Philadelphia Saturday Museum 
February 2^, and March 4, 184.3; ^-J- 7"b ^^t ^^45' '^45i "'"^ 
J. L. G. revisions. The texts in Griswold's Poetry of the Sentiments, 
1846, and in Mrs. Hale's Poets' Offering for i8jO are probably de- 
rived from the P. P. A. without special authorization from Poe, but 
they have been collated for the sake of completeness. 
Stage directions and speaker's name omitted in all save MS. The 
other versions, except the P. 0. fragments, have a title The Coli- 
seum, which S. L. M. and S. E. P. expand to The Coliseum, a 
Prize Poem, and P. P. A and P. S. contract to Coliseum. 

7. B. S. V. misprints love/or lore. 

8. All others read kneel /or stand. 

9. For Amid .J. E. P. reads Among P. P. A. and P. S. read Within. 
11-12. All others omit. 

12. MS cane, adds at end with woe — ye memories! 

[The second word cancelled being uncertain, perhaps should be read 
more.] 

13. For Eld P. S. reads old. 

IS. Omitted by S. E. P., P. P. A., P. S., S. M., B. J., 1845. 

19. For spells all others read charms. 

21. All others omit. 

22. For ^t all others read a.. 

24. For secret all others read midnight. 

25. For yellow, S. E. P., P. P. A., P. S., P. 0., S.M., B. J., 1845 read 

gilded. 

27. For ivory couch P. P. A., P. S., and P. 0. read golden throne. 

27-28. Omitted by S. E. P., S.M., B.J., 1845. 

29. For golden throne P. P. A., and P. S., read ivory couch. 

30. For into all others read unto. 

31. 1845 misprints wanlight which is corrected in ink in J. L. G. copy. 
33. S. E. P., S. M., B. J., and 1845 read 

But stay! — these walls — these ivy-clad arcades 
P. P. A., P. S., and P. 0., read 

But hold! — these dark, these perishing arcades. 
35. For broken, S. E. P., S. M., B. J., 1845 read crumbling. 

For great S. E. P. reads grand, P. P. A., P. S. and P. 0. proud and 
S. M., B. J., and 1845 famed. 

42. For to P. P. A., and P. S. read unto. 

43. B. S. V. and S. L. M. read As in old days from Memnon to the Sun 

S. E. P., P. P. A., P.S., S.M., B.J., 1845 read As melody from 
Memnon to the Sun. 
46. For desolate S. E. P., P. P. A., P. S., S. M., B. J., and 1845 read 
impotent. 

52. For as a garment B. S. V. reads now and ever. 

53. For Clothing B. S. V. reads And clothe. 
54-END. All other texts omit. 



THE SOURCE OF THE PLOT 

As Ingram pointed out, Poe's play is founded on the inci- 
dents of the celebrated murder of Sharp by Beauchamp in 

1825. The facts were briefly as follows. 

Col. Solomon P. Sharp, an influential Kentucky politician 
betrayed a lady of good family, Miss Ann Cook, to whom, 
some years later, a young lawyer of Glasgow, Ky., named 
Jereboam O. Beauchamp became attached.^ The lady in 
consequence of the stain upon her reputation lived very much 
retired, and rfefused to receive the addresses of Beauchamp until 
he had repeatedly tendered his hand in marriage. She finally 
consented to wed him solely upon condition he would kill 
Sharp before the wedding. He pledged himself, and at once 
challenged Sharp, but the latter refused to meet him. Miss 
Cook from that moment got the "womanish whim" (as her 
husband called it) to be herself the destroyer of her seducer. 
Beauchamp married her, prevailed upon her to resign the kill- 
ing to him, and when Sharp added slander (of a most base 
character) to his former misdeeds, Beauchamp called him to 
the door at 2 A.M. on the morning of November 7, 1825, and 
"plunged a dagger in his heart." Beauchamp was later 
arrested, convicted, and on May 19, 1826, sentenced to death. 
His wife was acquitted of complicity in the crime, but was 
lodged in jail with him, and the two attempted suicide together 
shortly before the date set for his execution. She died of her 
wounds, but Beauchamp recovered and was hanged July 7, 

1826. The two were buried in one grave, at Bloomfield, Ky., 
where a marble slab records that Beauchamp was born Sept. 
24, 1802, and his wife Feb. 7, 1786. Sharp was born about 
1787, had been an attorney at Bowling Green, Ky., and a 
member of the legislature from about 18 10, a member of 

'Beauchamp's first name is sometimes given as Jereboam, sometimes 
Jeroboam. The maiden name of his wife is given as Cook and Cooke in- 
differently, both forms sometimes occurring on one page of the Confession, 
though her Letters use Cook. 



52 Politian 

Congress 1818-1819, of the legislature again (1820) and 
Attorney General of the state 1 821-1825, but had resigned that 
post to make the race for Representative of Franklin County. 
About 1 819 he married Miss Eliza T. Scott, who died January 
4, 1844 in her forty-sixth year. 

Poe's attention was probably first called to the story by the 
newspapers or by the account given in Charles Fenno Hoff- 
man's Winter in the West (N. Y. 1835, vol ii, p. 161 and note 
K, pp- 2Z'^~'iA^ but it is clear enough from the play that he 
was familiar with two pamphlets on the murder to be described 
as follows: — 

1. The Confession of Jereboam O. Beauchamp. Who was 
executed at Frankfort, Ky., on the 7th of July, 1826. For the 
murder of Col. Solomon P. Sharp, a member of the Legislature, 
and late Attorney General of Ky. — Written by himself and 
containing the only authentic account of the murder, and the 
causes which induced it. — ^To which is added. Some Poetical 
Pieces, written by Mrs. Ann Beauchamp, who voluntarily 
put an end to her existence, on the day of the execution of her 
husband, and was buried in the same grave with him. — Bloom- 
field, Ky. printed for the publisher. [Gervis S. Hammond. 
— 1826. i2mo., pp. 134. [Sabin4i59]N.Y.H.S. [The authen- 
ticity of this remarkable document is proved by facts brought 
out in the damage suit of P. H. Darby v. Jeroboam Beauchamp, 
uncle of the assassin. References, in my notes by pages: to 
Confession are to the first edition of this work.] 

2. Letters of Ann Cook, late Mrs. Beauchamp, to her 
friend in Maryland. Containing [a] short history of the life 
of that remarkable woman. Washington: 1826. 12 mo. pp. 91, 
[Sabin 4161]. Published by W— R— n of Charles Co. Md., 
the letters are addressed to his wife Ellen from Loudon C/., Va., 
Laurenceburg, and "Franklin Ct.," Ky. Mr. Wilberforce Eames 
believes the book was printed at Washington, D.C.; not Wash- 
ington, Ky. The authenticity of the letters is not certain, but 
they seem to be genuine — in any case I believe Poe used them. 
My references are to the pages of these as Letters \ Copies: — 
N.Y.H.S. 



The Source of the Plot 53 

Several other books devoted to the crime are known as 
follows : 

3. Beauchamp's trial. A report of the trial of Jeroboam 
O. Beauchamp, before the Franklin circuit court, in May, 
1826, upon an indictment for the murder of Col. Solomon P. 
Sharp, a member of the House of Representatives, and late 
attorney general of Kentucky. From short hand notes taken 
during the trial, by J. G. Dana and R. S. Thomas, Frankfort, 
printed by Albert G. Hodges [1826] 153 pp. [Sabin 79848 — copy 
in L.C., and Edward Everett's copy in the Boston Public 
Library.] 

4. The Life of Jeroboam O. Beauchamp, who was hung at 
Frankfort, Kentucky, for the murder of Col. Solomon P. 
Sharp; comprising, a full and complete history of his inter- 
course and marriage etc., etc. Compiled from the memoir 
written by himself. Illustrated with engravings. Frankfort, 
Ky., Published by D'Unger & Co., 1850 pp. 28. Copy at N.Y.- 
H.S. has yellow paper covers with title The Avengers' Doom etc. 
and imprint "Louisville, Ky.: Published by E. E. Barclay, 
A. R. Orton& Co. 1851." 

5. The Confession etc. Published by H. T. Goodsell, 
Kentucky [1854] 100 pp. [L.C., N.Y.H.S.] 

6. The Beauchamp tragedy in Kentucky, as detailed in 
the Confession etc. . . . N. Y. Dinsmore & Co. 1858, x, 134 pp., 
I pi., 16 mo, Sabin 4160 [L.C.] 

7. Kentucky Tragedy. A full and particular account of 
the Lives and Tragical Deaths of Jeroboam O. Beauchamp, 
and Ann, his wife, the Murderers of Col. Sharp. Philadelphia, 
n. d., 18 mo. pp. 32, Sabin 4162. 

8. Beauchamp's Confession. Jeroboam O. Beauchamp 
was executed at Frankfort, Ky., on July 7, 1826, for the mur- 
der of Col. Sharp. His wife died one hour after the execution 
from the effects of poison. — Price 50 cents, pp. 144 — cover 
title— n.p.n.d. [N.Y.H.S.] 

9. Vindication of the character of the late Col. Solomon 
P. Sharp, from the Calumnies published against him since his 
murder, by Patrick Darby & Jeroboam O. Beauchamp. By 



» 54 Politian 

L[eander] J. Sharp. Frankfort: printed by Amos Kendall and 
Company — 1827. 8vo. pp. 140 [Suppressed for 50 years — 25 
copies discovered 1877, Sabin 79846, N.Y.H.S.] 

The trial of Beauchamp was reported in The Patriot, 
Frankfort, May i^-ig, June 5, and further discussed July 17, 
1826. Other Kentucky papers probably contain similar ac- 
counts about the same peViod. A statement To the Public by 
Mrs. Eliza T. Sharp occupies five and a half columns in the 
Frankfort, Ky. Argus, March 22, 1826, and was reprinted in 
The Patriot (Frankfort, April 3) at p. 81, and also in the Rus- 
sellville, Ky. Weekly Messenger of April 8. I quote from it in 
my notes on Scene VII. Accounts are also to be found in: 

1. A full and complete account of the Heberton Tragedy: 
to which is added Beauchamp, or the Kentucky Tragedy. 
New York: published for the trade [1843 or 1849?] 16 mo. pp. 
68, of which "Jeroboam O. Beauchamp; or the Kentucky 
Tragedy" fills pp. 47-68. [N.Y.H.S.] 

2. A short History of Franklin County, Kentucky. . . 
Fourth of July, 1876, by C. E. James, Frankfort, Ky.: printed 
at the Roundabout office, George A. Lewis, 1881, 8 vo. pp. 11, 
on pp. 4-5. [N.Y.H.S.] 

3. A History of Franklin County, Ky. by L[ewis] F[rank- 
lin] Johnson, 191 2, Roberts Printing Co. Print Frankfort, 
Kentucky — Chapter VII, especially pp. 80-87. 

4. Famous Kentucky Tragedies and Trials — by L. F. 
Johnson. The Baldwin Law Book Company Incorporated, 
Louisville, Kentucky 1916. 8 vo. pp.336 — article The Assassi- 
nation of Solomon P. Sharp etc., pp. 44-57. This last book has 
the latest and best treatment of the matter. I have taken 
some of the facts of the case from it, although my account is 
verbally based on Hoffman's. The exact date of the murder I 
g^ve correctly, as on Sharp's monument in Frankfort Cemetery, 
since this is confirmed by the original report in Amos Ken- 
dall's Argus of Western America, Frankfort, Nov. 9, 1825, as 
quoted in the Lexington Kentucky Reporter of Nov. 14. "Two 
o'clock on the night of the 6th" is of course on the morning of 
the 7th! 



The Source of the Plot 55 

The story of Sharp and Beauchamp was commented on by 
Hoffman {Winter in the West, letter xxxiv, Frankfort, Ky., 
April 9, 1 834, but, unlike most of the series, not published in 
the New York American) as follows. 

"Incidents like these, . . . seem from the exaggerated senti- 
ment and romantic rashness they betray, as belonging to a 
bygone age or transpiring on a different planet. But among 
a people so earnest in character as the Kentuckians, and in a 
community whose sympathies have been outraged by such 
a mingled tissue of monstrous guilt and romantic infatuation 
. . . the tragic fate of Beauchamp and his wife sinks . . . into men's 
bosoms; and the story of their strange loves, of her cruel 
wrong and his dark revenge, of the savage retribution they 
exacted from the author of their misery and their crime, and 
the touching heroism of the death they shared at last together 
— all combine to make up a drama of real life which can never 
be forgotten among the scenes where it was enacted." 

Perhaps Poe took a hint from this and looked up the story — 
perhaps he had long had it in mind. In any case his treatment 
of the facts is free; such details as the facts that Miss Cook was 
older than Beauchamp, and that Beauchamp kicked Sharp, are 
of course omitted, but many less obviously necessary changes 
are made. Poe several times commented on the theme as 
treated by his contemporaries. A review of Simms' Beauchampe 
(1842) appeared in Grahanis Magazine, May 1842 (vol. xx, 
p. 300) where Poe said : 

"The events upon which this novel is based are but too 
real. No more thrilling, no more romantic tragedy did ever 
the brain of poet conceive than was the tragedy of Sharpe and 
Beauchampe. We are not sure that the author of "Border 
Beagles" has done right in the selection of his theme. Too 
little has been left for invention. We are sure, however, that 
the theme is skilfully handled. The author of "Richard Hur- 
dis" is one among the best of our native novelists — pure, bold, 
vigorous, original." 

Of the same story Poe says in a review of Simms' The 
Wigwam and the Cabin in the Broadway Journal Oct. 4, 1 845 



56 Politian 

(vol. iij no. 13, p. 190; reprinted H. xii, 248). "Beauchampe" 
is intensely interesting; but the historical truth has somewhat 
hampered and repressed the natural strength of the artist. 

Hoffman based his novel Greys laer (N. Y. 1840) on the 
story, which he transferred to the times of the American 
Revolution. 

In his Literati article on Hoffman {Godey's Lady's Book 
Oct. 1846, vol. xxxiii, p. 157 and H. xv, 119) Poe wrote: — 

" Greyslaer followed a romance based on the well known 

murder of Sharp, the Solicitor General of Kentucky, by 
Beauchampe. W. Gilmore Simms, (who has far more power, 
more passion, more movement, more skill than Mr. Hoffman) 
has treated the subject more effectively in his novel "Beau- 
champe"; but the fact is that both gentlemen have positively 
failed, as might have been expected. That both books are 
interesting is no merit either of Mr. H. or of Mr. S. The real 
events were more impressive than the fictitious ones. Th.e facts 
of this remarkable tragedy, as arranged by actual circumstance, 
would put to shame the skill of the most consummate artist. 
Nothing was left to the novelist but the amplification of 
character, and at this point neither the author of "Greyslaer" 
nor of "Beauchampe" is especially au fait. The incidents 
might be better woven into a tragedy " 

For further comment see Griswold's remarks, Prose Writers 
of America, (Philadelphia, 1847, p. 457). Miss Dorothy Don- 
dore has called my attention to a republication of Greyslaer 
in the Magazine of History (New York) serially in volumes 
ix-xix, January 1909-July 1914. 

Several other literary treatments of the theme have been 
discovered (mainly by Professors Shearin and Campbell) and 
may be mentioned as follows; Thomas Holley Chivers' Conrad 
andEudora; or, the Death of Alonzo, Philadelphia, 1834, pp. 144. 
Professor Campbell has read the copy in the Harris Collection 
and assures me it shows no influences from or upon Politian; 
Simms' Charlemont (1856); and The Kentucky Tragedy by 
Mary E. Mac Michael {Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, vol. ii, 
265-271, April 1838). A poem on the subject by Isaac Starr 



The Source of the Plot 57 

Clason (the actor who wrote a counterfeit conclusion to Don 
Juan) was written in 1833 but never printed, (Duyckinck's 
Cyclopedia of American Literature ii, 263) and the popularity of 
the theme is attested by some words of Mrs. S. J. Hale in 
Godey's Lady's Book (vol. xxiv, 288, May 1842) noted by 
Professor Trent, Life of Simms (p. 119). 

Certain ballads and folk songs are founded on the inci- 
dents of the crime — one. Colonel Sharp from North Carolina, 
(mountain whites) has been published by E. C. Perrow as 
no. 24 of his Songs and Rhymes from the South {journal of 
American Folk Lore, April-June 1915, vol. xxviii, pp. 166-8). 
There are references to two others in A Syllabus of Kentucky 
Folksongs by Herbert G. Shearin and Josiah H. Combs, Lexing- 
ton, 191 1 — on page 16, section VII (2) Beauchamp's Confes- 
sion in which Beauchamp under sentence of death pictures his 
meeting with Sharp in Hell, and page 19, section VIII (12) 
Jeroboam Beauchamp. Both are included in the late Professor 
Shearin's article on The Beauchamp Tragedy in American 
Literature, soon I hope to be published by his widow, who has 
also in preparation a collection of Kentucky ballads. Some of 
the folk songs are yet current. Professor C. Alphonso Smith 
has kindly called my attention to a brief printed synopsis of 
Professor Shearin's paper in the Program of the Twenty-first 
Annual Meeting of the Central Division of the Modern Language 
Association, Chicago, Dec. 27, 28, 29, 1916, p. 13, no. 52. 
Professor Shearin called Beauchamp a "lawyer's apprentice'' 
but refers to nothing else not mentioned above. Unfortunately 
the paper was read by title only. 



DATE OF COMPOSITION 

Poe seems to have composed the play in 1835, ^°^ Kennedy 
wrote T. W. White, April 13, 1835 (Harrison VII, p. vi from 
Griswold xxix) that Poe was "at work upon a tragedy, but I 
have turned him to drudging upon whatever may make 
money." The MS is in script, not the tiny imitation of print 
found in the Morella and Folio Club MSS., and it is written with 
relatively few revisions, so there is no reason to think Poe 
had been long at work on it when Kennedy interrupted him. 
The version of the Coliseum was seemingly incorporated into 
the play as The Haunted Palace later was put into the House 
of Usher — see my notes to Scene xi. I am permitted by the 
authorities of the Valentine Museum at Richmond to say that 
there is no reference to Politian in the private letters of Poe 
there preserved, with the contents of which I am familiar in 
confidence. 



COMMENTARY 

The Cast of Characters. 

Lalage. This name is familiar from Horace, Odes, I, xxii — but it is just 
possible Poe was playing on the name of his early sweetheart 
Sarah Elmira Royster. President John Quincy Adams translated 
Horace's ode with the title To Sally {Poems, Auburn and BuflFalo, 
1848, p. 100), and that Poe was fond of tracing remote similarities 
in names we know from a MS note in the copy of the Broadway 
Journal he gave Mrs. Whitman, which points out the identity of 
the names "Helen, Ellen, Elenore, Lenore." For evidence that this 
note is Poe's see Miss Caroline Ticknor's Poe's Helen, p.^iSg. 
Lalage in the play represents Miss Cook, — who in her Letters con- 
stantly speaks of the death of her father and sister — (cf. esp. 1. c. 

P- 37)- 
Alessandra. Cf. a note in Poe's Pinakidia, (S. L. M., August 1836; H. xiv, 

65); 

"Politian, the poet and scholar, was an admirer of Alessandra 
Scala, and addressed to her this extempore: 

To teach me that in hapless suit 

I do but waste my hours. 

Cold maid, whene'er I ask for fruit. 

Thou givest me naught but flowers.'' 
The original of this is in Politian's Epigrammata Greeca, xxxii, 

Kapiroj' ificl wodtovrL ch 5'av8ea (pvWa re fiovvov 
Awp§ CT] naivcvc' oti ixarriv Tovkoi. 

and explains the imagery of 11. 2~(i of To One in Paradise which 
is said to be inspired by a passage in Politian's Orfeo III, {The 
Assignation H. ii, 120). 

A green isle in the sea love, 

A fountain and a shrine. 

All wreathed with fairy fruits and flowers. 

And all the flowers were mine. 
Alessandra di Bartolomeo Scala, according to Isidoro del Lungo, 
(editor of Politian's Prose Volgari etc. Florence 1867, p. 199) famed 
for beauty and learning, was a pupil of Giov. Lascari and of Calcon- 
dila, married the scholar Marullo, and after his death in 1500 
became a nun in San Pier Maggiore, where she died in 1506. 
Jacinta. This name is a form of Hyacinth, a name which Poe plays with 
in various forms, as lanthe (the form used by Ovid, Landor, Byron, 
and Shelley, who even gave it to his daughter by Harriet) which is 
borne by the heroine of the narrative in Al Aaradf ii, 198; Zanthe, 
a lady addressed in an apostrophe by the poet, Al Aaraaf ii, 57; 
and Zante, as in the fine Sonnet to Zante beginning 
Fair isle that from the fairest of all flowers 
Thy gentlest of all gentle names dost take. 
Professor Campbell found the name Jacinta in Shirley's play The 
Example, but now observes that it is a name common enough in 



6o Politian 

Europe. It is the title of a poem by William Rufus of Charleston 
(see his Rufiana, New York, 1826, pp. 49-51) whose book contains 
a serenade, Oh Lady, love, awake! which is worthy attention as a 
possible source for The Sleeper. Poe is also fond of the word 
"hyacinth" as applied to hair, cf. To Helen 1. 6, and the passage in 
Ligeia (H. ii, p. 250 1. 20) where he refers indirectly to the Homeric 
source in Odyssey, vi, 23 1 . 
Duke di Broglio. Perhaps an Italianized form of the name of the French 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Achille Charles Leonard Victor due de 
Broglie (1785-1870) whom Poe later mentioned in Graham's 
Magazine for April 1841 (vol. xviii, p. 202; H. x, 134 f.) in a criticism 
of Walsh's Sketches of Conspicuous Living Characters of France. 
Poe mentions "the Neapolitan Duke di Broglio" in fVilliam JVilson 
(H. iii, 323, 1. 18). 

Castiglione. This was the surname of Politian's admirer Baldassare Castig- 
lione (1478-1529), author of The Book of the Courtier, Venice, 1528, 
who is mentioned in Pinakidia (H. xiv, 37) and Marginalia (H. xvi, 
37). He represents Col. Sharp. 

San Ozzo. According to Professor Dino Bigongiari, San Ozzo is a common 
Tuscan diminutive or nickname, even to the present day, but is 
properly written as one word, Sanozzo. 

Politian is named for the Florentine scholar and poet Angelo Ambrogini 
Poliziano (1454-1494) mentioned s. v. Alessandra. His title Earl 
of Leicester the variants show was an afterthought, doubtless from 
the title of Dudley, patron of Spenser and favorite of Elizabeth, 
who is a leading character in Scott's Kenilworth. He represents 
Beauchamp, but his character (like that of the hero of The Assigna- 
tion) has in it much of Byron, and some tincture of Poe himself. 
See notes on Baldazzar — and those on Scene III. 

Baldazzar. This was the given name of the Castiglione mentioned above, 
and is thus spelled in Pinakidia. Another instance of Poe's using 
the given and surname of a single historical personage for two of 
his characters occurs in Arthur Gordon Pym (H. iii, 19, 1 29) where 
the two sons of Mr. Ross are named Robert and Emmet, from 
Robert Emmet (1778-1803), the Irish Patriot. The title "Duke of 
Surrey" given Baldazzar (v, 51 etc.) is from the famous Tudor poet, 
Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey (i 517-1547). Professor Trent be- 
lieves that the Surrey-Geraldine story may have given Poe the hint 
for having an English noble in Italy, and having love adventures, 
and that Sir Philip Sidney's vast reputation on the continent may 
have influenced the description of Politian. Leicester's connections 
were more with Holland and Spain — Poe knew the old poets more or 
less well, quotes sometimes from Sidney, and in this play from 
Wyatt. Whether the hint came from their travels (on which see 
Miss Clare Howard's English Travellers of the Renaissance, London 
and New York, 1914) or from C. F. Hoffman's comparison of the 
Kentucky crime to deeds of the Italian Renaissance, or from both, 
which is most probable, the combining imagination of the artist is 



Commentary 6i 

well displayed in this mingling of Italian, English, and Kentucky 
elements into a romantic and poetic unity. 
Ugo. There is a soldier named Ugo in Chapter xxxii etc. of Mrs. Rad- 

clifF's Mysteries of Udolpho (from whose Montoni came Poe's 
Marquis de Mentoni in The Assignation) and there was a famous 
Italian writer Ugo Foscolo (1778-1827) though I do not recall that 
Poe mentions him. 
Benito. Professor Campbell mentions a character of the name in Dry- 
den's Assignation. 
Rupert is perhaps too common a name for comment. 

Scene I. With Poe's opening scene note his remarks in a criticism of Mrs. 
Mowatt's Fashion in B. J., March 29, 1845 (H- xii, lao, 1 4f) "The 
denouement should in all cases be full of action and nothing else. 
Whatever cannot be explained by such action should be communi- 
cated at the opening of the play." 
1. The "hiccup" is extra-metrical except perhaps in line 89. 
8. For a similar description of a drunken man with the hiccoughs cf. 
Bon-Bon (H. ii, 139). A buffo-singer is a singer in comic opera, or of bur- 
lesque songs. The compound is not in the A^. E. D. but is in the latest Stand- 
ard Dictionary. 

28. The student may well apply this very quotable line to the author, 
and recall that the description of the effect of liquor in Hop Frog (H. vi, 220, 
1. 14 etc.) was drawn from personal experience. Compare the words of 
Messrs. Williamson and Burns, editors of the Weekly Universe in a letter to 
George W. Eveleth, August 17, 1847, quoted by Eveleth to Poe, January 11, 
1848. {Cf. my Letters from George W. Eveleth to Edgar Allan Poe, p. 17 — also 
in Bulletin of N. Y. Public Library March 1922, vol. xxvi, p. 179) "he is a 
gentleman — a man of fine taste, and of warm impulses, with a generous heart. 
The little eccentricities of his character are never offensive except when he is 
drunk." Thomas HoUey Chivers felt that Poe put much of himself into his 
characters, and apparently sings a dirge for Poe under the name 'Politian' 
in The Vigil in Aiden {Eonchs of Ruby, New York, Spalding and Shepherd, 
1851, pp. 5-26), though "Politian" is merely a conventional name for a 
poet in his Isadore (1. c. p. 97-102, quoted in part as early as Feb. 21, 1847 
in a letter to Poe, H. xvii, 280). In a note to VI, 13 W. L. Hughes (loc. cit. 
p. 263) says in substance that "Like all great writers, Poe gave the characters 
he created his personal sentiments and sensations — had he not often given 
some such answer to friends who reproached him etc." While Poe did put 
much of his personality into his characters, he also based them in no small 
measure on the romantic figures in the Kentucky Tragedy, and many 
phrases and actions are copied from life. Lauvriere {Edgar Poe, p. 370) in his 
anxiety to trace his misconception of Poe's personality in all his works, rele- 
gates Sharp and Beauchamp to a footnote, as not materially affecting the 
case, and then produces a criticism of the play "of the imagination all 
compact." 

43. This line is strangely like Chamberlayne's Love's Victory 1. 273. 
Yet though the grief sit heavy on our souls, 
and this play, reprinted with Pharronida, London 1820, may have been known 
to Poe. The lines attributed to Pharronida in the motto to fVilliam Wilson 



62 Politian 

I could not find in the poem, but there is in it so much of Conscience, one 
suspects Poe erred through faulty memory rather than intent. 

43-44. Probably reminiscent of Vergil's Mneid, vi, loo-ioi 
ea frena furenti 
concutit et stimulos sub pectore vertit Apollo. 

In Mneid vi, 78-80, Apollo is compared to a ridec on the Sibyl's spirit, 
and compare Servius' commentary on the lines. Poe quotes from Servius 
on Mneid V, 95 in his motto to The Island of the Fay. 

49. In a cancelled passage following this line is Poe's first poetic use 
of the famous refrain of the Raven, "nevermore." Compare with these 
lines IV, 77 (., and note two passages from Beauchamp's Confession. "She 
[Miss CooE] sternly refused to make any acquaintances or even to receive 
the society or visits of her former acquaintances" (p. 9); and "She said 
'She could never be happy in society again.'" (p. 10). There are similar 
passages in her Letters. 

54. Miss Cook wrote {Letters p. 60) after her betrayal of suffering 
"my heart to be irrecoverably lost and blighted by one so little to be trusted 
— so little worthy of my affections. But, whom I yet love." There is 
similar phraseology in Ballad (a poem in S. L. M. Aug. 1835 believed by Pro- 
fessor Woodberry and others to be Poe's first draft for Bridal Ballad) II. 31-32 
And tho' my poor heart be broken. 
It will love her, love her yet 
while Poe (H. xiii, 21) praises a poem by Mrs. Osgood {Song CVII in her 
Poems, 1850, p. 457) which has a kind of refrain "She loves him yet." 

67. Cf. Proverbs, xvi, 18 "Pride goeth before destruction, and an 
haughty spirit before a fall." 

74f. Cf. V 45, and Poe's earlier Autography (H. xv, 140) "we are 
British, but not particularly British. . . . This is a riddle which you may be 
able to read hereafter." 

92. An interesting essay might be written on Poe's puns and plays 
upon words. A good many are listed by Professor Campbell (p. 265) but 
there are more than twenty-five in the essay Enigmatical and Conundrum-ical 
recently discovered by Professor John M. Manly in Alexander's Weekly 
Messenger, Dec. 18, 1839, (vol. iii. No. 50). And there is a curious story 
in The Cosmopolitan Art Journal (New York, Dec. 1858, vol. iii, p. 51) 
which perhaps may be told here. 

"Poe once was dunned savagely for a grocer's bill, long overdue., [On 
finally paying it] "There, sir!" said he, "grow, sir, you grocer puppy, into 
a dog, sir, and may you then be dogged, sir, as you have dogged Poe, sir. 

Now, go sir, and be to you." This, properly expressed, would look very 

like a Poe-stanza." 

From other references in the periodical it is clear the editor was a great 
admirer of Poe, who, as early as July 1856 advocated the erection of a 
monument to Poe, and was eager to learn about him, as well as to praise him 
(see Honor to Genius in the March 1857 issue, vol. i, 83; Remembrance of the 
Bead in the next (June) issue, vol. i, 112 etc.) and tells the above story as 
fact. Whether perfectly authentic or not it shows Poe had a reputation for 
punning. 



Commentary f)'^ 

105. A zecchin, zecchino, or sequin was a gold coin worth about ^2.29, 
first coined in Venice about 1280, and down to the 19th Century, also issued 
elsewhere, as in Modena and Savoy. 

II 1-2. CJ. The Cask of Amontillado (H. vi, 175) "Ha! ha! ha!— he! he! 
he! — a very good joke indeed — an excellent jest." 

24. Cf. Why the Little Frenchman (H. iv, 117) "his riverence, Sir Path- 
rick O'Grandison, Baronitt." 

28. "Between you and I" is retained, because San Ozzo (III, ao) is 
called a "fellow low-born." But Poe in his revision corrected Jacinta's 
grammar in VIII, 38, (see Variorum) and an error of like nature of which 
he was himself guilty in early versions of Four Beasts in One (H. ii, 204 1. 22) - 
33f. Cf. Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy Part III, Sect. I, Memb. i, 
Subsect. 2 On the Objects of Love for "birds of a feather" which has not 
necessarily a bad connotation, though it has here. 

38. Cf. Beaumont and Fletcher, The Maid's Tragedy, I, ii, 10-11, 

You do me wrong 
A most unmanly wrong, and I am slow 
In taking vengeance; but be well advis'd. 
45. Cf. Othello V, ii, 345, "one who loved not wisely, but too well." 
54. Cf. Keats, Lamia, ii, 1-2 

Love in a hut, with water and a crust y' 
Is — Love forgive us! — cinders, ashes, dust. 

74. Cf. The Fall of the House of Usher (H. iii, 275, 1. 17) "the Usher 
race, all time-honoured as it was." 

75. Cf. King John,ll\,\, 2^2 '^- 

Blanche. How shall I see thy love, what motive may 

Be stronger with thee than the name of wife? 
Constance. That which upholdeth him that thee upholds — 
His honor; O, thine honor, Lewis, thine honor! 
Poe seems to echo King John again, IV, 94; 107; VII, 84. 

92. Salermo is clear in the MS, it is however probably an error for 
Salerno, a town in Italy famous for its wine. 
III. The first scene in the 1845 selections. 

23f. Cf. Polonius' speech, Hamlet, I, iii, 70-75. 
Costly thy habit as thy purse can buy 
But not express't in fancy: rich, not gaudy. 
For the apparel oft proclaims the man 
And they in France of the best rank and station 
Are most select and generous chief in that. 
35-36. Cf. Notes to VI, 97-98. 

45f. Cf. the descriptions of Politian with that of the hero of The 
Assignation (H. ii, 109 fF.) "Ill-fated and mysterious man! bewildered in 
the brilliancy of thine own imagination, and fallen in the flames of thine 
own youth .... squandering away a life of magnificent meditation in that 

city of dim visions, thine own Venice Who then shall call thy conduct 

into question? who blame thee for thy visionary hours, or denounce those 
occupations as a wasting away of life, which were but the overflowings of 
thine everlasting energies?" (H. ii, 113) "the graceful person of a very 
young man, with the sound of whose name the greater part of Europe was 



64 Politian 

then ringing." (H. ii, 1 1 5) "Not that the spirit of each rapid passion failed, 
at any time, to throw its own distinct image upon the mirror of that face 
—but that the mirror, mirror-like, retained no vestige of the passion, when 

the passion had departed Report had spoken of his possessions in terms 

which I had even ventured to call terms of ridiculous exaggeration " 

(H. ii, 118,1. 5) "the unexpected eccentricity of his address and manner " 

(H. ii, 122 1. 8) "the person of whom I speak was not only by birth, but in 
education, an Englishman." 

54-SS. CJ. Ligeia (H. ii, 253, 1. 22 f-) "I have spoken of the learning of 
Ligeia: it was immense — such as I have never known in woman. Indeed 
upon any theme of the most admired, because simply the most abstruse of 
the boasted erudition of the Academy, have I ever found Ligeia at fault? . . . . 
where breathes the man who has traversed, and successfully, all the wide 
areas of moral, physical, and mathematical science? 

65 . This confusion of the senses, termed by psychologists "synasthesia" 
is commonly found in the poets, especially Shelley. In Poe's works note 
Tamerlane (1827) 11. 37'2--3J3, AlAaraaJ, ii, 47, Poe's notes to those passages, 
a paragraph in Marginalia from the Democratic Review, November 1844 
(H. xvi, 17) and a long passage in The Colloquy 0/ Monos and Una (H. iv, 
207). 

67. Identical with V, 78. 

IV. From this scene, the second in the 1845 selections, Poe accused 
Longfellow of plagiarizing a scene (II, iv) in the Spanish Student. Poe's 
discussion from the Broadway Journal may be found in H. xii, 96 f. W. L. 
Hughes {Contes inedits p. 255) remarks that, well-founded or not, the accusa- 
tion is more probable than many of Poe's charges of like nature, and the 
similarities are certainly striking. The variants show that in quoting the 
play in the Broadway Journal, Poe read from the original MS, not the 
slightly revised S. L. M. version. 

3-4. Cf. VIII, 31 f. 

6-7. Quoted with slight changes from Milton's Comus 11. 632-633. 
But in another country, as he said. 
Bore a bright golden flowre, but not in this soyle. (K. C.) 

8-10. Translated from Homer's Odyssey iv, 566-568 

ov vitptrhi, o^t' ap x^i-f^v xoXiis oi)T€ iror' 3juj3pos, 
dXX' alti Titifibpoijo Xi7ii irvelovTOs arjras 
'QKeavos aviriaw d.vaif/hxn-v avdpinrovs. 
Professor Campbell and I have failed to discover the source of Poe's lines in 
any English translation accessible to us, and while many translations of parts 
of the Homeric poems into English unknown to us must exist, I incline to the 
belief Poe translated the lines himself. It is notable that lines 9-10 rhyme, 
which suggests we may have a portion of a school exercise in rhymed transla- 
tion revamped. The lines are echoed in 11. 11-14 of the newly found 

Saturday Visiter poem To (Sleep on etc.) 

In heaven thou hadst thy birth 
Where comes no storm 
To mar the bright, the perfect flow'r. 
But all is beautiful and still. 



Commentary 65 

12-13. Seemingly a distinct story. 

15. Lalage reads from Webster's Duchess of Malfi, IV, ii, 261-263 with 
slight changes. (K. C.) In a review of Lamb's Specimens of the English 
Dramatic Poets in the Broadway Journal, Nov. 15, 1845 iyo^- "> 288) Poe 
again quotes the passage. While indebted to Lamb for many quotations 
from the Elizabethans, Poe seems to have known some through other sources, 
since he cites passages not in Lamb, on occasion, like the line from Marston's 
Antonio and Mellida (Part I, Act III, ii, 204) erroneously ascribed to The 
Malcontent in Loss of Breath (H. ii, 161). 

23. Lalage reads of the death of Cleopatra, whether in Shakespeare's 
Antony and Cleopatra V, ii, or Dryden's All for Love V, 490 f, is hard to say. 
Poe quotes a very famous phrase from the prologue to the latter play in his 

Letter to B (Preface to Poems, New York, 1831, p. 21; also in S. L. M. 

version reprinted H. vii, p. xxxix) and names it in the Saturday Courier 
version of The Due de I'Omelette, and see also introductory notes on VI. 
Cleopatra's attendants furnish names for the characters in Poe's dialogue 
The Conversation of Eiros and Charmion (1839) but W. L. Hughes (pontes 
inedits p. 257) remarks that Shakespeare and Plutarch {Parallel Lives, 
Antony, Ixxxv, 4) both spell the names Iras and Charmian. 

31f. "Balm in Gilead" {Jeremiah, viii, 22) is mentioned also in The 
Raven 1. 89. Cf. the phrasing with The Angel of the Odd (H. vi, 1 1 1, 1. 20) 
"to her wounded spirit I offered the balm of my vows." 

34-35. Quoted from Peek's David and Bethsabe 11. 46-47, and used 

again in To (Not long ago etc.) 11. 9-10. 

By angels dreaming in the moonlist "dew 

That hangs like chains of pearl on Hermon hill." [K. C] 

Peele's lines are based on Psalm cxxxiii, 3 "As the dew of Hermon, and as 
the dew that descended upon the mountains ofZion: for there the Lord 
commanded the blessing, even life for evermore," and are also alluded to in 
Poe's Lines to Sarah, 11. 16-17. 

When from thy balmy lips I drew 
Fragrance as sweet as Hermia's dew. 

Poe quotes a diiFerent passage from Peele's play in the review cited in my 
note to 1. 15. 

57. The story of the farmer who cherished a viper in his bosom and 
was bitten for his pains is found among yEsop's Fables. A copy of /Esopi 
Fabulae in Mr. Whitty's collection is the only one of Poe's schoolbooks 
known to survive. Notable literary uses of the story are in Theognis, 1. 602; 
Shakespeare's Richard II, III, ii, 131 ; Chapman's Bussy D'Ambois, III, ii, 
377-378 (Poe quotes from the play in The Assignation and the review cited 
on 1. 15) and especially Dryden's All for Love IV, 467-469. 

Draw near, you well-joined wickedness, you serpents,,' 

Whom I have in my kindly bosom warm'd 

Till I am stung to death. 

See notes to line 23. 

60. Cf. VI, 60. Poe may have had in mind the celebrated epigram, 
attributed to Plato (No. 4) or Julian of Egypt — on the mirror of Lais. 



66 Politian 

'H ao^apbv ytKkaaaa Kad' "EXXASos, ^ t6v ipartav 

'toiubv kvl irpodiipois Aats ixovaa viuv 
rfj Uaipiq t6 K^TOvrpov' iirel roll] nb> bpaaOai 

oi/K idk\u' otri 5' Jfv irkpoi oil Sijvafiai,. 

to which I may append a recent anonymous version, given in Professor Ed- 
ward Capps From Homer to Theocritus (New York, 1 901), p. 154, 

I, Lais, who on Conquered Greece looked down with haughty pride, 
I, to whose courts in other days a score of lovers hied, 
O, ever-lovely Venus! now this mirror give to thee. 
For my present self I would not and my past I cannot see! 
Professor La Rue Van Hook calls my attention to other modern translations, 
by Walter Leaf, Little Poems from the Greek, p. 24; and Mackail, Select Epi- 
grams from the Greek Anthology p. 138. Poe might have seen several Latin 
and French versions in SallengrI, MSmoires de Litterature, xviii, a work 
mentioned in Pinakidia, and a possible source for a quotation in The Island 
of the Fay (H. iv, 196). 

66. Cf. The Premature Burial (H. v, 271 1. 10) "The Cherub Hope" and 
VII, 81, "The Angel Hope." 

67. Cf. Blair's Grave 11. 109-110 

Of joys departed 
Not to return, how painful the remembrance, 
and Burns, The Banks 0' Boon (2nd version) 1. 7 

Thou minds me o' departed joys. 
Poe's A Dream 11. 1-2. 

In visions of the dark night 
I have dreamed of joy departed 
and Al Aaraaf (1831) I 23f (more similar than other versions 1. 8) 
Joy so peacefully departs 
That its echo still doth dwell. 
67-68. Cf. To Zante 1. 6 

How many thoughts of what entombed hopes. 
73. Miss Cook had a counterpart of Lalage's monk in her friend to 
whom the Letters are addressed — cf. the note (1. c. p. 37) where "E. R." 
writes "I tried to show her that [a spirit of revenge] was both unwomanly 
and unchristian. I begged her to consult her bible; for in that alone she 
would find happiness and peace; and to struggle to subdue her violent 
passions, which might yet lead her into the commission of dreadful errors." 
76. Cf. Coleridge, Ancient Mariner IV, 2if and Wordsworth Guilt and 
Sorrow, xxvii, 8 "I could not pray." Poe quoted from the next stanza in 
Wordsworth's poem in his January 1837 review of Bryant in S. L. M. (H. ix, 
276.) 

76ff. Cf. Tamerlane (1827) 1. 339f, where the dying king says. 
The sound of revelry by night 
Comes o'er me, with the mingled voice 
Of many with a breast as light 
As if 'twere not the dying hour 
Of one, in whom they did rejoice. 



Commentary 67 

In the Wilmer MS Poe changed 1. 339 to "The sound of revelry to-night" 
to lessen the borrowing from Byron's Childe Harold III, xxi, 1, but in 1829 
cancelled the passage. 

77. Cf.s. line in cancelled passage after I, 49 

To the frightful sounds of merriment below. 
84. Cf. note on "Lalage" in Cast. This mourning for the past is con- 
stantly emphasized in Miss Cook's Letters. 
IV. 85. CJ. Tamerlane (1827) 11. 22of 

Gush'd shoutingly a thousand rills, [which. . . .] 
Embrac'd two hamlets — those our own — 
Peacefully happy — yet alone — 
and also Poe's letter to Mrs. Whitman, Oct. 18,1848 {Last Letters Tp- ii,\. n) 
"the rivulet that ran by the very door" and Landor s Cottage (H. vi, 261, 

86ff. In Beauchamp's Confession p. 99 it is said of Miss Cook that 
"father, brothers, and friends, by a most strange succession of calamities, 
had been swept into the grave," yet perhaps the parallel is not wholly acci- 
dental to Kirke White's Sonnet, supposed to have been addressed by a Female . 
Lunatic to a Lady 11. 2-8. 

And thou art fair, and thou, like me, art young: 
Oh, may thy bosom never, never know 
The pangs with which my wretched heart is wrung! 
I had a mother once — a brother too — 
(Beneath yon yew my father rests his head;) 
I had a lover once, — and kind and true, 
But mother, brother, lover, all are fled. 
94. CJ. King John IV, iii, 67 "a vow, a holy vow." 
107-8. CJ. King John III, iv, 43-44- 

Pandulph. Lady, you utter madness and not sorrow! 
Constance. Thou art unholy to belie me so. 
lOSf. The custom of using a sword or dagger as a crucifix was wide- 
spread. Poe must have been familiar with the stage tradition in Hamlet I, 
iii, where the actor holds his sword before him as a cross while following the 
ghost. Poe quotes from Hamlet's speech to the ghost in The Literary Lije of 
Thingum Bob (H. v, 6, 1. 5). 

108-9. CJ. The Assignation (H. ii, 124, 1. 25) "his lips were livid — his 
lately beaming eyes were riveted in death." 

111. Lalage swears Castiglione's death, not her own — Lauvriere (p. 
370) unmindful of Poe's use of the facts of the Beauchamp tragedy, curiously 
misunderstands the passage. 

V. Castiglione seems in Hamlet mood in this scene, as Professor Trent 
observes, especially 1. 8f. 

19. CJ. Ill 62 "nor learned nor mirthful he." 
36. CJ. Hamlet V, i, 210 "your flashes of merriment." 
40. CJ. Midsummer Night's Dream V, i, 1-2. 
Hippolita. Tis strange my Theseus that these lovers speak of 
Theseus. More strange than true 
and Hamlet I, ii, 220-221; Poe frequently quotes Byron's famous "Truth is 
stranger than fiction "{Don Juan XIV, ci, 1-2) — e.g. How to Write a Black- 



68 Politian 

■wood Article (H. ii 274 1. 34 f), 1002nd Tale of Scheherazade (H. vi, 78), Von 
Kempelen and his Discovery (H. vi, 250 1. 18), Marginalia, (H. xvi, 25). 

45. C/. I, 74-75- 

SO. Poe uses "honest" not in the Elizabethan sense of "chaste" but the 
more modern "honorable." See his notes on Dryden's translation of Vergil's 
Georgics II, 392 in Pinakidia, (H. xiv, 48), and Marginalia (H. xvi, 47); 
and a comment on "homines honesti" in The Purloined Letter (H. vi, 44.) 

78. Identical with III, 67. 

VI. This, the third scene in the 1845 selections, is one of the best in the 
play. It is reminiscent however of Shakespeare, especially of Hamlet, though 
the similarities are rarely close enough for annotation; and my friend Mr. H. 
W. Wells believes Poe had in mind Dryden's All for Love I, i, end, — where 
Antony is urged to activity by Ventidius. See notes on IV, 23. 

6-7. Perhaps modeled on Hamlet, III, iv, 8-9. 

^ueen. Hamlet, thou hast thy father much offended. 

Hamlet. Mother, you have my father much offended. 

13. See note to I, 28. 

21. Cf. The Murders in the Rue Morgue (H. iv, 151, 1. 22) "we then 
busied our souls in dreams" and The Colloquy of Monos and Una (H. iv, 205, 
11. 12-13) "we wrapped our spirits, daily, in dreams." 

22. Professor Campbell compares Moore's poem beginning "Go, where 
Glory waits thee." 

23. Professor Campbell notes the source of "trumpet-tongued" in Mac- 
beth I, vii, 19. 

24. Cf. The Fall of the House of Usher (H. iii, 289, 1. 22) "listening to 
some imaginary sound" and The Assignation (H. ii, lao, 11. 2-5) "he seemed 
to be listening. . . .to sounds which must have had existence in his imagina- 
tion alone." 

25. Cf. Wordsworth, To the Cuckoo, 11. 3-4, 15-16. 

O! Cuckoo, shall I call thee bird 

Or but a wandering voice .... 

No bird but an invisible thing, 

A voice, a mystery. 
One may also comparePoe'si?«t»^« 11. 27-30, and remark thatPoe twice quotes 
the saying "Vox et praeterea nihil" (criticism of Mathews, Graham's, Feb- 
ruary 1842, H. xi, 22^y and Marginalia, H. xvi, 172) which in the latter 
instance he wrongly ascribes to Catullus, perhaps confusing it with the 
one nightingale mentioned by that poet, (Ixiv, 9-1 1 quoted in the notes on 
VI, 103 f.). The saying is really the Latin translation of one of Plutarch's 
Apothegmate Laconica (incert.xiii) and Lipsius at the beginning of his Adversus 
Dialogistam Liber has "Lacon quidem ad lusciniam, 'vox es, praeterea nihil.' " 
See Notes and Queries 10 s, ii, 281, and 12 s, viii, 269 for Professor Bensley's 
comment on King's Classical and Foreign Quotations No. 31 16. 

25, 56-7. These lines are used as the motto of Mrs. Whitman's poem 
The Phantom Voice first published in Graham's Magazine vol. xxxvi, p. 91, 
January 1850; then in her Hours of Life (Providence, George H. Whitney, 
1853, pp. 85-88); and her Poems (Boston, Houghton, Osgood & Co., 1879, 
pp. 83-85, where it is dated "November 1849"). The Poems have been re- 



Commentary 69 

issued — "2nd edition," Providence, Preston and Rounds Co. 1894, "Third 
Edition," 1913 from the Boston plates. 

29. CJ. opening of The Pit and the Pendulum (H. v, 67, 1. i) "I was 
sick — sick unto death with that long agony." 

31. One recalls Antony's use of "Bear with me" in Julius Caesar III, 
ii. 

34. "Eternal city" is first found in TibuUus II, v, 23, and again in 
Ovid, Fasti, III, 72 — see Professor F. G. Moore's article On Urbs Sacra and 
Urbs JEterna in Transactions, Am. Philological Assn. xxv, 34f. 

40. Cf. The City in the Sea, 1. 49. 

The hours are breathing faint and low. 
and Shelley's Indian Serenade 1. 3. 

When the winds are breathing low 
Poe quoted this poem in The Poetic Principle (H. xiv, 269). 

41. This beautiful and quotable line was perhaps suggested to Poe by a 
passage in Wm. Elliot's translation of The Visions of ^uevedo, Philadelphia, 
1832, in The Palace of Love (p. 73) where it is said Opportunity "took for a 
cravat an hour glass with golden grains" (a source for certain parts of Bon- 
Bon may also be discovered in this book, of which a copy purporting to have 
been Poe's is preserved). Other parallels in Poe's works are A Dream within 
a Dream 11. 14-15 

I hold within my hand 
Grains of the golden sand. 

To — (Sleep on etc.) 11. 15-16 

And golden sands proclaim the hour 
Which brings no ill. 
while an opposite idea is found in Al Aaraaf, i, 140. 

The sands of Time grow dimmer as they run. 
Poe's line is earlier than Tennyson's Locksley Hall (1842) 11. 31-32. 

Love took up the glass of Time, and turn'd it in his glowing hands; 
Every moment, lightly shaken, ran itself in golden sands — 
The parallel is clearly accidental, for Tennyson could hardly have seen 
Politian prior to 1 845 — but a possible echo of Poe is in Miss A. D. Wood- 
bridge's Sonnet {Godey's Lady's Book, January 1844, vol. xxviii, p. i) 1. 3. 

Thy smile hath chang'd to gold time's flowing sand. 
Another possible echo of Poe is in the second stanza of The Island of the 
Soul, a. poem (so full of Poesque phraseology as to suggest that it was written 
after a rereading of Poe) by Ifhomas Dunn English (to be found in his Select 
Poems, Newark, 1894, p. 547; and first printed in the N. Y. Independent.) 
45-46. Perhaps reminiscent of Milton's Paradise Lost, ii, 400-402. 

The soft delicious air 
To heal the scar of these corrosive fires 
Shall breathe her balm. 

(Note use of "corrosive" in XI, 39.) 

45-50. Professor Campbell would see a remote parallel to certain lines 
in The Merchant of Venice V, i, here. 

52-57. This passage is echoed in 1. I3f of The Beleaguered Heart by 
Mrs. Sarah [Estelle] Anna Lewis: — 



70 Politian 

The softest — saddest Music that 

O'er mortal ear e'er stole 
Up from the Hearthstone of the Heart, 
Or, the Altars of the Soul. 
The poem was first published in the Democractic Review March 1848 (vol. 
xxii, 270) and later in her Child of the Sea, and Other Poems, N. Y. 1848, p. 
I56f and Records of the Heart and Other Poems, N. Y. 1857, p. ipgf. In an 
unsigned review of Mrs. Lewis in Graham's for April 1849 i^Y ^ot, as is shown 
in Stoddard's Recollections p. 159) some other lines from the poem appear — for 
Poe's relation to Mrs. Lewis' poems see Whitty p. 210, and Mrs. Gove- 
Nichols, Mary Lyndon, N. Y. 1855, p. 342. 

52-60. Perhaps influenced by Shelley's Fragments of an Unfinished 
Drama, 11. 100-102. 

Your breath is like soft music, your words are 
The echoes of a voice which on my heart 
Sleeps like a melody of early days. 
55 . Cf. Morella (H. ii, 29, 1. 20) "oppressed me as a spell" [earlier reading 
"like"]. 

57. The phrase "heart of hearts" is used again by Poe, VII, 51 ; To My 
Mother 1. 7; Landor's Cottage (H. vi, 269, 1. 5); and letter of Oct. i, 1848 to 
Mrs. Whitman {Last Letters, p. 15, 1. 15). "Heart of heart" is in Hamlet III, 
ii, 68; and see also Poe's or closely akin phrases in Wordsworth, Ode on the 
Intimations of Immortality 1. 190; and Shelley, Epipsychidion 1. 385; Frag- 
ment, A Soul Known 1. 2; Cenci V, ii, 126. 

60. Cf. IV, 60. To the meter of the speech beginning here Judge 
Beverley Tucker objected in a letter to Poe of Dec. 5, 1835 ^- '''^"j ^^ 0- 
See notes on Verse. 

70£. Lalage's song is A Suit to his Unkind Mistress not to forsake him 
by Sir Thomas Wyatt — stanza ii, slightly garbled. (K. C.) The poem, 
long a favorite with anthologists, perhaps influenced Ballad (ascribed to Poe) 
L9. 

Oh! was it weal to leave me? 
I find Wyatt's lines reprinted in the Philadelphia Saturday Courier Feb. 8, 
1840, at a time Poe may have been working for that paper. 

97-98. "Your" clashes with "thee," as in III, 35 and 36, and the 

Examiner proof sheet text of To (A dream within a dream) 11. i and 2. 

Poe valued euphony above consistency however, and in the MS draft of his 
Prose Writers of America wrote "He who is consistent is a fool." 

103-104. This passage is without quotation marks in MS and 5. L. M., 
and as yet has not been definitely located in the works of any other writer. 
I half believe that it is a reminiscence only — perhaps of Catullus Ixiv, 9-1 1 . 
audiero numquam tua facta loquentem 
Numquam ego te, vita frater amabilior, 
Aspiciam posthac? 
for Poe's inaccurate reference to a nightingale in Catullus suggests a familiar- 
ity with this poem. See note to 1. 18. 
110. Cf. To Helen (1848) 11. 21-24. 

Was it not Fate that, on this July midnight — 
Was it not Fate (whose name is also Sorrow) 



Commentary 71 

That bade me pause before that garden gate, 
To breathe the incense of those slumbering roses? 
In this connection it may be well to observe that although Mrs. Whitman 
destroyed or lost her MS copy of To Helen, I believe she preserves a reading 
from it (1. 11) "whose earthly name is Sorrow" in her quotation of the line 
in her To Arcturus, written in April 1. 19 {Graham's Magazine, June 1850, 
vol. xxxvi, 383; Hours of Life, p. 80; Poems, p. 97). 

VII. This scene, the fourth among the 1845 selections, termed by Pro- 
fessor Campbell "the most spirited in the play," seems in great part based on 
fact; compare the following from Miss Cook's Letters, pages 74-75: — 

"I felt myself driven from society, and an object of scorn and derision 

He offered me his hand. Yes, forlorn and abandoned as I was, he was willing 
to become my husband as he had been my friend. What could I do? I 
addressed him candidly and openly. You know my history, said I, and my 
shame, if you are willing to receive to your bosom a poor outcast, whom the 
world has stigmatised as guilty and polluted, with a wounded heart and a 
blighted name, then take me. I am yours forever. My dear Ann, he replied, 

I regard you as the innocent victim of the most detestable treachery I 

have long admired the cultivation of your mind, and the proud dignity and 
elevation of your soul. You were calculated to grace the most brilliant and 

the most elevated circles of society I am proud to be the object of your 

choice, humbled as you may be in your own estimation, or. . . .in that of an 
unfeeling world. I have never felt for any woman what I feel for you; my 
attachment is deep, sincere, and ardent, and while we live it shall never 

become extinct He had given me sufficient proofs of the truth of what he 

asserted." 

This is in a way confirmed by the following from the statement To the 
Public of Mrs. Eliza T. Sharp: — 

"Beauchamp married Miss Cook with a full knowledge of all the cir- 
cumstances of her shame and of the charges which had been so widely cir- 
culated against my husband. It is said he laughed at the delicacy of his 
family who would have dissuaded him from forming this connection, and 
[he] evinced the most perfect indifference upon the subject of her character. 

16-18. Poe's use of rhyme in passages of high emotion finds parallels 
below, 1. 100, and in some of the prose tales, e. g. Morella (H. ii, 30, 11. 27-28); 
Eleonora (H. iv, 243, 1. 29); The Masque oj the Red Death (H. iv, 258, 1. 10). 
He uses it elsewhere in the tales for humorous effects as in Lionizing (H. ii, 
40, 11. 2-8); The Scythe of Time (early version oi A Predicament, H. ii, 294, 
1. 31); Von Jung (early version of Mystification, H. iv, 103 1. 16), X-ing a 
Paragrab (H. vi, 232, 1. 34^ and House Furniture (H. xiv, 104, 1. 20). See also 
Poe's remarks on the distinct uses of rhyme for poetic and humorous effect 
in his criticisms of Brainerd and Longfellow in Graham's (February and 
March, 1842, H. xi, 24f, 76). 

20. In The Poetic Principle (H. xiv, 282) Poe says of lines 7-8 of 

Moore's song "Come rest in this bosom" (which he probably here had in mind) 

I know not, I ask not, if guilt's in that heart, 

I but know that I love thee, whatever thou art 

that they are "lines in which a sentiment is conveyed that embodies the 

all in all of the divine passion of love — a sentiment which, perhaps, has 



72 Politian 

found its echo in more, and in more passionate, human hearts than any other 
single sentiment ever embodied in words," while in a letter of October i8, 
1848 to Mrs. Whitman {Last Letters, p. 24) he calls them the "very noblest 
lines in all human poetry." See also his remarks on Longfellow's Spanish 
Student (H. xiii, 68). 

28. Cf. The Happiest Day, 1. 2, "My seared and blighted heart"— both 
passages are no doubt reminiscent of Byron's Fare thee well, xiv, 3 "Seared 
in heart and lone and blighted" but Miss Mary Cook wrote (Ann Cook's 
Letters p. 28) "My heart is seared and blasted .... but I cannot weep 
— my eyes are dry but my lips are parched and burning." 

32. "Ideal" is here used in the sense of "unreal," from "idea" as 
opposed to "reality." 

38. Cf. XI, 64; and Tamerlane 1. 178. 

On earth of all we hope in Heaven. [K. C. in part ] 

43-4S. Cf. Poe's letter to Mrs. Whitman Oct. i, 1848 {Last Letters 
p. 18 11. 4-5) "joyfully go down with you into the night of the grave." Both 
passages are probably reminiscent of Job vii, 9 "As the cloud is consumed and 
vanisheth away: so he that goeth down to the grave shall rise up no more." 
In Poe's Bible, the i6th verse of this chapter is marked in ink, supposedly by 
Poe himself. Beside the mark are pencilled the initials R. H. C, those I 
presume of Mrs. Cromwell, to whom Mrs. Clemm gave the Bible (see the 
New York Herald June 10, 1883). The Bible, printed by the American Bible 
Society, N. Y. 1846, loth edition, small pica, 8 vo. is now preserved in the 
Poe Cottage at Fordham, where I examined it and found no other markings 
in ink, but in pencil were marked 2 Samuel xii, 16; St. Luke, xi, 2; xiv, 26; 
Galatians v, and vi, 14-18. 

47. Cf. Letter to Mrs. Whitman Oct. i, 1848 {Last Letters, p. 11, 11. 
25-27) "If ever, then, I dared to picture for myself a richer happiness, it was 
always connected with your image in Heaven." 

54-56. Cf. William Wilson (H.iii, 302, 1.5) "with step solemn and slow"; 
The Imp of the Perverse (cancelled passage after H. vi, 152 11. 15-16) "I saw 
— or fancied that I saw — a vast and formless shadow that seemed to dog 
my footsteps, approaching me from behind, with a cat-like and stealthy 
pace," and The Masque of the Red Death (H. iv, 256, 1. 17) (with 1. 55) "this 
spectral image (which with a slow and solemn movement .... stalked to and 
fro among the waltzers." 

The motto to William Wilson 

What say of it, what say of Conscience grim 
That spectre in my path 
is a possible source, though it does not occur, as Poe says it does in Chamber- 
layne's Pkarronida. 

55. Echoed by Mrs. Sarah Anna Lewis, The Beleagured Heart, 1. 6. 
With a solemn step and slow. 

57-58. The words in this line and the manner in which they are em- 
ployed, seem, like "It is nothing but the wind in the chimney" of The Tell- 
Tale Heart (H. v, 90 1. 32f.) and the like 1. 36 of The Raven, " 'Tis the wind and 
nothing more," so strangely akin to the vainly reassuring replies of the father 
in Goethe's famous Erlkenig, 11. 8, 16, 



Commentary 73 

Mein Sohn, es ist ein Nebelstreif. . . . 
In durren Blattern sauselt der Wind 
that it seems worth while to cite them. The whole question of Poe's Knowl- 
edge 0/ German is a very complex one — it has been ably discussed by Gustav 
Gruener in Modem Philology, ii, ii^i and again in Palmer Cobb's thesis on 
The Influence of E. T. A. Hoffmann on the Tales of Edgar Allan Poe, Chapel 
Hill, igo8, pp. 20-30 a.ndi passim, but the last word has not been said on the 
subject, for some important evidence was inaccessible to form?r writers. 
Poe quoted from Goethe's Das Veilchen 11. 19-20 in his motto to the version 
of The Visionary {The Assignation) in the Lady's Book for January 1834, and 
quite possibly through Carlyle or Coleridge (not to mention Scott) had 
become interested in and dipped into the language — in a letter of Nov. 26, 
1 841 to F. W. Thomas (published in Ernest Dressel North's Catalogue 
N. Y. October, 1905, item 357) he remarks "To the Latin and Greek profi- 
cient, the study of all additional languages is mere play" — or he may have 
used translations, for Monk Lewis had rendered Erlk'dnig. I do not believe 
any deep knowledge of German on Poe's part can be proved, and some of 
Poe's German "sources" must be given up; no man reading Washington 
Irving's An Unwritten Drama of Lord Byron in The Gift for 1836 (to which 
Poe was a contributor) will seek farther for the origin of William Wilson, 
but I have met with no mention of this save in an article by Joel Benton, 
which was preserved in a newspaper clipping among the Poeana once owned 
by the late George P. Philes, sold recently at auction in this city, while one 
or two more of Poe's most learned notes may be traced to non-German 
sources. E.g. the bit about Dichtkunst, Pinakidia No. 153 (H. xiv, 67) 
repeated in a criticism of Longfellow from Graham's for April, 1842 (H. xi, 
74) may be found in the English and probably the French version of Bielfeld's 
Universal Erudition II, vi, 5. Yet Poe's use of translated idioms and single 
words, nay his very emphasis on and repetition of the few simple points which 
betray how slight his knowledge was, also make it certain that there was "a 
little knowledge," which in the case of a genius of Poe's order cannot have 
been quite contemptible. 

62-63. Cf. Dreams 11. 21-22, 

'Twas the chilly wind 
Came o'er me in the night. [K. C] 

63. Cf. Shakespeare, As You Like It, II, vii, 1 1 i-i 12, 
Under the shade of melancholy boughs 
Lose and neglect the creeping sands of time. 

65. Cf. Byron's Bride of Abydos I, i, i (quoted in The Rationale of Verse 
H. xiv, 242). 

Know ye the land where the cypress and myrtle 
in itself copied from Goethe's Mignon's Song "Kennst du das Land." From 
the allusion to Columbus we learn the play is laid about the year 1500. 
It seems that before the killing Beauchamp did announce his intention to go 
to Missouri {Confession p. 28). 

69. Cf. To One in Paradise, 1. 5. 

All wreathed with fairy fruits and flowers. 

70. Poe's ideal landscapes, in Eleonora, The Island of the Fay, and The 
Domain of Amheim should be compared, though there are no close verbal 
parallels. 



74 Politian 

78. Reminiscent of Baldazzar's reproach VI, 4. 

79. Cf. Beauchamp's dramatic farewell to his dying wife (Appendix 
to Confession, p. 133). 

She returned no answer. He felt of her pulse, and said, "Physicians, you 
have deceived me — she is dying." To the ladies who surrounded the bed she 
said "from you, ladies, I demand a tear of sympathy." He laid conversing 
with perfect composure, occasionally putting one hand upon his wife's face 
and feeling*her pulse with the other until he had felt the last throb. "Fare- 
well," said he, "child of sorrow — Farewell child of misfortune and persecu- 
tion — You are now secure from the tongue of slander — For you I have lived; 
for you I die." He then kissed her twice, and said, "I am now ready to go." 
[The italics are mine.] [This is related in much the same way in a note in 
Miss Cook's Letters, p. 90; Hoffman's Winter in the West, p. 34a; Saturday 
Evening Post, Philadelphia July 29, 1826, from Lexington Kentucky Reporter, 
July 7, 1826, and in some of the more recent articles.] 

81. C/. IV, 66 and note. 

82-83. Cf. Letter to Mrs. Whitman, Oct. 18, 1848 {Last Letters p. 21, 
1. 4 etc.) "whom I love — by one at whose feet I knelt — I still kneel — in deeper 
worship than ever man offered to God." 

84. Cf. King John, III, iv, 104. 

My life, my joy, my food, my all — the — world. 

90f . Perhaps modeled on a speech of Dido, in Marlowe's Dido, ^ueen 
of Carthage, V, 177 f. 

95-96. Cf. Arthur Gordon Pym (H. iii, 45, 11. 18-22) "he would abandon 
me — he was gone! He would leave me to perish miserably, to expire in the 
most horrible and loathsome of dungeons — and one wcrrd — one little syllable 
would save me — yet that single syllable I could not utter." 

100. See my notes to 11. 16-18 and cf. King Lear, II, iv, 22-23. 
They durst not do't 
They could not, would not do't. 

VIII. 18. Cf. Tempest I, ii, 389 "sitting upon a bank." 
31. C/. IV, 3-4. 

38-41. See notes to II, 28. 

44. Cf. Twelfth Night II, v, 158 etc. "Some are born great, some 
achieve greatness" etc. 

52. Cf. Bon Bon (H. ii, 130 1. 12) "the particolored velvet of Genoa" 
and Landor's Cottage (H. vi, 256, 1. 19) where the grass is compared to "green 
Genoese velvet." 

IX. Much of this scene fifth and last in the 1845 selections is closely 
modelled on passages in Beauchamp's Confession — the parallels are given 
below. 

4. Poe frequently mentions Azrael, Mohammedan angel of death, as 
in the Saturday Courier version of Metzengerstein, and in Mesmeric Revela- 
tion (H. v, 254, 1. 16) and Ligeia (H. ii, 255, 1. 6). Compare his use of Aidenn 
in the Raven. 

6. Paradisal is the oldest form of the adjective, used as early as 1560. 

16. Cf. Macbeth I, iii, 39. 

So fair and foul a day I have not seen. 



Commentary 75 

38. Professor Campbell compares Addison's Cato IV, iv, 
Plato, thou reasonest well 
and note The Merchant of Venice II, ii, 22 

Conscience, say I, you counsel well. 

44. Poe cancelled some lines here, hence the metrical imperfection 
(K.C.). 

60-END. Cf. Beauchamp's Confession, pp. 15-17 — a description of an 
encounter between Beauchamp and Sharp. ,[The latter said] "My friend. . . . 
I never can fight the friend of that worthy injured lady. . . .1 never will raise 
my hand against you." [Beauchamp repHed] "Now, sir, tell me, will you 
fight me a duel, (again raising my dagger) . . . .He then stepped back a step, 
and I thought from the turn of his eye, was preparing to run. I sprang 
forward and caught him by the breast of his coat, and said, "Now you 
damned villain, you shall die." He then fell upon his knees and said "My 
life is in your hands, my friend, I beg my life" .... I then said "Get up, you 
coward, and go till I meet you in the street to-morrow;. . . .go arm yourself, 
for to-morrow I shall horsewhip you in the streets, and repeat it daily till 
you fight me a duel. . . .You are about such a whining coward, as I was told 
you were . . . . " [Sharp said] "You are the favored possessor of that great and 
worthy woman's love? Be it so, then. Here, take my life. I deserve it. 
But do not disgrace me in the streets.". . . . [Beauchamp continues.] "I bade 
him begone from me, or I would abide his offer in one moment (starting 
towards him.)" 

71f. Cf. Beauchamp's poem The Death Scene 11. 17-18 {Confession p. 
124). 

I pause — but short as lightning's gleam 
The flash of Pity through my soul. 

75. Cf. Confession, p. 35, where describing the actual murder Beau- 
champ says "I muttered in his face, 'die, you villain.' " 

X. This scene shows Poe's grotesque humor at a high level — grim 
enough in a way, it would yet, I think, be very comical if well acted. 

1. "That's flat" is an Elizabethan expression, "that's final." San 
Ozzo perhaps plays on the other meaning of flat in the next lines — i.e. "stu- 
pid." 

15f. Cf .Marginalia (H. xvi, 175) "it would sing with the Opera heroine 

The flattering error cease to prove, 
Oh, let me be deceased!" 
and compare also the early version oi Loss of Breath {S. L. M., i, 738, col. 2) 
"yet never for one moment did I imagine that I was not actually dead." 
Cf. also A Tale of the Ragged Mountains (H. v, 172, 1. 34 f.) "You are not 
prepared to maintain that you are dead?" where the person questioned, 
gives no definite answer; but contrast The Pit and the Pendulum, (H. v, 71, 
1. i8f.) "[To suppose oneself really dead] notwithstanding what we read in 
fiction is altogether inconsistent with real existence." 
27-29. Cf. Romeo and Juliet, IV, v, 23 

She's dead, deceas'd, she's dead; alack the day! 
66. Paugh — the N. E. D. records no example of this spelling, though 
"pah" is common. 



76 Politian 

tin. Cf. Bon-Bon (H. ii, 143) where Satan remarks to the drunken 
Bon-Bon, "You must know that, in a climate so sultry as mine, it is frequently 
impossible to keep a spirit alive for more than two or three hours; and after 
death, unless pickled immediately, (and a pickled spirit is not good), they 
will — smell — you understand, eh?" 

70ff . Compare the conclusion of The Facts in the Case of M. Valdemar 
(H. vi, 166 1. ao) for an example of the lengths to which Poe's charnel fancy 
could go, and the almost equally gruesome passage in Arthur Gordon Pym, 
(H. iii, 140, 11. 15-18). 

XI. This, the last scene of the play to be written, is made up principally 
from Poe's poem The Coliseum — upon the early history of which, as a sepa- 
rate poem, much light was thrown by Professor John C. French in Modem 
Language Notes for May 1917 (vol. xxxiii, p. 257f.) in an article called Poe and 
the 'Baltimore Saturday Visiter.' Professor French was the first to consult 
the unique file of the Visiter in the possession of Miss Elizabeth Cloud Seip 
of Catonsville, Md.,and to give exact information where tradition had become 
confused. While I am deeply indebted to Professor French's article I have 
personally examined the Poe texts of the Visiter through the courtesy of 
Miss Seip and my notes on the variants are more correct than any before 
published. 

On June 15, 1833 was first announced an offer of Premiums of "50 
dollars for the best Tale and 25 dollars for the best Poem, not exceeding 
one hundred lines" offered before the first of October, to the Visiter. The 
paper, formerly edited by Poe's friend Lambert A. Wilmer (see his Our Press 
Gang, Phila. 1866, p. 22 etc.) was at the time conducted for the proprietors 
Charles Ferree Cloud and Wm. P. Pouder, on South Gay St., one door from 
the corner of Market St., by John H. Hewitt, whose relations with Poe were 
not cordial; but the contest was judged by John P. Kennedy, John H. B. 
Latrobe, and Dr. James H. Miller. According to an entry in Kennedy's 
Journal, Nov. 2, 1833, the committee met to judge early in October, having 
about one hundred tales and poems, (Killis Campbell's Kennedy Papers, 
1917, p. 25). Poe submitted several tales and at least one poem, and to 
quote his own letter of July 20, 1835 *° T. W. White (H. xvii, 11) concerning 
the Premiums "both. . . . were awarded to me. The award was, however, 
altered, and the Premium for Poetry awarded to the second best in considera- 
tion of my having obtained the higher Prize. This Mr. Kennedy and Mr. 
Latrobe told me themselves." White printed in tlie Messenger for August 
(vol. i, 716) an editorial note embodying the substance of this, together with 
a letter from the judges of the contest which had appeared in the Visiter of 
October 12, 1833. (See Stoddard's edition of Poe, vol. i, 73, and consult 
Latrobe's account of the proceedings of the committee in Edgar Allan Poe, a 
Memorial Volume, edited by Sara Sigourney Rice, Baltimore, 1877, pp. 57- 
60.) 

The decision of the judges, as announced October 12, gave the prize 
for the tale to Poe's MS Found in a Bottle, and for the poem to The Song 0/ 
the Wind by Henry Wilton, the pen-name assumed by Hewitt, who, as the 
announcement of the Visiter permitted, chose to receive his prize in the form 
of a silver goblet. (See Hewitt's Shadows on the Wall or Glimpses of the Past, 
Baltimore, Turn bull Brothers, 1877, p. 154.) The winning tale and poem 



Commentary 77 

were printed October 19, while the Coliseum appeared on the 26th. Hewitt's 
poem of 68 lines, which has been twice reprinted (in his Miscellaneous 
Poems, Baltimore, N. Hickman, 1838, p. 74; and Shadows on the Wall, p. 157) 
need hardly be given here in full, but since both volumes are rare, the reader 
may like to see as a sample the concluding lines. 

But, shrink not; I've gathered the sweets of the flowers. 
And, laden with perfume, I come to thee now. 
To kiss the dew-lips of the rosy-wing'd hours. 
And play with the dark locks that shadow thy brow. 
Some of the pofem is better, some worse than this — the earlier lines seem to 
echo more definitely Shelley's Cloud — on the whole one cannot blame 
Poe for wanting Hewitt to renounce the honor and keep the money as Gill 
{Lije of Edgar Allan Poe, pp. 69-70) relates. Hewitt evidently disliked Poe 
both before and after the contest, but wrote a half apologetic poem At the 
Grave of Edgar A. Poe which may be read in Shadows on the Wall, p. 240 f. 

Poe's poem, his most rhetorical production, except the Raven, was early 
popular, and besides appearing in full in two of Griswold's anthologies, 
extracts (lines 22-28, 33-39) from the Poets and Poetry of America version 
were printed in Mrs. Sarah Josepha Hale's anthology The Poet's Offering for 
1850 (Philadelphia, compiled 1849 — P- 46°j ^- ^- "Ruins"). For the various 
authorized publications of the poem see the Bibliography. Poe himself 
rated the poem sixth in a list of his six best poems yet written, in a letter of 
July 2, 1844 to James Russell Lowell (Woodberry ii, 94). 

I have stated that Poe incorporated the poem in Politian because the 
meter is very different from that of the rest of the play; and because a careful 
study of the variants seems to me conclusive. The version in the play con- 
tains one simile not in the Visiter version, but given in all the others (11. 52- 
53), while the abortive readings (11. 19-24 etc.) are to be expected since a study 
of 1. 43 tends to show that the Politian version, and that of the S. L. M. 
represent two different revisions on the Visiter text, while all subsequent 
versions are based directly or indirectly on the S. L. M. version. An analogy 
is to be found in Poe's treatment of the MS Found in " Bottle, where the 
versions of the Gift for 1836, and the S. L. M. are distinct and separate re- 
visions of the Visiter text, while all other versions are based on the S. L. M. 

2-3. Cf. Byron, Childe Harold, IV, cxxviii, 7-8 

This long explored but still exhaustless mine 
Of contemplation. 

4. Cf. Gray's Elegy 1. 22:- 

The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power 

a line earlier echoed by Poe in Tamerlane (1827) 1. 355 

My eyes were still on pomp and power. 
S-10. Cf. MS found in a Bottle (H. ii, 13, 1. 24 f) [I] "have imbibed the 
shadows of fallen columns at Balbec, and Tadraor and Persepolis, until my 
very soul has become a ruin" and Al AaraafW, 2ii> f. Poe in all these passages 
probably had in mind Shelley's /^/«.r/or 11. 109-128, in addition to the passage 
which in his notes to Al Aaraaf he cites inaccurately from Voltaire's Essai 
sur les moeurs et l' esprit des nations. Chap. V, ^[7 (CEuvres, ed. Beuchot, Paris, 
1829, XV, 307). 



7 8 Politian 

7. In part the same as 1. 50. 

10. CJ. T. Campbell, Gertrude of Wyoming, I, vii, 1-2. 

Here was not mingled with the city's pomp 
Of Life's extremes the grandeur and the gloom. 
Professor Campbell cites Moore, Loves of the Angels, 11. 1180-1181 
Or if they did, their gloom was gone, 
Their darkness put a glory on 
and Wordsworth, Ode on the Intimations of Immortality, 1. 57 
Where is it now, the glory and the dream ? 
Parallels in Poe's works are Romance (i 831) 1. 47 

Gone are the glory and the gloom, 
Eleonora (H. iv, 239, 1. 31) "A prison house of grandeur and of glory," and 
The Oval Portrait (H. iv, 245, 11. 4-5) "commingled gloom and grandeur." 
17-18. It has been assumed the allusion is to Christ, but Poe was 
interested in Jewish history and may have some legend or story about 
Gethsemane in mind. Poe rarely mentions Our Lord in his poetry, I recall 
only the cancelled passage of The Sleeper. 
19. Cf. Al Aaraaf ii, 42-43 

That stole upon the ear in Eyraco 
Of many a wild star-gazer long ago 
where Poe explains that Eyraco is Chaldea. As only one person is mentioned 
here perhaps the allusion is to Abraham {cf. Genesis xv, 5) though according 
to the introduction to Bk. I of the Lives of the Philosophers of Diogenes 
Laertius with which Poe was acquainted, to judge from Loss of Breath (H. ii, 
167.) the Chaldees were priests among the Babylonians and Assyrians. 

22. There are many similar passages — e.g. Thomas Warton, P/fflJ«r« 
of Melancholy 1. 263 f. 

27-28. Cf. Byron, Childe Harold, IV, cxlii for triple use of the phrase 
"here where" and Manfred III, iv, 22-26 
Where the Caesars dwelt 
And dwell the tuneless birds of night amidst 
A grove which springs through levelled battlements, 
And twines its roots with the imperial hearths, 
Ivy usurps the laurel's place of growth. [K. C] 

and Mrs. Sigourney's Rome 11. 26-27 

Mid Nero's house of gold, with clustering bats 
And gliding lizards. 
29. "Golden throne" cf Lenore 1. 22. 
33. Cf. Gray's Impromptu (1766) 11. 13-14. 

Here mouldering fanes and battlements arise 
Turrets and arches nodding to their fall, 
and the expression "tottering to their fall" in The Man of the Crowd (H. iv, 
144, 1. 9) and The Murders in the Rue Morgue (H. iv, 151, 1. 11). 

33f. One may compare the architectural description in Al Aaraaf II, 
28 f. 

36. Professor Campbell compares Byron's Childe Harold IV, cxlv, 8 
Rome and her Ruin past Redemption's skill 
and the passage may be vaguely influenced by Gaunt's speech in Richard II 



Commentary 79 

II, i, 4C-60, or the sonnet of Bellay, translated by Edmund Spenser, The 
Ruins of Rome, iii, of which 1. 5 reads 

Behold what wreake, what ruine, and what wast 
A parallel cited by Professor Campbell (p. 220) from a translation published 
by Mrs. EUet, in December 1833 is rendered improbable by the dates. 

39. "Corrosive hours" — the phrase recurs in The Colloquy of Monos 
and Una, (H. iv, 206, 1. 5) see also note to VI, 45-46. With the other part of 
the line cf Gray's Elegy, 1. 4. 

And leaves the world to darkness and to me. 
and The Assignation (H. ii, 118, 1. 18) "has left to silence and to me." 

43. Memnon, son of Tithonus and Eos (Aurora or Dawn) is mentioned 
by Homer, and other ancient writers. The Greeks gave his name to one of 
the two Colossi of Amenhotep III at Thebes in Egypt, because it was be- 
lieved to salute the dawn with a musical sound (described as resembling the 
breaking of a harp-string.) Allusions to this are countless in literature — see 
Gayley's Classic Myths pp. 179, 512, and Campbell p. 221. The allusion in 
Henry B. Hirst's sonnet La Chanteuse 1. 4 {The Penance of Roland etc., Boston 
1 849, p. 64) seems to echo Poe's phrasing. 

44f. In connection with these lines Lauvriere {Edgar Poe, p. 373) 
cites Byron, Manfred III, iv, 40-41. 

The dead, but sceptred sovereigns, who still rule 
Our spirits from their urns. 
51. Seemingly echoed in Hirst's sonnet No More 1. 6 (published in 
Ladies' Garland, Phila. Feb. 1848, vol. xiii, p. 46; and in Penance etc., p. 88). 
52-53. Cf. Wordsworth, Sonnet upon Westminster Bridge 11. 4-5. 
The city now doth like a garment wear 
The beauty of the morning 
and Ode on the Intimations of Immortality, V, 7 

Trailing clouds of glory, 
and Shelley, Prince Athanase, 11. 288-289 

they wear 
Beauty like some light robe 
and Psalms, civ, 2, 6. "Who coverest thyself with light as with a garment" 
.... "Thou coverest it with the deep as with a garment." 

56. Perhaps an echo of Milton, Paradise Regain'd i, 257 

Before the altar and the vested priest. 
61-62. Cf. Miss Cook's words, July 4, 1826 {Letters, p. 84) "I suggest it 
would be better to plunge the dagger into his heart while folded in the arms 
of her for whom he had deserted me." 
64. Cf. VII, 38 and note thereon. 



CRITICISM 

Politian — or rather the scenes from it published by Poe, did not prove a 
favorite with the critics. The first opinions expressed of it which have 
survived are those of the contemporary press, and since Poe himself collected 
a large number of notices of the Southern Literary Messenger which he pub- 
lished in a Supplement (January 1836, vol. ii, 133 f) those which relate to the 
extracts from the drama should not be ignored. Only four give anything 
beyond a passing mention to the drama — and I give the passages in full, 
adding such bibliographical notes as I can. 

The United States Telegraph [Washington City, Dec. 5, 1835, ^°1- ^» 
No. 316, p. 12626 — edited by an unknown writer during the absence of the 
regular editor Duff Green, benefactor of Poe's friend Wilmer, and sometime 
friend of President Andrew Jackson — see Wilmer's Our Press Gang passim] 
says "We were disappointed in a "Dramatic Extract" from the pen of Mr. 
Edgar A. Poe. He had taught us to expect much, for his prose is often high 
wrought poetry; but his poetry is prose, not in thought but in measure. 
This is a defect of ear alone, which can only be corrected by more study 
than the thing is worth." 

The Richmond Whig and Public Advertiser [Dec. 15, 1835, '^°'- ^"> ^°- 
103, p. 13, by Pleasants and Abbott] quotes Major M. M. Noah as saying 
(evidently in the New York Evening Star of slightly prior date, but I can 
locate no files of the Star for the first half of December 1835) "Mr. Poe's 
"Unpublished Drama" does not suit our taste. Why eternally ring the 
changes on those everlasting and hackneyed Venetian Doges and Italian 
counts — latticed balconies and verandas — time out of mind exhausted?" 

The Lynchburg Virginian [Dec. 10, 1835, ^°'- '^^'^' No. 38, p. 32, edited 
by Fletcher and Toler] said "Scenes from Politian" like the prose produc- 
tions from the same pen (Mr. Poe) evince great powers, wasted on trifles. 
Why, (to adopt the catechetical style of his own criticisms,) why does Mr. 
Poe throw away his strength on shafts and columns, instead of building a 
temple to his fame? Can he not execute as well as design? No one can doubt 
it who is conversant with his writings. Eschew affectation, Mr. Poe. It is a 
blot upon genius as well as upon beauty. 

And in a notice of the Messenger under the heading Our Table, probably 
from the pen of the editor, Horace Greeley The New Yorker (Dec. 12, 1835, 
whole No. 90, p. i'-") said — "Scraps from an Unpublished Drama, by Edgar A. 
Poe "contains one or two stirring and many beautiful passages — but we are 
not partial to dramatic poetry." 

Besides these printed criticisms, there were some strictures made on the 
versification, by Judge Beverley Tucker, whose letter Dec. 5, 1835 t° P°^> 
is printed (H. xvii, 21-24), but Poe's reply defending his meter has not been 
published, altho' it was read at the opening ceremonies of the Poe Shrine 
at Richmond, April 26, 1922. Poe's remarks are not very specific but resem, 
ble those on verse in his S. L. M. review of Bryant, January 1837 (H. ix 



Commentary 8 1 

Of other contemporary criticisms and allusions to the play few survive. 
Of Poe's other correspondents only Eveleth seems to have mentioned the 
play, in a letter to Poe, January 19, 1847 (see my edition of The Letters 
from Geo. W. Eveleth, p. 11) — this with a few harsh words in a letter from 
Elizabeth Barrett to Robert Browning, Jan. 26, 1846 {Letters Harper & Bros. 
1899, p. 429), the unkindly remarks in the London Atheneum Feb. 28, 1846 
(No. 957, p. 215) and a passing reference in Hiram Fuller's attack on Poe in 
the N. Y. Evening Mirror, May 26, 1846, comprise all the notices which I 
have found. 

In my notes I have pointed out the certain or probable imitations of 
or references to the play in the works of Chivers, English, Mrs. Lewis and 
Mrs. Whitman. Passing to more recent opinions, beyond those mentioned 
elsewhere in this book I may note that while James Hannay {The Poetical 
Works of . . . .Poe, London 1853, p. 73) characterized the play as "a juvenile 
production and the least meritorious work Poe has left," Professor J. P. 
Fruit {The Mind and Art of Poe's Poetry, New York, 1899, p. 108) says it 
shows Poe's "ability to appreciate dramatic situations." See also Stoddard, 
Memoir, p. 73, and Campbell, p. 229. It is perhaps worth noting that the old 
selections have been translated into French, Italian, and German. 



THE VERSE 

Poe's blank verse in Politian is extraordinarily free. It is true, the 
rule of five stresses to a line is scrupulously preserved — there are few cases 
of fragmentary lines, except the first and last lines of scenes, or where a 
cancellation has caused the break — and there are scarce half a dozen lines 
of prose in the play. The following passages deserve comment: — I, 97 and 
99 are probably prose, II, 55-57 is arranged as Poe wrote it, though the 
meter is uncertain, as it is in VIII, 7-8. Since Poe avoided imperfect lines I 
count the beginning of the song as part of VI, 79. Finally, while I have not 
ventured to change Poe's text, I would point out that it might be more 
correct, metrically, to divide II, 102-103 "why don't /You bring etc" and 
V, 30-3 1 "Baldazzar having / Just etc." But with the preservation of stress, 
the conventionality ends. About one third of the lines have feminine termin- 
ations (a very high rate, though less than Fletcher's) and about two fifths of all 
lines contain one or more resolutions of the iambus each. Poe resolves espe- 
cially where two vowels come together, and where the speaker is changed with- 
in the verse, but does not confine himself to such cases. He has a tendency 
to balance irregularities in adjacent lines, as well as feminine endings. The 
very few lines ending in a definite trisyllable (usually the name Lalage) are 
otherwise very regular, only two out of nineteen showing resolutions in my 
count. The use of a pause to replace a syllable is very rare. There is no 
attempt to end speeches with a full line — Poe almost seems to prefer transi- 
tions within the verse, and divides some lines between several speakers. 

There are, I think, but two or three intentional rhymes, but a curious 
jingling phrase in VII, 42 should be noticed, for such things appealed to 
Poe and he sought after them. 

The verse of the last scene (XI) is far more conventional than that of 
the rest of the play, and I regard its low proportion of resolutions (one- 
tenth) and of feminine endings (one-fifth) as compared with the rest of the 
play as an added indication that the Coliseum is an earlier poem incorporated 
in the play, for Poe's later blank verse is only slightly if at all more regular 
than most portions of Politian. Almost all Poe's later blank verse dates 

from 1 847-1 848, To Helen, To M. L. S—; and To (Not long ago etc.)— 

though he wrote five lines in 1844-5 (^- ^"> ^4)- 

It seems to me that while often following Shakespeare closely, Poe was 
moderately successful in his attempt to reproduce "with some improvements" 
the verse of such Jacobean writers as Ford whose work he knew through 
Lami's Specimens, and in the best portions of the play, he has perhaps "al- 
most if not quite conquered the dangerous redundance of blank verse" as 
Saintsbury, History 0/ English Prosody, iii, 485, says he has done in To Helen. 
Certainly the close of Scene IV is forcible, such a passage as VI, 39 f is very 
lovely, and that at VII, 53 is indeed thrillingly beautiful. 



The Verse 83 

Although no mention of Politian is made in Prof. C. Alphonso Smith's 
study. Repetition and Parallelism in English Verse, pp. 44-56, there are 
many cases of repetition and parallelism even in this play, though less than 
in some of Poe's later lyrics. 

In particular one should examine I, 13-16, 23-24, 28-29, 59-61, log- 
in; II, 74-80, 1 14-1 15; Iv, 3-4, 24-25, 59-60, 83 f, ()'T, f; V, 59-61 ; VI, 16-17, 
108-109; VII, 1-2, 12-13, 21-22, 55-56, 91 f; VIII, 34-37; IX, 73-74; X, 
32-33; XI, 17-19, 22-30, 33-37, 47-51, 55- While this includes the more 
notable passages, this list is not exhaustive, and an interesting example in 
the cancelled passage after IX, 44 should be pointed out. 

There is perhaps room for a thorough study of Poe's prosody (Mr. 
Saintsbury's remarks though excellent, are few) and fortunately we have a 
synopsis of Poe's own views on the subject in The Rationale of Verse, an 
essay based on a careful observation of his own practice. When the study 
is made however, the student will do well to remember that Poe's verse came 
first and theories later, and that these theories changed somewhat with the 
years, as is apparent to any one reading the remarks on verse in Poe's review 
of Bryant, S. L. M. January 1 837, (H. ix, 268 f)» and in Some Notes on Eng- 
lish Verse in Lowell's Pioneer March, 1843 (■> 1°^) compared with the 
Rationale (of 1848.) That the Rationale did not give Poe's final views is 
shown by his violation of one of his own dicta (H. xiv, 247) in 1849 '" ^- 9' 
of The Bells. 



APPENDIX I 

On Chivers' "Conrad and Eudora" 

Through the courtesy of Mr. H. L. Koopman, Librarian 
of Brown University, I have recently examined the copy of 
Dr. Chivers' Conrad and Eudora in the Harris Collection. It is 
a small 12 mo of 144 pages with title page reading as follows: — 
"Conrad and Eudora; | or, | the death of Alonzo. | A Tragedy. | 
In five acts. | Founded on the murder of Sharp, by Beau- 
champ, I in Kentucky.] — | By Thomas Holley Chivers, M.D. 
I — I Philadelphia. | 1834." The play occupies pp. [5]-82, 
the rest of the volume containing a collection of lyrics under 
the title Songs of the Heart. Chivers (who had studied medicine 
at Transylvania University) probably learned of the story 
while in Kentucky, and keeps the scene of his drama there, 
rarely altering the original facts. Considering that both plays 
have a single series of incidents as a common basis, surprisingly 
few parallels can be found. The similarity between the scenes 
{Conrad and Eudora III, i and ii; Politian IX) describing the 
preliminary encounters of Sharp and Beauchamp, is due to the 
fact both poets kept close to the Confession. Chivers' play 
is less strange than his later work, but the lack of a publisher's 
name argues that the volume was privately printed. It is 
very unlikely that Poe knew of the little book when he wrote 
Politian, for his friendship with Chivers was not begun until 
much later. 



INDEX 

[The Index aims to include all persons named in the book, save those 
merely thanked for aid, and those publishers mentioned only in the 
interest of bibliographical accuracy. References to Poe's other writings, 
to periodicals, and a few topical references have been added.] 



Abbreviations, 40. 

Abraham, 78. 

Adams, John Quincy, 59. 

Addison, 75. 

^sop, 65. 

Aidenn, 74. 

Amenhotep III, 79. 

America, 16. 

American Folk Lore, 57. 

Anderson Galleries, 44. 

Antony, 68, 69. 

Apollo, 62. 

Atheneum (London), 81. 

Autograph (N. Y.), 44, 49. 

Azrael, 31, 74- 

B 
Balbec, 77. 
Ballads, 57. 

Baltimore Saturday Visiter, 43 etc. 
Beauchamp, Jereboam O., 51 etc. 

his Confession, passim. 

his farewell to his wife, 74. 

poem by, 75. 

his wife — see Cook, Ann, 51 etc. 
Beauchamp, Jereboam, uncle of pre- 
ceding, 52. 
Beaumont and Fletcher, (st,. 
Bellay, 79. 
Bensley, 68. 
Benton, Joel, 73. 
Beuchot, 77. 
Bible, Poe's, 72. 

Galatians, 72. 

Genesis, 78. 

'Jeremiah, 65. 

Job, 72. 

St. Luke, 72. 

Proverbs, 62. 

Psalms, 65, 79. 

2 Samuel, "jl. 



Bibliography, 43 f. 
Bibliophile (London), 44. 
Bielfeld, 73. 
Bigongiari, Dino, 60. 
Blair, Robert, 66. 
Brainerd, 71. 

Broadway Journal, 43 etc. 
Broglie, due de, 60. 
Brownings, the, 81. 
Bryant, W. C, 66, 80, 83. 
Burns, Robert, 66. 
Burns, Wm., 61. 
Burton, 63. 

Burton's Magazine, 56. 
Byron, Lord, 59, 60. 

Bride of Abydos, 73. 

Childe Harold, 67, 77, 78. 

Don Juan, 57, 67. 

dramas, iv. 

Fare Thee Well, 72. 

Manfred, 78, 79. 

c 

Caesar, 38. 

Calcondila, 59. 

Campbell, Killis, 56 and passim. 

Campbell, Thos., 78. 

Capps, Edward, 66. 

Carlyle, Thos., 73. 

Castighone, 60. 

Catullus, 68, 70. 

Chaldea, 78. 

Chaldees, 37, 78. 

Chamberlayne, 61, 72. 

Chapman, 65. 

Charmian, 65. 

Chivers, T. H., 56, 61, 81. 

Christ, 78. 

Clason, Isaac Starr, 57. 

Clemm, Mrs., 72. 

Cleopatra, 65. 

Cloud, C. F., 76. 



86 



Index 



Cobb, Palmer, 73. 

Coleridge, 66, 73. 

Columbus, 26, 45, 73. 

Combs, J. H., 57. 

Cook, Ann, wife of Beauchamp, 51 
etc. 
her Letters, passim. 

Cook, Mary, sister of Ann, 72. 

Cosmopolitan Art Journal, 62. 

Criticisms of Politian, 80. 

Criticisms by Poe listed under per- 
sons criticised. 

Cromwell, Mrs. R. H., 72. 

D 

Dana, J. G., 53. 

Darby, P. H., 52, 53, 65. 

Date of composition of play, 58. 

Date of play, 45. 

Democratic Review, 64, 70. 

Dido, 74. 

Diogenes Laertius, 78. 

doggerel by Poe, 62. 

Dondore, Dorothy, 56. 

Dry den, iv, 61. 

Dudley, 60. 

Duyckinck, 57. 



Eames, Wilberforce, 52. 
Elizabeth, Queen, 60. 
EUet, Mrs. E. F., 79. 
Elliot, Wm., 69. 
Emendations, editor's, 45. 
Emendations, Poe's, 46-50. 
Emmet, Robert, 60. 
English, T. D., 69, 81. 
Eos, 79. 

"Eternal city," 69. 
Eveleth, G. W., 61, 81. 
Eyraco, 78. 



Fletcher, 63, 8a. 
folksongs, 57. 
Ford, John, 82. 
Foscolo, Ugo, 61. 
French, John C, 76. 
Fruit, J. P., 81. 
Fuller, Hiram, 81. 



Garnett, Richard, iv. 

Gaunt, 78. 

Gayley, 79. 

Geraldine, 60. 

German, Poe's knowledge of, 72. 

Gethsemane, 37, 78. 

The Gift for 1836, 73, 77. 

Gill, W. F., 77. 

Godey's Lady's Book, 56 etc. 

Goethe, 72, 73. 

Gove-Nichols, Mrs., 70. 

Graham, J. Lorimer, 41. 

Graham's Magazine, 55 etc. 

Grammar, bad, 63. 

Gray, Thos., Elegy, 77, 79. 

Impromptu, 78. 
Greeley, Horace, 80. 
Green, DufF, 80. 
Griswold, R. W., 43, 50, 56, 77. 
Gruener, Gustav, 73. 
Guendel, G. Edmund, iv. 

H 

Hale, Sarah J., 43, 57, 77. 

Hannay, James, 81. 

Harrison, 81. 

Heberton, 54. 

Hermon, Mt., 65. 

Hewitt, John H., 76, 77. 

Hirst, Henry B., 79. 

Hoffman, Charles Fenno, 54, 55, 56, 

60, 74. 
Hoffman, E. T. A., 73. 
Homer, 60, 64, 79. 
Horace, 59. 
Howard, Claire, 60. 
Howard, Henry, 60, 
Hughes, W. L., iv, 61, 64, 65. 

I 

Ingram, John H., iii, 42, 44, S'- 

Iras, 65. 

Irving, Washington, 73. 

J 

Jackson, Andrew, 80. 
James, C. E., 54. 
Johnson, L. F., 54. 
Julian of Egypt, 65. 



Index 



87 



K 

Keats, John, 63. 
Kendall, Amos, 54. 
Kennedy, John P., 58, 76. 
King's Classical arid Foreign Quota- 
tions, 68. 

L 
Ladies' Garland, 79. 
Lais, 65. 

Lamb, Chas., 65, 82. 
Lander, W. S., 59. 
Lascari, Giov., 59. 
Latrobe, J. H. B., 76. 
Lauvriere, 61, 67, 79. 
Leaf, Walter, 66. 
Leicester, 60. 
Lewis, "Monk," 73. 
Lewis, Mrs. S. A., iii, 49, 69, 70, 72, 

81. 
Lipsius, 68. 

Longfellow, 64, 71, 72, 73. 
Lowell, J. R., 77, 83. 
Lucas, E. v., iii. 
Lungo, Isidoro del, 59. 

M 
Mackail, 66. 

MacMichael, Mary E., 56. 
Madigan, 44, 49. 
Magazine of History, 56. 
Manly, John M., 62. 
Marlowe, 74. 
Marston, 65. 
MaruUo, 59. 
Mathews, Cornelius, 68. 
Memnon, 38, 78. 
Meter, 61, 82. 
Miller, James H., 76. 
Milton, John. 

Comus, 64. 

Par. Lest, 69. 

Par. Reg., 79. 
Moore, F. G., 69. 
Moore, Thos., 68, 71, 78. 
Morgan, J. P., iii, 43. 
Mowatt, Anna Cora, 61. 

N 
Nero, 78. 
nevermore, 62. 
New English Dictionary, 61, 75. 



Newspapers. 

Alexander's Messenger (Phila.), 62. 
American (N. Y.), 55. 
Argus of Western America (Frank- 
fort), 54. 
Atheneum (London), 81. 
Evening Mirror (N. Y.), 81. 
Evening Star (N. Y.), 80. 
Examiner (Richmond), 70. 
Herald (N. Y.), 72. 
Independent (N. Y.), 69. 
Kentucky Reporter (Lexington), 

54, 74- 
New Yorker (N. Y.), 80. 
Patriot (Frankfort), 54. 
Saturday Courier (Phila.), 70. 
Saturday Evening Post (Phila.), 43, 

50. 74- 
Saturday Museum (Phila.), 43. 
Saturday Visiter (Baltimore), 43, 

50, 76. 
U. S. Telegraph (Washington), 80. 
Virginian (Lynchburg), 80. 
Weekly Messenger (Russellville), 

54- 

Weekly Universe (N. Y.), 61. 

Whig (Richmond), 80. 
Noah, M. M., 80. 
Notes and Queries, 68. 

O 
Opera heroine, 75. 
Osgood, Mrs. F. S., 62. 
Ovid, 59, 69. 

P 
Peele, Geo., 65. 
Perrow, E. C, 57. 
Persepolis, 77. 
Philes, Geo. P., 73. 
Pioneer, 83. 
Plato, 65. 
Plutarch, 65, 68. 
Poe, Edgar A., his 

bible, 72. 

Cottage, 72. 

drinking, 61. 

monument, 62. 

private letters, 58. 

punctuation, 41. 

schoolbooks, 65. 



Index 



Shrine, 80. 
Writings 

Criticisms indexed under name 

of persons criticised. 
Letters under name of recipients. 
Miscellaneous articles: — 

Autography, 62. 

Enigmatical and Conundrumi- 
cal, 62. 

Letter to B — , 65. 

Literati, 56. 

Marginalia, 60, 64, 67, 75. 

Pinakidia, 59, 60, 66, 67, 73. 

Poetic Principle, 69, 71. 

Prose Writers of America, 70. 

Rationale of Verse, 73, 83. 

Some Notes on English Verse, 

83- 
Poems 

AlAaraaf, 59, 64, 66, 68, 77, 78. 

Ballad, 63, 70. 

Bells, 83. 

CZ/y ;w A4f Sea, (><). 

Coliseum, 41, etc., especially 76 f. 

Doggerel, 62. 

^ Dream, 66. 

^ Dream within a Dream, 69, 70. 

Dreams, 73. 

Haunted Palace, 58. 

Happiest Day, 72. 

Z,i«« /o Sarah, 65. 

Lenore, 78. 

Parody on Mrs. Browning, 82. 

Raven, 62, 65, 68, 72, 74. 

Romance, 78. 

Sleeper, 60, 78. 

Sonnet to Zante, 59, 66. 

Tamerlane, 64, 66, 67, 72, 77. 

To — (Not long ago), 65, 82. 

To — (Sleep on), 64, 68. 

To //^f/fw (1831), 60. 

To Helen (1848), 70, 82. 

To M.L.S—, 82. 

To Afy Mother, 70. 

To 0»f 2» Paradise, 41, 73. 
Tales 

Arthur Gordon Pym, 60, 74, 76. 

^«jf/ ©/■ /^f 0(/^, 65. 

Assignation, 41, 59, 60, 63, 65, 
67> 68, 73, 79. 



Bon-Bon, 61, 69, 74, 76. 
Cask of Amontillado, 63. 
Colloquy of Monos and Una, 64, 

68, 79. 
Conversation of Eiros and Char- 

mion, 65. 
Domain of Amheim, 73. 
D«f 1^^ V Omelette, 65. 
Eleohora, 71, 73, 78. 
F<?c/J 0/ /Ai? C«.f^ of M. Valde- 

mar, 76. 
Fall of the House of Usher, 58, 

63, 68. 
Folio Club, 58. 
Four Beasts in One, 62- 
Hop-Frog, 61. 
House Furnishing, 71. 
How to Write a Blackwood Article, 

67. 
Imp of the Perverse, 72. 
Island of the Fay, 62, 66, 73. 
Landor's Cottage, 67, 70, 74. 
Ligeia, 60, 64, 74. 
Literary Life of Thingum Bob, 

67. 
Loss of Breath, 65, 75, 78. 
Man of the Crowd, 78. 
Ms. Found in a Bottle, 76, 77. 
Masque of the Red Death, 71, 72. 
Mesmeric Revelation, 74. 
Metzengerstein, 74. 
Morella, 58, 70, 71. 
Murders in the Rue Morgue, 68 

78. 
Mystification, 71. 
J002nd Tale etc., 68. 
Otia/ Portrait, 78. 
/"iV «wi/ ?A? Pendulum, 69, 75. 
Predicament, 71. 
Premature Burial, 66. 
Purloined Letter, 68. 
Tfl/fi' »/■ ?A? Ragged Mountains,"]^. 
Tell-Tale Heart, 72. 
/^o« Kempelen and His Discovery, 

68. 
^Ajy /^i? Z,«'W/i? Frenchman, 63. 
William Wilson, 60, 61, 72, 73. 
X-ing a Paragrab, 71. 
Poetry of the Sentiments, 43, 50. 
Poir/j' Offering, 43, 50. 



Index 



89 



Poets and Poetry of America, 43, 50. 

Poliziano, Angelo, 59, 60. 

Pouder, Wm. P., 76. 

Prose Writers of America, 56. 

punctuation, 41. 

puns, 62. 



Quevedo, 69. 



Q 



R 



Radcliffe, Mrs., 61. 
rhyme, 71, 82. 
Rice, Miss S. S., 76. 
R — n, Ellen, 52, 66. 
R— n, W., 52. 
Rossetti, W. M., iii. 
Royster, Sarah Elmira, 59. 
Rufus, Wm., of Charleston, 60. 



Saintsbury, G. E., 82, 83. 

Salerno wine, 63. 

Sailengre, 66. 

Saturday Evening Post, 43, 74. 

Scala, Alessandra, 59. 

Scott, Eliza T., 52. 

Scott, Sir Walter, 60, 73. 

Seip, Miss E. C, 76. 

Servius, 62. 

Sibyl, 62. 

Sharp, Eliza T. S., 52, 54, 71. 

Sharp, Leander J., 54. 

Sharp, Solomon P., 51 etc. 

Shearin, H. G., 56, 57. 

Shelley, P. B., iii, 59, 69, 70, 77, 79. 

Shirley, James, 59. 

Sidney, Sir Philip, 60. 

Sigourney, Mrs., 78. 

Simms, Wm. G., 55, 56. 

Smith, C. Alphonso, 57, 83. 

Sources of plot, 51. 

Sources of text, 41. 

Southern Literary Messenger, 43 etc. 

Southern Magazine, 44. 

Spenser, Edmund, 60, 79. 

Standard Dictionary, 61. 

Stedman, E. C, 44. 



Stoddard, R. H., 70, 76, 81. 
Surrey, 60. 

T 
Tadmor, 77. 
Tennyson, 69. 
Text, 41 f. 
Theognis, 65. 
Thomas, F. W., 73. 
Thomas, R. S., 53. 
Tibullus, 69. 
Ticknor, Caroline, 59. 
Tithonus, 78. 

Translations of Politian, 81. 
Trent, W. P., 57, 67. 
Transactions of the American Philo- 
logical Association, 69. 
Tucker, Beverley, 70, 80. 

V 
Valentine Museum letters, 58. 
Van Hook, 66. 
Variorum, 46. 
Vatican, 32, 49. 
velvet, Genoa, 74. 
Ventidius, 68. 
Vergil, 62, 68. 
Verse, 81. 
Voltaire, 77. 

W 
Walsh, R. A., 60. 
Warton, Thos., 78. 
Webster, 65. 
Wells, H. W., 68. 
White, H. Kirke, 67. 
White, T. W., 41, 58, 76. 
Whitman, Mrs. S. Hs, 59, 67, 68, 70, 

7i> 72, 74, 81. 
Whitty, J. H., 44, 70. 
Williamson, 61. 
Wilmer, L. A., 67, 76, 80. 
Wilton, Henry {pen-name), 76. 
Woodberry, G. E., 62. 
Woodbridge, Miss A. D., 69. 
Wordsworth, Wm., 66, 68, 70, 78, 79. 
Wyatt, Sir Thos., 60, 70. 

Z 
Zecchin, 63. 



VITA 

Thomas Ollive Mabbott was born in New York July 6, 
1898, entered Collegiate School In that city in 1906, and from 
it went to Columbia College in September 191 6. He received 
his degree of Bachelor of Arts with high honors in Greek and 
Latin June 1920, and has continued his studies in the Graduate 
School of Columbia University since then, receiving the degree 
of Master of Arts in June 1921. Since July 1922 he has been 
Assistant in English in the Graduate School. 

He has edited The Letters from George W. Eveleth to Edgar 
Allan Foe for the New York Public Library, 1922, and has 
been an occasional contributor to Modern Language Notes, 
The Classical Weekly y and Notes and Queries. 

He has attended lectures in the Graduate School under 
Professors Thorndike, Trent, Lawrence, Ayres, Krapp, Erskine, 
and Brander Matthews of the Departmerft of English and 
Comparative Literature; and Professors Perry, McCrea, and 
F. G. Moore of the Department of Classical Philology. 

Mr. Mabbott is a member of the New York Historical Soci- 
ety, the Classical Association of the Atlantic States, the Edgar 
Allan Poe Shrine, and * B K. ^ 






Influence of Some Organic Compounds 
upon the Hydrolysis of Starch 
by Salivary and Pancre- 
atic Amylases 



BY 

NELLIE M. NAYLOR 



DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE RE- 
QUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF 
PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF PURE 
SCIENCE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



Reprinted from the Journal of the American Chemical Society, Vol. 44, pp. 2957-66. 



NEW 'YORK 
1922 



Influence of Some Organic Compounds 
upon the Hydrolysis of Starch 
by Salivary and Pancre- 
atic Amylases 



BY 
NELLIE M. NAYLOR 



DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE RE- 
QUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF 
PHILOSOPHY IN THE FACULTY OF PURE 
SCIENCE, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



Reprinted from the Journal of the American Chemical Society, Vol. 44, pp. 2957-66. 



NEW YORK 
1922 



-m 



ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

This investigation was undertaken at the suggestion of Professor H. C. 
Sherman, and was carried out under his direction. The author wishes to 
express to Professor Sherman her appreciation of his advice and encour- 
agement received throughout this work. 

The author also wishes to thank Professor A. W. Thomas and Dr. 
Mary 1,. Caldwell for helpful suggestions and advice. 



INFLUENCE OF SOME ORGANIC COMPOUNDS UPON THE 

HYDROLYSIS OF STARCH BY SALIVARY AND 

PANCREATIC AMYLASES 

Various organic compounds have been reported as influencing the ac- 
tivity of amylases in the digestion of starch. In 1893^ and again in 1904', 
Effront investigated the effects of certain amines and amino acids upon 
the hydrolysis of starches by an infusion of malt extract. Glycine, alanine, 
leucine, glutamic acid, hippuric acid, creatine, creatinine, asparagine and 
aspartic acid were found to increase the activity of the amylase, while 
amides and aliphatic amines appeared to act as inhibitory agents. Ford 
and Guthrie,' using Lintner soluble starch with malt extract and with a 
purified malt amylase, studied the effect of asparagine, glycine and alanine 
on the starch digestion. They ascribe the apparent increase of activity 
in the presence of the amino acids to the amphoteric property of these 
compounds or to their effect in neutrahzing some inhibitory impiuity in 
the starch or enzyme solution. 

Terroine and Weill^ tested the influence of many of the amino acids on 
the saccharification of starch by pancreatic juice. They report an ac- 
tivating influence on the part of the amino acids tested, but they make 
no statement regarding the hydrogen-ion concentration, or regarding the 
purity of any of the materials used. 

Desgrez and Moog^ report an activating influence exerted by methyl, 
ethyl and trimethyl amine hydrochlorides, on the hydrolysis of starch by 
a glycerol extract of dry pancreas. As in the work reported by previous 
investigators, there is no indication of any tests for hydrogen-ion concen- 
tration or for purity of materials used. Nor is there any evidence that 

1 Effront, Mon. Sci., 41, 266 (1893). 

2 Effront, ibid., 61, 561 (1904). 

» Ford and Guthrie, /. Chem. Soc, 89, 76 (1906). 

* Terroine and Weill, Compt. rend. soc. bioL, 72, 542 (1912). 

» Desgrez and Moog, Compt. rend., 172, 553 (1921). 



the influence of simple inorganic salts was provided for, so that so far as 
their data show, the activation may have been due simply to the effects 
of the substances as chlorides rather than to the organic radicals. 

Rockwood* studied a large number of nitrogen compounds with regard 
to their influence on the hydrolysis of starch by saUva. Those compounds 
which seemed to increase the activity of the amylase were called auxo- 
amylases. It was reported that: (1) a-amino acids act as auxo-amylases, 
as evidenced by the effect of added glycine, tyrosine and aspartic acid; 
(2) anthraniUc acid, and its meta and para isomers, in which the amino 
group is not alpha to the carboxyl group, were also reported to be auxo- 
amylases; but sulfanilic acid, in which the carboxyl group is replaced by 
the group, SOjOH, was not; (3) the substitution of one hydrogen of the 
amino group by benzoyl, as in hippuric acid, did not destroy the activating 
properties; (4) amines of the methane series were reported to act as auxo- 
amylases; (5) amides were not auxo-amylases. The results of Rockwood's 
experiments are, however, not conclusive, since several factors now known 
to influence the activity of the amylase were not standardized and appar- 
ently not taken into account. As mentioned in connection with other 
work, there is no evidence that the influence of inorganic salts was pro- 
vided for; also the hydrogen-ion concentration, determined as "neutral 
to litmus," would be only approximately known, and not necessarily that 
at which optimum activity of the amylase is obtained. Therefore the 
"activation" reported may be due to the influence of other factors, in- 
stead of to the effect of the organic groupings in the compounds tested. 

In this Laboratory the work of testing the influence of amino acids on 
the hydrolysis of starch by amylases has been done under much more 
closely standardized conditions; the starch and all salts used were piuified, 
the hydrogen-ion concentrations of all starch dispersions tested, either 
electrometrically or colorimetrically with standardized buffer mixtures, 
and the enzyme, either purified or natural, was always present in a starch 
paste "activated" by an optimum concentration of sodium chloride and 
sodium phosphate. Under these conditions, it has been determined' 
that neutralized aspartic acid and asparagine, glycine, alanine, phenyl- 
alanine and tyrosine increase the saccharogenic activity of saliva, pan- 
creatin, and purified pancreatic and malt amylases. It was also deter- 
mined' that glycine, phenylalanine, arginine and cystine increase the 
amyloclastic activity of purified pancreatic amylase, while histidine and 
tr3rptophane do not show this influence. 

It was the purpose of this investigation to study the influence of certain 
organic compounds, containing typical groupings, on the hydrolysis of 

« Rockwood, J. Am. Chem. Soc, 39, 2745 (1917). 

' Sherman and Walker, (a) ibid., 41, 1866 (1919); (b) 43, 2461 (1921). 

8 Shennan and Caldwell, ibid., 43, 2469 (1921). 



starch by amylases, to see whether this might throw some Ught upon 
the problem of whether the favorable effect of amino acids is due to a 
direct activation attributable to their organic structure, as considered by 
Rockwood, or is due to the conservation of the enzyme, as brought out 
by previous work in this Laboratory,""'* or due to both. It was planned 
to use several simple organic compounds, in which the influence of the 
carboxyl group alone, the amino group alone, and the carboxyl and amino 
groups in the same molecule, could be studied, and then to extend the 
investigation to the influence of other groupings, especially those present 
in the amino acids which have been tested in this Laboratory. Several 
of the compounds used in this work have been studied by other investi- 
gators, but since the results were inconclusive, as has been pointed out, 
the work has been repeated by the standardized method"' used in this 
Laboratory for testing the influence of the amino acids on the hydrolysis 
of starch by amylases. The compounds were chosen: (1) to contain the 
amino group in aniline sulfate and in methyl and ethyl amine hydrochlor- 
ides, the carboxyl group in benzoic acid, and the amide group in benz- 
amide; (2) to show the effect of the position of the amino group by study- 
ing glycine, in which the amino group is alpha to the carboxyl group, and 
anthranilic acid in which the amino group is ortho to the carboxyl group; 
(3) to show the effect of substitution of the hydrogen of the amino group, 
as in hippuric acid; (4) to test the influence of indole and guanidine, and to 
compare their effect with that of the amino acids containing these groupings. 

Materials Used 

Lintner soluble starch was purified by repeated washings with distilled water and 
with thrice distilled water. The starch was air-dried and the moisture was determined. 
The acidity was determined by electrometric titration of a 1% starch dispersion con- 
taining the amounts of sodium chloride and disodium phosphate used for pancreatic 
amylase work.' All water used in making starch pastes and activating solutions, and in 
the final rinsing of glass ware, was distilled from alkaline permanganate, then from dil. 
phosphoric acid, through a block-tin condenser, and collected in Non-sol bottles, in 
which it was kept until used. 

The sodium chloride and sodium phosphate used as activating agents were re- 
crystallized twice from distilled, and once from thrice distilled water, air-dried, and an- 
alyzed for moisture. All of the organic substances employed were carefully purified 
and tested for purity. 

Experimental Procedure 

The equivalent of 10 g. of dry starch was weighed, mixed with cold water, poured 
into boiling water, and the mixture boiled for 3 minutes. This was cooled, made up 
to a volume of 250 cc, and allowed to settle. Twenty-five-cc. portions of this starch 
dispersion were introduced into lOOcc. cylinders and the required amount of 0.01 N 
sodium hydroxide solution was added. The activating agents, sodium chloride and 
sodiiun phosphate, in amounts previously determined for the enzyme to be used' were 
added to the cylinders. 



• Sherman and Kendall, J. Am. Chem Soc, 32, 1087 (1910). 



8 

The substances to be tested in this work were in most cases difficultly soluble, and 
more or less subject to hydrolysis. The amount to be used for several cylinders was 
weighed out, water and the small quantity of sodium hydroxide (0.01 N or 0.02 N) 
or hydrochloric acid (0.01 N) required for neutralization were added to the substance, and 
carefully warmed not above 40°, until the substance was dissolved. This solution was 
cooled, and made up to a definite volume, and portions to represent the desired quantity 
of the substance were added to the cylinders, from a buret. The contents of each 
cylinder was then made up to a total volume of 100 cc, stirred, and the cylinders were 
placed in a thermostat regulated at 40*0.01°. While the cylinders were attain- 
ing the temperature of the surrounding water, the enzyme solution was prepared, 
and introduced into clean, dry flasks. The activated starch dispersion at 40 ° was added 
to the enzyme, the whole thoroughly mixed and allowed to react for exactly 30 minutes, 
the flasks being kept at constant temperature. The effect of light was excluded by work- 
ing in a north room with window shades drawn, and avoiding the use of any artificial light 
during digestion. The reaction was stopped by the introduction of Fehling solution, 
and the flasks were placed in a boiling water bath for 15 minutes. The amount of 
cuprous oxide formed by the reducing sugar present was determined. 

Since sodium sulfate would be present in every test in which neutraUzed aniline 
sulfate was used, any difference in the activity of the enzyme might be due to the effect 
of the aniline or to the sodium sulfate. When sodium sulfate was tested in amounts 
corresponding to those which would be formed in the solutions containing neutralized 
aniline sulfate, it was found to have no influence on the activity of the amylases used. 

Since earlier work^" has shown that the optimum activity of pancreatic amylase is 
obtained for only a small range of hydrogen-ion concentration, it is necessary to deter- 

TablE I 
Log Ch+ in Moi,es pbr Liter Found in Digestion Mixtures Used 

0.01 M solution added except with benzoic acid and benzamide, of which 50 mg. each was 

added 

Starch Paste (activated) Log Ch+ Log -Ch+ 

(electrometric) (colorimetric) 

No substance added -6 .94 -6 .93 

Benzoic acid -6.96 -6.93 

Benzamide -6 .90 -6 .93 

Aniline- -6.87 -6.93 

Hippuric acid .... —6 .93 

Anthranilic acid .... —6 .93 

Methyl amine hydrochloride -6.90 -6.93 

Ethyl amine hydrochloride -6.89 -6.93 

Indole -6 .87 -6 .93 

Guanidine hydrochloride -6.88 —6.93 

Tryptophane -6.96 -6.93 

Alanine -6.86 -6.93 

" Aniline sulfate, calculated to the desired amount of aniline, was used in all cases. 

mine accurately the values for each digestion mixture used. These determinations 
were made by electrometric titration (if possible) of the substance to be tested, in a 
buffered starch dispersion; then in each "set" the hydrogen-ion concentration was 
checked by a colorimetric test of the starch dispersion actually used in digestion, or that 
of a separate cylinder made up exactly like the one used. In all colorimetric tests the 



10 



Sherman, Thomas and Baldwin, /. Am. Chem. Soc, 41, 231 (1919). 



9 

color comparison was made with a standardized buffer solution," using bromothymol 
blue as indicator, range Ph 6.0 to 7.6. The results of these hydrogen-ion determinations 
are given in Table I. 

In order to prove that hydrolysis of the substances tested did not change the hydro- 
gen-ion concentration of the mixtures during digestion, colorimetric or electrometric 
tests were made of the starch dispersions, before and after digestion. In all cases, where 
solutions were buffered with sodium phosphate, the hydrogen-ion concentration was 
found to be constant throughout the experiment. 

Data of Tsrpical Experiments 

Table II shows the influence of equimolar quantities of methyl and ethyl 
amine hydrochlorides, ^iline, anthranilic acid, hippuric acid and glycine, 
when tested in the presence of activating salts, sodium chloride and sodium 
phosphate, and when tested in the absence of these salts. 

Table II 
Influence of Equimolar Amounts of Certain Organic Substances on the Hy- 
drolysis OP Starch by Saliva 

In presence 

of salts In absence of salts 

Cc. of pure saliva per 100 cc. of 
starch dispersion 
Added material 0.4 0.4 0.8 

Cuprous Cuprous Cuprous 

oxide oxide oxide 

0.01 M Mg. Mg. Mg. 

None 294 2.6 

Methyl amine hydrochloride 297 281 . 

Ethyl amine hydrochloride 293 285 .0 

None 208 0.5 4.6 

Aniline 202 3 .0 25 .0 

Anthranilic acid 191 6.0 15.0 

None 197 2.0 4.5 

Hippuric acid 180 1.0 22,0 

Glycine 209 0.3 4.3 

This experimental work shows that very small amotmts of reducing sugar 
are obtained by the action of saliva on a pure starch dispersion, in the 
absence of added electrolytes, as has also been found to be true in the 
case of the pancreatic amylase, even when tested in the form of commercial 
pancreatin.'^ The presence of 0.01 M ethyl and methyl amine hydro- 
chlorides, in the media in which no other salts are added, activates the 
enzyme to such an extent that almost as much reducing sugar is obtained 
as in the presence of sodium chloride and sodium phosphate. Since aniline, 
tested as sulfate, does not show this effect, the influence exerted by methyl 
and ethyl amine hydrochlorides cannot properly be interpreted as showing 
any specific effect of the amino group, but is probably due to the favorable 

'1 W. M. Clark, "Determination of Hydrogen Ions," Williams and Wilkins Co., 
1920, p. 81. 

" Sherman and Schlesinger, /. Am. Chem. Soc, 34, 1104 (1912); 37, 1305 (1915). 



10 

influence upon the amylase of the chloride ions thus introduced into the 
digestion mixture." 

Anthranilic acid, hippuric acid and glycine tested in the absence of 
inorganic salts, showed no influence on the rate of digestion of starch when 
0.4 cc. of pure saliva per 100 cc. of starch dispersion was used. However, 
when the concentration of enzyme was doubled in the starch dispersions 
containing these substances, no inorganic salts being added, thus making 
the conditions comparable with the experiments described by Rockwood, 
an activating influence was obtained. This activation may be attributed 
to the presence of a larger amount of electrolyte in the increased volume 
of saliva used, rather than to the effect of the substances added. This 
view is supported by the fact that when anthranilic acid, hippiuic acid 
and aniUne are tested in the presence of sodium chloride and sodium 
phosphate, they show no "activating" influence. These experiments 
confirm the statements already made, that tests for the influence of any 
substances on the digestion of starch by saliva or by pancreatic amylase 
must be made in the presence of inorganic salts;' and indicate that the 
"activation" reported by Rockwood and other investigators as attributable 
to organic structure is misleading, and is probably due to the influence of 
the added substances upon hydrogen-ion or electrolyte concentration 
rather than to any specific effect of the organic groups. 

In order to determine whether the organic groups discussed by Rock- 
wood have activating effects upon salivary and pancreatic amylases when 

Tablb III 
Influbnce of Benzoic Acid, Aniwnb Sui,fatb, Benzamide, Anthranilic Acid and 
HrppuEic Acid on the Hydrolysis ov Starch by Saliva and by Purhhed Pancreatic 

Amylase 
Material added Saliva Pancreatic amylase 

Cuprous oxide Cuprous oxide 
Mg. Mg, Mg. 

None 327 298 

Benzoic acid 50 324 274 

Benzoic acid 100 321 272 

None 331 282 

Hippuric acid 50 322 261 

Hippuric acid 100 314 264 

None 218 217 

Aniline 60 217 206 

Aniline 100 225 203 

None 296 312 

Benzamide 60 289 310 

Benzamide 100 289 308 

None 331 317 

Anthranilic add 50 313 305 

Anthranilic acid 100 319 305 

these are tested in the presence of the usual "activating" salts, a series of 
experiments was carried out with saliva and pancreatic amylase tested 



11 

in the presence and absence of benzoic acid, hippuric acid, aniline sulfate, 
benzamide or anthxanilic acid. 

The technique of these experiments was the same as has already been 
described, the mixtures always being "activated" by chloride and phos- 
phate and made up to the correct hydrogen-ion concentration for the 
enzyme to be used. Typical results are shown in Table III. The re- 
sults obtained with benzoic acid and with aniHne sulfate (Table III) 
and methyl and ethyl amine hydrochlorides (Table II) on the hydrol- 
ysis of starch by amylases, are taken as typical of the influence of the 
carboxyl and amino groups, when tested under conditions suitable to the 
normal activity of the enzyme. Since no favorable effect is shown by any 
of these compounds, the presence of the carboxyl group alone or the amino 
group alone does not account for the "activation" of the amylases by amino 
acids. Benzamide shows no effect on the activity of the amylases used. 
Glycine, as well as most other natural amino acids, has been shown to 
give definite "activation" of the amylases in the digestion of starch,"" while 
anthranilic acid, containing both the amino and carboxyl groups does not 
activate. 

Since in these experiments only the a-amino acids, such as glycine, and 
other products of protein hydrolysis have been found to increase the 
activity of the amylases, it is plain that neither the amino nor the car- 
boxyl group alone, nor the presence of both in the same molecule is suffi- 
cient to induce any "activating" influence upon the amylases when present 
in a substrate solution containing proper amounts of simple electrolytes. 
One may, therefore, conceive either that the "activating" effects of amino 
acids, like glycine, are due to their structural configuration in that they 
contain amino radicals in the a position to the carboxyl group, or that 
their favorable influence is due to the conservation of the enzyme through 
diminution of its hydrolytic destruction in the water solutions in which 
it acts.^*" It has not been feasible to test a-amino acids known not 
to be products of protein hydrolysis because our knowledge of the hydro- 
lytic products of the proteins is not yet sufficiently complete. It might, 
perhaps, be expected that if true "activation" can be attributed to a-amino 
acid structure, per se, it should not be entirely lost in a derivative such 
as hipptnic acid (benzoyl glycine). Hippuric acid, however, shows no 
"activating" effect on the digestion of starch by saliva and purified pan- 
creatic amylase. 

It was thought best to determine whether this failure to "activate" the 
enzyme might be due to the hydrolysis of the hippuric acid during digestion, 
forming glycine and benzoic acid. By a colorimetric test, using stand- 
ardized buffer solutions," and bromothytnol blue as indicator, it was 
found that the hydrogen-ion concentration was the same before and after 
'» Ref. 11, p. 76. 



12 

digestion and, therefore, that hydrolysis of hippuric acid did not occur to 
any appreciable extent. Table IV shows a typical experiment in which 
the influence of glycine alone, of benzoic acid alone, of a mixture of equal 
weights of glycine and benzoic acid, and of equimolar amounts of each, 
is tested. 

Tablb IV 

Comparison op the Influence op Benzoic Acid Plus Glycine on the Hydrolysis 

OP Starch by PuRiPmD Pancreatic Amylase 

Material added Cuprous oxide 

Mg. Mg. 

None 288 

Benzoic acid 50 280 

Glycine 50 331 

Benzoic acid 50 + glycine 50 335 

Benzoic acid 0.0066 M, + glycine 0.0066 M 326 

This experiment shows the usual "activation" with glycine, independent 
of the presence of the benzoic acid. 

The effect of indole and guanidine on the hydrolysis of starch by purified 
pancreatic amylase, and the influence of these groups in the amino acids, 
were next tested. It was found that guanidine, like arginine, reacts with 
Fehling solution so that a test upon saccharogenic activity could not 
be made. The influence of these substances on the amyloclastic activity 
of the enzyme was studied, instead, by a method based on that of Wohl- 
gemuth,^^ and used in previous work in this I/aboratory.'* The results 
indicate that guanidine has no effect on the amyloclastic activity of the 
enzyme, while indole shows an inhibitory effect. This accords with the 
observation that arginine has a favorable effect upon the amyloclastic 
action of the enzyme while tryptophane has not.* In view of these ex- 
periments, one might reason that the indifferent behavior of trjrptophane, 
compared with the activating influence of most of the other amino adds, 
is explainable on the hypothesis that the favorable effect of its alanine 
group is offset by the inhibitory influence of the indole radical. However, 
the explanation that tryptophane may be so bound in the enzjone mole- 
cule that it is not liberated by hydrolysis until after the amyloclastic 
activity of the enzyme has been injured, seems more consistent, when 
studied in the Ught of ftirther investigation. When a comparison was 
made of the influence of alanine, phenylalanine and tryptophane on the 
saccharogenic activity of the amylase, the result showed that tryptophane 
acts like most of the other amino acids in increasing the saccharogenic 
activity of the enzyme. The results of a typical comparison are given in 
Table V. 

" Wohlgemuth, Biochem. Z., 9, 1 (1908). 

" Sherman and Thomas, /. Am. Chem. Soc, 37, 634 (1915). Ref. 8. 



13 

Table V 

Imfi,uENCK OP Alanine, Phenylalaninb, Tryptophane and Indole on the 
Hydrolysis op Starch by Purified Pancreatic Amylase 
Material added Cuprous oxide Material added Cuprous oxide 

0.005 M Mg. 0.005 M Mg. 

None 300 

Alanine 339 Tryptophane 338 

Phenylalanine 341 Indole 275 

Since consistent "activation" is obtained with tryptophane as with other 
amino acids tested, upon the saccharogenic property of the amylase, it 
is evident that in this case the added substance affects the amyloclastic 
and saccharogenic activities dififerently. With the other amino acids 
here tested, the influence has been the same towards the two properties 
of the enzyme; but tryptophane is not unique in augmenting the sacchar- 
ogenic but not the amyloclastic activity, for in other experiments in this 
Laboratory the same has been found with respect to lysine.^' 

This effect is not due to hydrogen-ion concentration, since this was 
constant in the digestion mixtures used in all experiments, as has been 
stated before, and since previous work" has shown that, for optimum ac- 
tivity of the amyloclastic and saccharogenic properties of pancreatic amy- 
lase, the range of hydrogen-ion concentration is the same. However, 
since the enzyme molecule is in all probability of a protein nature, the 
tryptophane may be so bound in the molecule that it would not be Ub- 
erated until after the amyloclastic activity of the enzyme was lost and, 
therefore, any added tryptophane would not affect the amyloclastic prop- 
erty, but still might protect the enzyme from further hydrolytic changes 
whereby its saccharogenic activity would be affected. 

Summary 

The favorable effect reported by Rockwood to be exerted by several 
tjrpes of organic compoimds upon the activity of amylolytic enzymes, in 
consequence of which he applied the term auxo-amylases to these com- 
pounds, appears to have been due in most if not all cases, other than those 
of nattu-al amino acids, to hydrogen-ion or salt effects, rather than to the 
organic structure of the compounds. 

Tested upon saUvary or pancreatic amylase in the presence of favorable 
concentrations of chloride, phosphate and hydrogen ions, methyl and 
ethyl amine hydrochlorides, aniUne sulfate, benzoic acid, benzamide, 
anthranoHc acid and hippuric acid failed to show any favorable effect 
upon the activity of the enzyme. Hence, it appears probable that none 
of the types of compounds illustrated by these substances has any ac- 
tivating influence upon salivary or pancreatic amylase which can properly 
be attributed to their organic structure. 

" Sherman and Caldwell, J. Am. Chem. Soc, 44, 2926 (1922). 
" Sherman and Schlesinger, ibid., 35, 1784 (1913). 



14 

Previous findings regarding the favorable influence of several amino 
acids resulting from protein hydrolysis have been confirmed and extended. 
This influence may be attributed either to a direct "activating" effect de- 
pendent upon the structural nature of these substances as a-amino 
adds, or to conservation of the enzyme by retarding its hydrolysis. While 
the hjrpothesis of direct "activation" exerted by a-amino compounds as 
such is not disproved, the results of tests with hippuric acid fail to give it 
any support. The results obtained in this investigation can all be explained 
on the basis of the conservation hypothesis alone. 



VITA 

Nellie M. Naylor was born at Clear Lake, Iowa, March 20, 1885. She 
prepared for college at the Clear Lake High School, and entered Iowa 
State College in 1902, taking two years of collegiate work there and later, 
two years at the State University. She received the degeree of Bachelor of 
Arts from Iowa State University in 1908. She was an Assistant in Chem- 
istry at Iowa State College from 1909 to 1911, and an Instructor in Chem- 
istry from 1911 to 1920. She was a graduate student at the University of 
Chicago during the summers of 1910, 1911 and 1919, and received the 
degree of Master of Science at Iowa State College in June, 1918. She has 
been a graduate student in the School of Pure Science Columbia University 
during the academic years 1920-1921 and 1921-1922. 

She was co-author with Dr. R. R. Renshaw of a paper entitled "Dyes 
containing the Furane Cycle," pubUshed in the Journal of the American 
Chemical Society 44,862(1922). 



A Study of the 

Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid 

in Eggs 



DISSERTATION 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the 

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of 

Pure Science, Columbia University. 



By 
LOUIS PINE, B.S., A.M. 



New York City 
1923 



A Study of the 

Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid 

in Eggs 



DISSERTATION 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the 

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of 

Pure Science, Columbia University. 



By 
LOUIS PINE, B.S., A.M. 



New York City 

1923 
H 



TO MY WIFE 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENT 



The author wishes to take this opportunity of expressing his 
indebtedness to Dr. John H. Larkin, Director of the Strecker Me- 
morial Laboratory, Welfare Island, New York; to Professor 
William J. Gies of Columbia University; and to Dr. Harry W. 
Redfield, Chief of the New York Station, Bureau of Chemistry, 
United States Department of Agriculture, for their encourage- 
ment, advice, and many acts of kindness. 



L. P. 



New York Station, 

Bureau of Chemistry, 

United States Department of Agriculture, 

May, 1923. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



PAGE 

Dedication 3 

Acknowledgment 4 

Introduction 7 

Method for the Estimation of the Acid-Soluble Phosphoric 
Acid in Liquid Whole Egg and Yolk 8 

A Study of the Chapin and Powick Method for the Extrac- 
tion of Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid 9 

Plan of Investigation ; 12 

Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid and Water in Whole Egg 12 

Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid and Water in Yolk 17 

Discussion 21 

Summary and Conclusions 25 

References 26 

Biographical 26 

Publication 26 



A STUDY OF THE ACID-SOLUBLE PHOSPHORIC 
ACID IN EGGS 

By Louis Pine 

(From the New York Laboratory, Bureau of Chemistry, United 
States Department of Agriculture) 



INTRODUCTION 

Chapin and Powick (1), while working on a method for the 
estimation of the inorganic phosphoric acid in tissues and food 
products, found that the inorganic phosphoric acid in eggs was 
greatly increased on decomposition. They were interested only in 
the method and did not make an extensive study of the quantita- 
tive changes in inorganic phosphoric acid in eggs, as a test for 
decomposition. 

The total phosphorus pentoxide in eggs is given by Sherman 
(2) as 0.37 per cent, by Cook (3) as 0.67 per cent and by Chapin 
and Powick (1) as 0.5 per cent. About 96 per cent (1) of the 
total phosphorus is organically combined. Practically all of the 
organic phosphorus is in the yolk. The organic compounds of 
the yolk containing phosphorus are proteins, chiefly vitellin, 15.7 
per cent (4) ; phospholipoids, chiefly lecithin, 11 per cent (5) ; 
and glycerophosphoric acid, 1.2 per cent (6), of the yolk. 

Upon decomposition, the vitellin yields inorganic phosphoric 
acid (7) and the phospholipoids liberate glycerophosphoric and in- 
organic phosphoric acids (8). Chapin and Powick (1) found from 
16 to 18 mgs. of inorganic phosphorus pentoxide per 100 grams of 
fresh eggs and from 41 to 129 mgs. per 100 grams of decomposed 
eggs, depending upon the degree of deterioration. Cook (3) 
found a decrease in lecithin in cold storage eggs. 

Since the phospholipoids on decomposition liberate glycero- 
phosphoric acid as well as inorganic phosphoric acid, the increase 
in the inorganic phosphoric acid alone would not be a complete 
measure of the decomposition. The increase in the total acid- 
soluble phosphoric acid, containing both the inorganic and the 
glycerophosphoric acids, would be a better index of the decom- 
position of the organic phosphorus compounds of the yolk. 

This work was undertaken to ascertain whether the increase 
of acid-soluble phosphoric acid in whole egg and yolk could be 
made a test for decomposition. The white of egg was not consid- 
ered in this investigation because it contains little organically com- 
bined phosphorus, and therefore the increase of acid-soluble phos- 
phoric acid on decomposition would be neglible. 



METHOD FOR THE ESTIMATION OF THE ACID- 
SOLUBLE PHOSPHORIC ACID IN LIQUID 
WHOLE EGG AND YOLK 

There are three important steps in the determination of the 
acid-soluble phosphoric acid in eggs : the extraction, the destruc- 
tion of organic matter, and the final estimation of phosphoric 
acid. The extraction is made by a modification of the Chapin 
and Powick method (1). The organic matter is destroyed by di- 
gestion with concentrated sulphuric and nitric acids. The phos- 
phoric acid is determined as magnesium pyrophosphate. 

Extraction. — Fifty grams of whole egg or 25 grams of yolk 
are weighed out in a 500 c.c. Erlenmeyer flask. 200 c.c. of hydro- 
chloric acid solution, containing 1 c.c. of concentrated hydro- 
chloric acid (0.5:100), and 8 grams of picric acid are added. The 
flask is stoppered with a rubber stopper and shaken vigorously at 
frequent intervals, at least every ten minutes, for one hour. The 
contents is then filtered through a folded filter paper, 24 cm. for 
whole egg and 18.5cm. for yolk. The filtration should not be al- 
lowed to proceed for more than three-quarters of an hour. 

Destruction of Organic Matter. — 125 to 150 c. c. of the 
filtrate are transferred to a 500 c. c. Kjeldahl flask. Four glass 
beads, 10 c. c. of concentrated sulphuric acid and 10 c. c. of con- 
centrated nitric acid are added. The mixture is boiled down until 
white fumes appear. About 2 c. c. of concentrated nitric acid are 
added drop by drop and the mixture is boiled again until white 
fumes appear. This last step is repeated four times. The mixture 
is boiled ten minutes longer and then allowed to cool. About 25 
c. c. of water are added and the solution boiled until the brown 
fumes are driven ofif. 

Estimation of Phosphoric Acid. — The solution, while still 
hot, is transferred to a 400 c. c. beaker and the flask washed with 
small amounts of hot water until the volume of solution in the 
beaker measures about 100 c. c. The phosphoric acid is then de- 
termined by the official gravimetric method (9). 

The total volume of solution in the extraction mixture is found 
by adding to the 200 c. c. of hydrochloric acid solution the volume 
of water contained in 50 grams of whole egg or 25 grams of yolk 
and in 8 grams of picric acid ( 1 ) . 

Water in eggs is determined in vacuum at 55° C. (10) and 
in picric acid in vacuum over sulphuric acid (11). 

Note 1. — ^Rubber stoppers absorb picric acid. They can be 
cleaned by soaking in water and changing the water several 
times. 



Dte 2. — The amount of filtrate collected in three-quarters 
hour depends upon the grade of filter paper used. A rapid 
rtaoer must be. used. 



Note 

ur depends upon the gi 
)er must be used. 

8 



of an hour depends upon 
filter paper must be used. 



A STUDY OF THE CHAPIN AND POWICK METHOD (1) 
FOR THE EXTRACTION OF THE ACID- 
SOLUBLE PHOSPHORIC ACID. 

Chapin and Powick extract the acid-soluble phosphoric acid 
tor two hours with 200 c. c. of water, 10 c. c. of 2.5 normal 
hydrochloric acid and 5 to 8 grams of picric acid. Their method 
was tested by varying the amounts of the reagents and the time 
of extraction. 

Effect of Varying the Amounts of Hydrochloric Acid. — 
10 c. c. of 2.5 normal hydrochloric acid are equal to about 2 c. c. 
of the concentrated acid. The amount of concentrated hydro- 
chloric acid was, therefore, varied from 1 to 4 c. c. Each sample 
of whole egg was divided into four 50-gram portions and each 
sample of yolk was divided into four 25-gram portions. Each 
portion of whole egg or yolk was extracted for two hours with 
200 c. c. of hydrochloric acid solution, containing respectively 
1, 2, 3 and 4 c. c. of concentrated hydrochloric acid and 8 grams 
of picric acid. The results are given in Table 1. 

TABLE I 

EFFECT OF VARYING THE AMOUNTS OF 
HYDROCHLORIC ACID 

Hydrochloric acid, cone. Ice. 2 c. c. 3 c. c, 4 c. c. 







( 


3rams M,g2P207 in 


150 c. c. of filtrate 


Samiple 










No. 












1 


Whole Eeg 


.0122 


.0125 


.0128 


.0126 


2 


tt it 


.0140 


.0140 


.0144 


.0147 


3 


it tt 


.0145 


.0149 


.0156 


.0161 


4 


tt tt 


.0182 


.0181 


.0185 


.0194 


5 


tt tt 


.0457 


.0455 


.0449 


.0459 


6 


Yolk 


.0167 


.0171 


.0172 


.0183 


7 


tt 


.0161 


.0170 


.0175 


.0177 


8 


tt 


.0160 


.0163 


.0171 


.0175 


9 


tt 


.0146 


.0148 


.0154 


.0157 


10 


tt 


.0158 






.0170 



Effect of Varying the Amounts of Picric Acid. — Dupli- 
cate determinations were made, one with 5 and the other with 10 
grams of picric acid. Each sample of wholei egg was divided into 
two 50-gram portions and each sample of yolk was divided into 
two 25-gram portions. Each portion of whole egg or yolk was 
extracted for two hours with 200 c. c. of hydrochloric acid solu- 
tion, containing 2 c. c. of concentrated hydrochloric acid, and with 
5 and 10 grams of picric acid respectively. The results are shown 
in Table II. 



TABLE II 



EFFECT OF PIRIC ACID 

Picric Acid 5 Grams 



10 Grams 



Grams MgzPaOj in ISO c. c. of filtrate 



Sample 




No. 




1 


Whole Egg 


2 


(( it 


3 


il n 


4 


it tt 


5 


Yolk 


6 


tt 


7 


(t 


8 


tt 



.0138 

.0135 
.0449 
.0447 
.0156 
.0154 
.0164 
.0161 



.0141 
.0137 
.0450 
.0446 
.0158 
.0156 
.0165 
.0158 



Effect of Time. — Fifty-gram portions of whole egg and 
25-gram portions of yolk were extracted with 200 c.c. of hydro- 
chloric acid solution, containing 2 c. c. of concentrated hydro- 
chloric acid, and 8 grams of picric acid. The time of extraction 
was varied from one-half hour to forty-eight hours. The results 
are given in Table III. 







TABLE III. 










EFFECT OF TIME 






Hours 


'/. 1 


1 2 3 


t 


24 48 




Shaken by machine 


Shaken by hand every 
10 minutes 


Shaken 
occasionally 








Grams Mg2F20T in 


50 c. c. 


of filtrate 


Sample 
No. 

1 Whole 


Egg 


.0129 


.0138 




.0361 .0684 


2 




.0139 


.0148 




.0309 .0505 


3 




.0131 


.0136 






4 




.0140 


.0145 






5 




.0120 


.0119 






6 




.0105 


.0108 






7 




.0115 


.0116 






8 Yolk 




.0164 


.0163 






9 




.0145 


.0145 






10 




.0153 


.0156 






11 




.0138 .0139 


.0148 .0152 


.0164 




12 






.0157 .0159 


.0163 




13 






.0145 .0150 


.0156 





DISCUSSION 
The results in Table I show that the amount of acid-soluble 
phosphoric acid extracted from eggs is affected by the amount 
of hydrochloric acid used in the extraction. The difference in 
magnesium pyrophosphate between two successive columns is 
slight but when columns 1 and 4 are compared the difference is 
quite marked. These results show that 1 c.c. of concentrated 

10 



hydrochloric acid is sufficient for the complete extraction of the 
acid-soluble phosphoric acid because increasing the amount of 
hydrochloric acid to 2 c.c. does not affect the results appreciably. 

Table II shows that 5 and 10 grams of picric acid give the 
same results. The filtration is much quicker with 10 than with 
5 grams of picric acid. For this reason 10 grams of picric acid 
would be more desirable than 5 grams. Since the effect of greater 
amounts than 10 grams of picric acid was not investigated, it is 
best to use a little less than 10 grams. 

Table III shows that one-half hour and one hour extractions 
give practically the same results, but if the process is continued 
longer, more acid-soluble phosphoric acid is extracted. 

The higher yield of acid-soluble phosphoric acid obtained when 
more than 2 c.c. of concentrated hydrochloric acid was used, or 
when the extraction was continued over one hour must be due 
to the disintegration of organically combined phosphorus. There- 
fore, the Chapin and Powick method of extraction was modified 
as follows : The amount of hydrochloric acid was changed from 
10 c.c. of 2.5 normal (about 2 c.c. of the concentrated acid) to 
1 c.c. of concenrated hydrochloric acid and the time of extraction 
was decreased to one hour. 

RECOVERY OF ADDED PHOSPHORIC ACID 

The modified Chapin and Powick method of extraction of 
acid-soluble phosphoric acid was tested by determining the 
amount of added phosphoric acid that can be recovered from 
eggs. The phosphoric acid was determined in a solution of di- 
sodium hydrogen phosphate by the official gravimetric method 
(9). The acid-soluble phosphoric acid was estimated in a sample 
of whole egg by the method described on page 8. A known 
volume of the disodium hydrogen phosphate solution was added 
to each of five aliquots of the sample of whole egg and the acid- 
soluble phosphoric acid again determined. The results are given 
in Table IV. 

TABLE IV. 

Recovery of Added Phosphoric Acid 

Sample No. 12 3 4 5 
Grams P^Os in 50 

grams of eggs. .0153 .0153 .0153 .0153 .0153 

Grams P=0= added .0550 .0550 .0550 .0550 .0550 

Grams Total P^O= .0703 .0703 .0703 .0703 .0703 

Grams P=0» found .0700 .0697 .0699 .0698 .0699 

Per cent recovery. 99.57 99.15 99.43 99.29 99.43 

Maximum recovery — 99.57 per cent. 
Minimum recovery — ^99.15 per cent. 
Average recovery — 99.37 per cent. 

11 



Table IV shows a practically complete recovery of phosphoric 
acid added to eggs. 



PLAN OF INVESTIGATION 

To find the normal variations of the acid-soluble phosphoric 
acid in edible whole egg and yolk, twenty-five samples of each 
were selected. They varied from eggs one day old to the lowest 
grade obtainable in groceries in the Spring. To find the maxi- 
mum amount of acid-soluble phosphoric acid that could be per- 
mitted in edible whole egg and yolk, ten samples of each were 
selected from weak eggs with slightly stuck yolks which could 
be set free by a quick twist of the egg. These eggs are edible 
according to Pennington, Jenkins and Betts (12). To determine 
whether the increase in the acid-soluble phosphoric acid in eggs 
is proportional to the degree of decomposition, spots, white rots 
and black rots were selected. The eggs were candled and 
examined out of the shell as described by Pennington, Jenkins 
and Betts (12). Each sample of whole egg consisted of two eggs 
and each sample of yolk consisted of the yolks of three eggs. 

Cook (3) states the following: "Eggs in storage for one year 
show a loss of weight equivalent to 10 per cent of the total weight, 
which loss is largely water from the whites." Greenlee (13) re- 
ports a loss of moisture in the white and a gain in the yolk in 
cold storage. Since whole egg loses moisture and yolk gains 
moisture on standing, results on stale eggs cannot be compared 
with those on fresh eggs, unless calculated to a dry basis. 

ACID-SOLUBLE PHOSPHORIC ACID AND WATER IN 
WHOLE EGG. 

1. Whole Egg of Good Quality. 

TABLE V. 
A. One Day Old. 

Water Acid-Soluble P.O, 

% Milligrams per 100 Grains 

No. Original 

Material Dry Basis 

1 72.94 20.9 77.2 

2 : 75.40 23.5 95.5 

3 73.00 22.9 84.8 

4 72.31 21.3 76.9 

5 74.18 21.4 82.8 

Maximum 75.40 23.5 95.5 

Minimum 72.31 20.9 76.9 

Average 73.57 22.0 83.4 ±5.4 

12 



TABLE VI. 



B. Highest Grade Ohtaitiable in Groceries in the Sprmg. 



Water 



No. 



" 1 73.39 

2 72.89 

3 73.93 

4 74.69 

5 73.31 

6 73.'06 

7 73.63 

8 72.59 

9 73.62 

10 72.34 

Maximum 74.69 

Minimum 72.34 

Average 73.35 



Acid-Soluble P^Os 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 
Material Dry Basis 



22.4 
22.9 
24.0 
21.8 
23.3 
22.1 
23.2 
24.1 
20.1 
25.5 

25.5 
20.1 
22.9 



84.2 
84.5 
92.1 
86.1 
87.3 
82.0 
88.0 
87.9 
76.2 
92.2 

92.2 
76.2 
86.0 ±3.5 



TABLE VII. 



C. Lowest Grade Obtainable in Groceries in the Spring. 



Water 



No. 



1 71.21 

2 71.69 

3 73.19 

4 72.43 

5 71.85 

6 72.68 

7 73.88 

8 72.98 

9 71.40 

10 72.63 

Maximum 73.88 

Minimum 71.21 

Average 72.39 

13 



Acid-Soluble PjOs 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 
Material Dry Basis 


23.8 


82.7 


26.5 


93.6 


19.3 


72.0 


22.7 


82.3 


25.1 


89.2 


19.9 


72.8 


21.4 


81.9 


20.5 


75.9 


21.9 


76.6 


21.2 


77.5 


26.5 


93.6 


19.3 


72.0 


22.2 


80.5 ±5.5 



TABLE VIII. 



Summary of Results on Fresh Eggs of Good Quality 
{Tables V, VI and VII). 



Water 



Maximum 75.40 

Minimum 71.21 

Average 73.01 



Acid- Soluble PjOs 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



Material 
26.5 
19.3 
22.5 



Dry Basis 
95.5 
72.0 
83.3 ±5.3 



TABLE IX. 



2. Whole Egg. 



No. 



Yolk Stuck to the Shell But Can Be Set Free by 
a Quick Twist of the Egg. 

Water Acid-Soluble PsO. 

% Milligrams per 100 Grams 

Original 
Material Dry Basis 

1 71.91 28.8 102.5 

2 71.97 26.4 94.2 

3 72.34 25.2 91.1 

4 72.50 25.0 90.9 

5 71.90 25.8 91.8 

6 70.34 28.1 94.7 

7 70.64 28.1 95.7 

8 72.08 26.2 93.8 

9 71.66 25.4 89.6 

10 72.04 27.4 98.0 

Maximum 72.50 28.8 102.5 

Minimum 70.34 25.0 89.6 

Average 71.74 26.6 94.2 ±2.8 

TABLE X. 



3. Whole Egg. Held in Cold Storage Eleven Months. 



No. 



Water 



Acid-Soluble PjO, 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



1 70.63 

2 71.66 

3 71.00 

4 71.36 

5 71.54 

6 72.21 

7 71.74 

Maximum 72.21' 

Minimum 70.63 

Average • 71.45 

14 



Material 
28.8 
26.1 
27.3 
28.8 
29.1 
28.7 
31.9 

31.9 
26.1 
28.7 



Dry Basis 

98.1 

92.1 

94.1 
100.6 
102.2 
103.3 
112.9 

112.9 
92.1 
100.5 ±4.9 



TABLE XI. 



4. Whole Egg. Yolk Stuck to the Shell But Can Be Set Free 

by Several Quick Twists of the Egg. 

Water Acid- Soluble P2O5 

% Milligrams per 100 Grams 

No. Original 

Material Dry Basis 

1 68.49 30.1 95.5 

2 69.07 30.9 99.9 

3 69.25 35.3 114.8 

4 70.09 31.8 106.3 

5 67.85 34.0 105.8 

6 70.35 30.0 101.2 

7 68.86 33.5 107.6 

8 70.52 26.2 88.9 

9 72.54 28.4 103.4 

10 72.56 24.2 88.2 

Maximum 72.56 35.3 114.8 

Minimum 68.49 24.2 88.2 

Average 69.96 30.4 101.2 ±6.4 



TABLE XII. 



5. Inedible- Whole Egg. Heavy Spots. Yolk Stuck to the Shell 
and Cannot be Set Free by Twisting the Egg. 



Water 



No. 



1 71.30 

2 70.78 

3 72.22 

4 70.22 

5 67.78 

6 69.73 

7 63.60 

8 63.83 

9 67.66 

MjLximum 72.22 

Minimum. 53.60 

Average 68.57 



Acid- Soluble P^Ob 


illi grams 


per 100 Grams 


Original 




Material 


Dry Basis 


28.8 


100.0 


28.7 


98.2 


29.4 


105.8 


36.1 


121.0 


32.6 


101.2 


29.6 


97.8 


46.4 


127.5 


41.2 


113.9 


34.6 


107.0 


46.4 


127.5 


28.7 


97.8 


34.2 


108.0 ±7.6 



15 



TABLE XIII. 
6. Inedible Whole Egg. Decomposed Frozen Eggs. Putrid Odor. 



Water 



No. 



1 70.00 

2 69.02 

3 69.24 

4 70.41 

5 69.45 

Maximum 70.41 

Minimum 69.02 

Average 69.62 



Acid-Soluble PsO, 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



Material 

46.2 
52.1 
54.6 
44.8 
51.6 

54.6 
44.8 
49.9 



Dry Basis 

154.0 
168.2 
177.5 
151.4 
168.9 

177.5 
151.4 
164.0 



No. 



TABLE XIV. 
7. Inedible Whole Egg. White Rots. 



Water 



1 70.07 

2 68.63 

3 63.19 

4 70.03 

Maximum 70.07 

Minimum 63.19 

Average 67.98 



Acid- Soluble PaOs 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



Material 
73.0 
92.6 
45.5 
70.6 

92.6 

45.5 
70.4 



Dry Basis 

243.9 

295.2 

123.6 

235.6 

295.2 
123.6 
224.6 



No. 



TABLE XV. 
8. Inedible Whole Egg. Black Rots. 



Water 
% 



1 64.41 

2 69.55 

3 73.13 

4 74.51 

Maximum 74.51 

Minimum 64.41 

Average 70.40 

16 



Acid- Soluble P,Oi 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 



Original 
Material 

229.4 
142.7 
178.1 
184.0 

229.4 
142.7 
183.6 



Dry Basis 

644.6 
468.6 
662.8 
721.9 

721.9 
468.6 
624.5 



ACID-SOLUBLE PHOSPHORIC ACID AND 
WATER IN YOLK. 



L Yolk From Fresh Eggs of Good Quality. 

TABLE XVI. 
A. Yolk From Eggs One Day Old. 



No. 



Water 



1 47.95 

2 47.41 

3 47.16 

4 48.06 

5 47.24 

Maximum 48.06 

Minimum 47.16 

Average 47.56 



Acid-Soluble P2O5 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



Material 
51.6 
49.4 
50.4 
58.1 
54.0 

58.1 
49.4 
52.7 



Dry Basis 

99.1 

93.9 

95.4 
111.9 
102.4 

111.9 
93.9 

100.5 ±5.3 



TABLE XVII. 

B. Yolk From the Highest Grade Eggs Obtainable in Groceries 

in the Spring. 



No. 



Water 
% 



1 49.01 

2 49.67 

3 49.10 

4 49.48 

5 49.64 

6 50.06 

7 50.15 

8 50.42 

9 49.48 

10 49.34 

Maximum 50.42 

Minimum 49.01 

Average 49.64 



Acid-Soluble P2O5 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



Material 
52.0 
50.2 
53.8 
62.1 
54.6 
56.8 
55.3 
53.2 
53.5 
51.3 

62.1 
50.2 
54.3 



Dry Basis 

102.0 
99.7 
105.7 
122.9 
108.4 
113.7 
110.9 
107.3 
105.9 
101.3 

122.9 
99.7 
107.8 ±5.0 



17 



TABLE XVIII 



C. Yolk From the Lowest Grade Eggs Obtainable in 
in the Spring. 

Water 
% 
No. 

1 50.69 

2 50.20 

3 49.87 

4 48.91 

5 48.52 

6 50.02 

7 49.35 

8 49.52 

9 49.70 

10 50.06 

Maximum 50.69 

Minimum 48.52 

Average ■ 49.68 



Acid-Soluble VJOt 


illigrams 


per 100 Grams 


Original 




Material 


Dry Basis 


49.9 


101.2 


58.9 


118.3 


52.4 


108.1 


56.3 


110.2 


56.3 


109.4 


49.9 


99.8 


52.8 


104.2 


48.8 


96.7 


51.0 


101.4 


44.8 


89.7 


58.9 


118.3 


44.8 


89.7 


52.1 


103.9 ±5.1 



TABLE XIX. 



Summary of Results on Yolk From Fresh Eggs of Good Quality 
{Tables XVI, XVII and XVIII). 

Water 



Maximum 50.69 

Minimum 47.16 

Average 49.24 



Acid- Soluble P»0, 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 
Material Dry Basis 


62.1 


122.9 


44.8 


89.7 


53.1 


104.8 ±6.0 



18 







TABLE XX. 






2. Yolk From Stale' 


Egffs. 


Yolk Stuck to the Shell But Can Be 




Set Free by a 


Quick Twist 


of the Egg. 










Water 


Acid-Soluble PjO» 








% 


Milligrams per 100 Grams 










Original 












Material 


Dry Basis 


1 






. . . . 51.39 


53.4 


109.9 


2 






. . . . 51.73 


59.2 


122.6 


3 






. ... 51.01 


59.6 

55.2 


121.7 


4 






. . . . 50.88 


112.4 


5 






.... 51.12 


47.6 


97.4 


6 






. . . . 50.71 


47.9 


97.2 


7 






. ... 51.45 


53.4 


110.0 


8 






.... 51.17 


55.6 


113.9 


9 






. . . . 52.43 


52.4 


110.2 


10 






. . . . 52.49 


52.7 


110.9 


Maximum 






. . . . 52'.49 


59.6 


122.6 


Minimum 






. . . . 50.71 


47.6 


97.2 


Average . . 






. . . . 51.44 


53.7 


110.6 ±5.7 



TABLE XXI. 

3. Yolk From Stale Eggs. Yolk Stuck to the Shell But Can Be 
Set Free by Several Quick Twists of the Egg. 

Acid-Soluble P^Os 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 



No. 



Water 
% 



1 52.70 

2 51.46 

3 51.29 

4 52.33 

5 53.03 

6 52.75 

7 51.59 

8 52.71 

Maximum 53.03 

Minimum 51.29 

Average 52.23 



Material 
54.1 
54.7 
55.8 
50.8 
53.3 
56.9 
54.3 
56.0 

56.9 
50.8 
54.5 



Dry Basis 

114.4 

112.7 

114.6 

106.6 

113.5 

120.4 

112.2 

118.4 

120.4 
106.6 
114.1 ±2.9 



19 



TABLE XXII. 



4. Yolk From Eggs Which Were Held in Cold Storage 
Eleven Months. 



No. 



Water 



1 52.97 

2 52.83 

3 53.90 

4 53.89 

5 54.55 

6 54.30 

Maximum 54.55 

Minimum 52.83 

Average 53.74 



Acid-Soluble P.Ois 
Milligrams per 100 Grams 
Original 
Material Dry Basis 


66.4 


141.2 


55.5 


117.7 


57.8 


125.4 


56.7 


123.0 


57.4 


126.3 


59.2 


129.5 


66.4 


141.2 


55.6 


117.7 


58.8 


127.2 ±5.5 



TABLE XXIII 

SUMMARY OF RESULTS ON ACID-SOLUBLE PHOS- 
PHORIC ACID IN WHOLE EGG AND YOLK 

Whole Egg 

Acid-Soluble P2O5 mgs. per 
100 grams, dry basis 
Min. Max. Average 

1. Good quality 72.0 95.5 83.3 ± 5.3 

2. Yolk stuck to the shell but can be 

set free by a quick twist of the &gg 89.6 102.5 94.2 ± 2.8 

3. Held in cold storage eleven months 92.1 112.9 100.5 ± 4.9 

4. Yolk stuck to the shell but can be 
set free by several quick twists of 

the egg 88.2 114.8 101.2 ± 6.4 

5. Yolk stuck to the shell and cannot 

be set free by twisting the tgg... 97 S, 127. h 108.0 ± 7.6 

6. Decomposed frozen 151.4 177.5 164.0 

7. White rots 123.6 295.2 224.6 

8. Black rots 468.6 721.9 624.5 

Yolk 

1. Good quality 89.7 122.9 104.8 ± 6.0 

2. Yolk stuck to the shell but can be 

set free by a quick twist of the egg 97.2 122.6 110.6 ±5.7 

3. Yolk stuck to the shell but can be 
set free by several quick twists of 

the egg 106.6 120.4 114.1 ± 2.9 

4. Held in cold storage eleven months 117.7 141.2 127.2 ± 5.5 

20 



DISCUSSION 

Water in Whole Egg and Yolk. 

The water content of whole e.gg was found to vary from 
75.40 per cent (Table V) to 63.19 per cent (Table XIV). One 
day old eggs gave an average of 73.57 per cent of water. Eggs 
which were held in cold storage for eleven months gave an 
average of 71.45 per cent of water. The water content of yolk 
was found to vary from 47.16 per cent (Table XVI) to 54.55 
per cent (Table XXII). Yolk from eggs one day old gave an 
average of 47.56 per cent of water. Yolk from eggs which were 
held in cold storage for eleven months gave an average of 53.74 
per cent of water. These results show that whole egg loses mois- 
ture and yolk gains moisture on standing. Therefore, the acid- 
soluble phosphoric acid must be calculated on a dry basis. 



Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid in Whole Egg. 

In Table VIII are shown 25 samples of fresh eggs of good 
quality. These eggs were divided into three grades : one day 
old, the highest, and the lowest grades obtainable in groceries in 
the Spring. As a rule, only fresh eggs are sold in groceries in 
the Spring. Even the lowest grade eggs were of good quality. 
Table V shows that the acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in 
five samples of eggs one day old varies from 76.9 to 95.5 milli- 
grams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the average is 83.4 milli- 
grams. The average deviation from the arithmetic mean is — 5.4. 
The variations in the amount of acid-soluble phosphorus pen- 
toxide in 10 samples of fresh eggs of the highest grade obtainable 
in groceries in the Spring are shown in Table VI. The minimum 
is 76.2, the maximum is 92.2, and the average is 86.0 milligrams 
per 100 grams on a dry basis. The average deviation from the 
arithmetic mean is — 3.5. Table VII shows that the acid-soluble 
phosphorus pentoxide in 10 samples of fresh eggs of the lowest, 
grade obtainable in groceries in the Spring varies from 72.0 to 
93.6 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the average is 
80.5 milligrams. The average deviation from the arithmetic mean 
is ± 5.5. As stated above, only eggs of good quality were used 
in this series of 25 samples. If the increase in the amount of 
acid-soluble phosphoric acid in eggs is to be used as a test for 
decomposition, the lower grade eggs should not give higher re- 
sults than the higher grade eggs, unless decomposition has set in. 
The results obtained on the three grades of eggs do not differ ap- 
preciably. A summary of the results of Tables V, VI and VII 
on 25 samples of fresh eggs of good quality is given in Table 
VIII. The minimum is 72.0, the maximum is 95.5, and the 

21 



average is 83.3 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis. The 
average deviation from the arithmetic mean is — 5.-3. 

In Table IX are shown 10 samples of stale eggs. Fresh eggs 
were allowed to stand until the yolks stuck to the shells but could 
be set free by a quick twist of the eggs. These eggs are con- 
sidered edible (12). The acid-soluble phosphorous pentoxide in 
these eggs varies from 89.6 to 102.5 milligrams per 100 grams 
on a dry basis, and the average is 94.2 milligrams. The average 
deviation from the arithmetic mean is — 2.8. The minimum, 
maximum and the average results are higher than those obtained 
on eggs of good quality (Table VIII). These results show that 
after decomposition has set in, as shown by candling and physical 
examination out of the shell, the acid-soluble phosphoric acid is 
increased. 

Table X shows 7 samples of eggs which were held in cold 
storage for eleven months. The condition of these eggs was as 
follows: the air spaces were movable, the yolks separated from 
the whites with great difficulty, the whites were very thin and 
slightly colored yellow and the eggs had a perceptible odor. The 
acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in these eggs varies from 92.1 
to 112.9 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the average 
is 100.5 milligrams. The average deviation from the arithmetic 
mean is — 4.9. 

In Table XI are shown 10 samples of eggs of a doubtful 
nature. These eggs cannot be classed as edible or inedible. The 
eggs of this series were allowed to stand until the yolks stuck 
to the shells but could be set free by several quick twists of the 
eggs. As a rule, a candler does not twist an egg before the 
candle more than two or three times. The average candler might 
pass some of the eggs of this series as edible, but not all. The 
acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in these eggs varies from 
88.2 to 114.8 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the 
average is 101.2 milligrams. The average deviation from the 
arithmetic mean is ± 6.4. The minimum, maximum, and the 
average results are higher than those obtained on eggs of good 
quality (Table VIII). The maximum and the average results 
are higher than those obtained on eggs the yolks of which stuck 
to the shells but could be set free by a single quick twist of the 
eggs (Table IX). The difference in age between eggs of Table 
IX and Table XI may be only a few days. 

Table XII shows nine samples of heavy spots. The yolks 
of these eggs were stuck to the shells and could not be set free 
by twisting the eggs. This grade of eggs is considered inedible. 
The acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide was found to vary from 
97.8 to 127.5 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the 
average is 108.0 milligrams. The average deviation from the 
arithmetic mean is — 7.6. On further decomposition, spots are 

22 



changed to white rots and these in turn are changed to black rots. 
Table XIV shows four samples of white rots. The acid-soluble 
phosphorus pentoxide in these eggs varies from 123.6 to 295.2 
milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the average is 224.6 
milligrams. Table XV shows four samples of black rots. The 
acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in these eggs varies from 
468.6 to 721.9 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the 
average is 624.5 milligrams. 

In Table XXIII is given a summary of results on eight grades 
of whole egg used in this investigation. Excluding numbers 3 
and 6, this table is arranged in the order of the gradual decom- 
position of eggs. The results show a progressive increase in the 
acid-soluble phosphoric acid from an average of 83.3 milligrams 
of phosphorus pentoxide per' 100 grams in eggs of good quality 
to an average of 624.5 milligrams in black rots. 



Acid-Soluble Phosphoric Acid in Yolk 

In Table XIX are shown 25 samples of yolk from fresh eggs 
of good quality. As in the case of whole egg, the yolks of this 
series also were divided into three grades : from eggs one day old, 
from the highest, and from the lowest grades of eggs obtainable 
in groceries in the Spring. The eggs of this series were of the 
same quality as those described in Table VIII. Table XVI 
shows five samples of yolk from eggs one day old. The acid- 
soluble phosphorus pentoxide in these yolks was found to vary 
from 93.9 to 111.9 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and 
the average is 100.5 milHgrams. The average deviation from the 
arithmetic mean is — 5.3. The variation in the amount of acid- 
soluble phosphorus pentoxide in 10 samples of yolk from the 
highest grade eggs obtainable in groceries in the Spring is shown 
in Table XVII. The minimum is 99.7, the maximum is 122.9, 
and the average is 107.8 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis. 
The average deviation from the arithmetic mean is ± 5.0. Tabk 
XVIII shows that the acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in 10 
samples of yolk from eggs of the lowest grade obtainable in 
groceries in the Spring varies from 89.7 to 118.3 milligrams per 
100 grams on a dry basis, and the average is 103.9 milligrams. 
The average deviation from the arithmetic mean is ± 5.1. The 
results obtained on these three grades of yolk do not differ 
appreciably. A summary of the amount of acid-soluble phos- 
phorus pentoxide found in 25 samples of yolk from fresh eggs 
of good quality (Tables XVI, XVII and XVIII) is given in 
Table XIX. The minimum is 89.7, the maximum is 122.9, and 
ttie average is 104.8 milligrams per 100 grams on a dr,' basis. 
The average deviation from the arithmetic mean is ± 6. Of the 
25 samples of yolk, 23 contain less than 114 milligrams. 

23 



Table XX shows 10 samples of yolk from eggs the yolks of 
which stuck to the shells but could be set free by a quick twist 
of the eggs. These eggs were of the same grade as those de- 
scribed in Table IX. The acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide was 
found to vary from 97.2 to 122.6 milligrams per 100 grams on a 
dry basis, and the average is 110.6 milligrams. The average dev- 
iation from the arithmetic mean is — 5.7. The minimum and the 
average results are higher than those obtained on yolk from eggs 
of good quality (Table XIX), but the maximum is the same. 

In Table XXI are shown 8 samples of yolk from eggs of the 
same grade as those described in Table XI. The eggs of this 
series were allowed to stand until the yolks stuck to the shells but 
could be set free by several quick twists of the eggs. The 
acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in these yolks varies from 106.5 
to 120.4 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the average 
is 114.1 milligrams. The average deviation from the arithmetic 
mean is — 2.9. The minimum and the average results are higher 
than those obtained on yolks from eggs of good quality (Table 
XIX), but the maximum is lower. 

Table XXII shows 6 samples of yolk from eggs which were 
held in cold storage for eleven months. These eggs were of the 
same quality as those described in the discussion of Table X. The 
acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide was found to vary from 117.7 
to 141.2 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis, and the average 
is 127.2 milligrams. The average deviation from the arithmetic 
mean is — 5.5. In these yolks the minimum, maximum and the 
average results are higher than those obtained in yolk from eggs 
of good quality (Table XIX). 



24 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 

1. Chapin and Powick's method for the extraction of the acid 
soluble phosphoric acid from eggs was modified as follows : the 
amount of hydrochloric acid was changed from 10 c. c. of 2.5 
normal to 1 c.c. of concentrated acid in 200 c.c. of water and the 
time of extraction was decreased to one hour. 

2. Whole egg was found to lose moisture and yolk was found 
to gain moisture on standing. Therefore, the acid-soluble phos- 
phoric acid must be calculated on a dry basis, to secure comparable 

results. 

3. The amount of acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in 25 
samples of fresh eggs of good quahty was found to vary from 
72 to 95.5 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis. These eggs 
were divided into three grades : one day old, the highest, and the 
lowest grades obtainable in groceries in the Spring. The results 
obtained on these three grades of whole egg do not differ appre- 
ciably, showing that whatever the age of an egg, as long as candling 
and physical examination out of the shell do not show any signs 
of decomposition, the amount of acid-soluble phosphoric acid is 
not increased. 

4. The amount of acid-soluble phosphorus pentoxide in 25 
samples of yolk from eggs of good quality was found to vary 
from 89.7 to 122.9 milligrams per 100 grams on a dry basis. The 
yolks of this series were divided into three grades : from eggs one 
day old, from the highest, and the lowest grades of eggs obtainable 
in groceries in the Spring. The results obtained on these three 
grades of yolk do not differ appreciably. 

5. The amount of acid-soluble phosphoric acid in eggs was 
found to increase on decomposition, the increase depending upon 
the degree of deterioration. 

6. This investigation was carried out on small samples in 
order to bring out the greatest variations possible in the amount 
of acid-soluble phosphoric acid in whole egg and yolk. Each 
sample of whole egg consisted of two eggs and each sample of 
yolk consisted of the yolks of three eggs. 

7. The results obtained in this investigation warrant the fur- 
ther study of the acid-soluble phosphoric acid in eggs on a com- 
mercial scale. 



25 



References 

1. Chapin, R. M., and Powick, W. C, J. Biol. Chem. XX, p. 97, 
1915. 

2. Sherman, H. C, Food Products, New York, 1916, p. 137. 

3. Cook, F. C, Bulletin No. 115, Bureau of Chemistry, United 
States Department of Agriculture, 19(38. 

4. Atwater, W. O., and Bryant, A. P., Bulletin No. 28 (Revised 
Edition) United States Department of Agriculture, 1906. 

5. Leach, A. E., Food Inspection and Analysis, New York, 4th 
Edition, 1920, Page 271. 

6. Konig, J., Chemie der Menschlichen Nahrungs-und Genuss- 
mittel, Berlin, 4th Edition, 1904, Vol. II, p. 575. 

7. Halliburton, W. D., Handbook of Physiology, Philadelphia, 
11th Edition, 1913, p. 429. 

8. MacLean, H., Lecithin and Allied Substances, The Lipins, 
London, 1918, p. 17. 

9. Official and Tentative Methods of Analysis of the Association 
of Official Agricultural Chemists, Washington, 1920, p. 1. 

10. Redfield, H. W., Bulletin No. 846, Bureau of Chemistry, 
United States Department of Agriculture, 1920. 

11. Pharmacopoeia of the United States of America, 9th Edition, 
1916, p. 471. 

12. Pennington, M. E., Jenkins, M. K., and Betts, H. M., Bulletin 
No. 565. Bureau of Chemistry, U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, 
1918. 

13. Greenlee, A. D., Circular No. 83. Bureau of Chemistry, United 
States Department of Agriculture, 1911. 



Biographical 

Louis Pine was born in Russia on May 20, 1887. He entered 
Cooper Union Five-Year Night Course in Chemistry in 1908, and 
was graduated with a diploma in chemistry in 1913. He studied 
in the Polytechnic Institute, Brooklyn, from 1913 to 1916, and 
was graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Science in Chem- 
istry in 1916. During 1916-1917 he pursued post-graduate studies 
in biological chemistry and physiology in Columbia University, and 
in 1917, received the degree of Master of Arts. He served in the 
United States Army from September, 1917, to August, 1919. 
After discharge from the Army he returned to Columbia Univer- 
sity as a candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in 1920. 

Publication 

"Aluminum in the Blood of Man Following the Prolonged In- 
gestion of Food Containing Aluminum." 
By Louis Pine and Paul E. Howe. 
In press — Biochemical Bulletin. 



r 



Studies on Streptococcus Hemolyticus 
i!!^^mAs&aA and Other Origins 

A.-TOXft FORMATION 

JOHN W. RICE 




VITA 



John Winter Rice was born at Williamsport, Pennsylvania, 
July 4th, 1891, and attended the public schools at that place. 
He was admitted to Bucknell University in 1910 and received 
the degree of Bachelor of Science from that institution in 1918. 
After completing an additional year of residence he was granted 
the degree of Master of Science by the same college in 1915. He 
was in charge of the Department of Biology in the Hazleton 
high school in 1915-1916, and the same year was made an in- 
structor in Biology at Bucknell University. During the aca- 
demic year 1917-1918 he attended Columbia University and re- 
ceived the degree of Master of Arts under the Faculty of Pure 
Science, after which he enlisted as a private in the Sanitary 
Corps of the United States Army and was commissioned a Sec- 
ond Lieutenant in the Sanitary Corps following competitive ex- 
aminations. He was on the instruction staff of the Yale Army 
Laboratory School at the time of release from service in the 
Army in December 1918. He then returned to the instruction 
staff at Bucknell University as Assistant Professor of Biology 
which position he now holds. He was granted a leave of ab- 
sence in 1921 to continue his studies under the Faculty of Pure 
Science in Columbia University. He published an article en- 
titled, "The Reliability of the Sachs-Georgi Test for Syphilis" 
in the Journal of Infectious Diseases in November 1922. 



Studies on Streptococcus Hemolyticus 
of Scarlatinal and Other Origins 

A.--TOXIN FORMATION 

BY 

JOHN W. RICE 



Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the 
degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Pure Science, 
Columbia University. 

From the Department of Bacteriology, College of Physicians 
and Surgeons, Columbia University, New York City. 



MAY 10, 1923 

UNIVEESITY FEINT SHOP 

LEWISBUEG, PA. 



INTEODUCTION 



In spite of the fact that few forms of infection are as import- 
ant in human pathology as those caused by streptococci, and in 
spite of the enormous amount of work which has been done on 
these microorganisms, there is more uncertainty about some of 
the fundamental principles involved in such infections, than there 
is in the cases of most of the other pathogenic bacteria. Indeed, 
we are only beginning to obtain any information about antigenic 
properties of members of this group, their possible division into 
types similar to those recognized in the meningococci and in the 
pneumococci, a phase of streptococcus study which must inevi- 
tably precede any logical approach to the problems of serum 
therapy. Of the details of the processes by which streptococci 
cause disease, of the reasons why many streptococcus infections 
are associated with systemic symptoms remote from the points 
of localization of the organisms, of the toxic influences they 
exert upon the infected body, of all of these facts we are practi- 
cally Ignorant. As a matter of fact, though this group of organ- 
isms was probably one of the earliest observed by bacterioligists, 
and because of its great importance has enlisted the interest of 
an army of Investigators since its first discovery, there is no 
group of bacteria in which there is more confusion concerning 
biological, pathogenic and immunological properties. The litera- 
ture is full of claims and counter-claims, and such important 
problems as the possibility of toxin formation by streptococci, 
the serological homogeneity of the strains associated with scarlet 
fever, the permanence of types among the hemolytic organisms, 
and the reason for the limited protection afforded by certain 
homologous immune sera, are all problems in which the literature 
is full of uncertainties and contradictions. 

The writer has believed that it would be of the greatest 
usefulness to approach the streptococcus problem from the point 
of view of a careful reexamination of certain fundamental prin- 
ciples, taking up one point after another, on a sufficiently large 
material to reach definite conclusions, sacrificing rapidity of 
progress to extensivencss of the field of material, in order to arrive 
at certainty of one point before taking up another. The plan of 
research approached, therefore, being an extensive one, will 
probably occupy a considerably larger number of years than has 
been spent in the preparation of this thesis. The work contained 
in the present communication, therefore, represents merely the 

3 



beginning of a series of studies which will be continued in subse- 
quent years along a. definitely purposeful plan. 

Among the most important problems and the first one which it 
was deemed advisable to attack as a beginning, is the question of 
toxin formation by streptococci. This problem is particularly 
important because a clear determination of the nature of the 
poisonous substances which can be obtained from streptococci of 
various origins would considerably facilitate all subsequent work 
in helping to explain the manner in which the organisms of this 
group cause injury, and Indirectly pointing out the factors of 
defense called out in the body of the invaded animal. 

Toxin Production 

A large number of workers have occupied themselves with 
the question of toxin production by streptococci, and the conclu- 
sions reached by them are remarkable only for utter lack of uni- 
formity and contradiction of experimental results. 

In 1902 Marmorek (1) grew streptococci in bouillon con- 
taining leukocytic extrrxt and such amino acids as glycino and 
leucine and obtained a toxin which was fatal to rabbits in 
doses of 0.25 to 0.5 cc. This toxin was destroyed by heating 
to 70OC. He believed that all strains of stroptocooci produced 
the came toxin for, according to his experiments, tlie Immune 
serum produced against the toxin of his original virulent 
strain of streptococcus was active against the toxins of strepto- 
cocci of other pathological sources. Bordet (2) and Denys 
and LcClef ( 3 ) , experimenting with an immune scrum pro- 
duced according to Marmorek's methods, were able to show 
that the immune scrum which did protect, did eo because of 
increased opsonic properties. 

Aronson (4) grew severrJ strains of streptococci highly 
virulent for rabbits on 0.1 per cent, glucose horse meat infusion 
' broth. Fiitratcn of the most virulent strains showed either no 
action or at most only a slight infiltration at the rolnt of sub- 
cutianeous inoculation. Likewise, extracts of virulent strepto- 
cocci grown in mass failed to produce a deadly poison. 

Bourneman (5) likewise concluded after a very clr.borate 
series of protection experiments that as a therapeutic agent, 
anti-streptococcus scrum was very unsatisfactory. Ho rcouted 
the idea that Marmorek's serum was antitoxic and agreed 
with Denys and LeClef that the immune seruri acted upon 
the leukocytes so that they developed an a'oundant phagocytic 
power. 
The earlier research following the experiments of Marmorek 
occupied itself very largely in attempts to produce powerful anti- 
streptococcus sera, and to analyze the mechanism by which such 
sera exerted passivly protective powers in infected animals. Also, 
at this time the question of the homogeneity of the streptococci 
as a group was raised by Marmorek (6) and others in experiments 



which are not directly pertinent. Experiments on toxin produc- 
tion, however, were taken up by a considerable number of other 
workers, subsequently. 

Simon (7) was cbic to produce a weak toxin in anaerobic 
brotli cuKures which containej leukocytic extract. Manfred! 
and Traversa (8) described a toxin which caused paralytic 
manifestations in guinea pigs and rabbits which they obtained 
from cultures of an erysipelas streptococcus grown from 10-20 
days at 25 to 30 C. Braun (9) produced a toxic substance in 
broth cultures of hemolyzins streptococci. He found the toxin 
to be most abundant after 8-10 hours incubation; that if was 
thermolabile, being destroyed in 30 minutes at 60 °C. or in 6 
hours at 37 °C; and that it was very resistant to strong alkali 
and acid. He reports no experimental work with animals to 
show the strength of this toxin. Clark and Pelton (10) grew 
hemolytic streptococci on Locke's solution to which was added 
0.15 per cent, glucose and sufficient sterile defibrinated 
rabbits' blood to give 2 per cent hemoglobin. Toxicity ap- 
peared in the medium after 18 hours incubation, was maximal 
in amount at 48 hours, and persisted until 9 6 hours of incu- 
bation. This toxin was destroyed by heating to 50° C. for 30 
minutes and slowly lost its toxicity in the icebox; was dialy- 
sable; requred an incubation period of from 4 to 24 hours 
(dependng on the dose) before showing toxic effects on 
rabbits; was antigenic, immunity being rapidly developed in 
rabbits; was protective, in that it neutralized the toxic ef- 
fects of the filtrate when injected with it, and because immune 
rabbits were rendered resistant to living streptococci; was 
specific since B, Coli, B. lactis aerogenes, a Gram negative 
microorganism from the air, and a hemolytic M. catarrhalis 
did not produce toxic filtrates. Symptoms of intoxication in 
animals were slowly increasing muscular weakness often ac- 
companied with diarrhea, death ensuing finally with or without 
convulsions. 

Zinsser, Parker, and Kuttner (11) were able to obtain a 
toxic substance from filtrates of broth cultures of streptococcus 
hemolytious which would kill rabbits within a few hours to 
a, few days. This toxin was maximal in amount in 22-hour 
cultures and showed deterioration in 48 and 72-hour cultures. 
This poisonous substance was non-specific in that it was ob- 
tained from various species of microorganisms both pathogenic 
and nonpathogenic but nevertheless exhibited very similar charac- 
teristics in all species studied. Microorganisms other than hemo- 
lytic streptococcus which produced toxic filtrates, were; B. 
influenzae, grown 12 hours on "chocolate" agar; meningo- 
coccus, grown 2 3 hours on horse serum hormone broth; B,, pro- 
digiosus, grown 20 hours on hormone agar; and B. coli and B. 
dysentery Flexner grown for 5% -hours on hormone agar. Also 
staphylococcus and pneumococcus Type 1. Gross protection 
experiments to determine the specificity of the toxic substances 
failed because of the lack of antigenic power of these toxins. 
These poisonous substances were found to be thermolabile, 
showing a very marked deterioration at 70 °C for 30 minutes, 
and almost complete destruction at 75 oto80°C. for a similar 



period. Autopsies of animals killed by these poisonous sub- 
stances failed to show any lesions which were peculiar to their 
toxic properties. 

Havens and Taylor (12) describe a special stock medium 
composed of a meat infusion made with distilled water to 
which is added the oridnary amount of peptone, 1.0 per cent 
disodium phosphate, 0.5 or 1.0 percent glucose and adjusted 
to P H 8.0 or 8.2. To this stock solution was added 1.0 per 
cent sterile defibrinated sheep or rabbit's blood and a 'frag- 
ment of sterile rabbit's kidney. Virulent streptococcus hemo- 
lyticus strains grown in this medium for 48 to 72 hours pro- 
duced filtrates (Mandler filters) which were toxic for mice 
in 0.1 to 0.2 cc doses, death occurring within 24 hours. The 
toxic substances thus obtained were thermolabile, being des- 
troyed at 62 °C.for 30 minutes; were unstable at ice box tem- 
perature; were reduced in amount by adsorption in passing 
through the filter; were specific in that non-hemolytic strepto- 
cocci, typhoid bacilli, staphylococci and pneumococci failed to 
produce toxic filtrates when grown on the same medium; were 
rather uniformly toxic for mice and less so for rabbits and 
guinea pigs; and in potency, were found to bear a direct 
relationship to the virulence of the streptococcus; and finally, 
were antigenic. The immune serum, obtained by treating 
rabbits with toxic filtrates, neutralized the toxic properties of 
streptococcus in vivo and in vitro, protecting against 100 fatal 
doses of the specific microorganism. This serum obeyed the 
law of multple proportions when used in neutralization experi- 
ments. These results would seem to indicate the presence of 
a, soluble toxin and that a specific anti-toxin could be produced 
by treating rabbit's with the filtrates of streptococcus cultures. 

Bliss (13) worked with a number of strains of strepto- 
coccus hemolyticus and by chance happened to get two strains 
the filtrates of which were toxic for mice. Strain 213 freshly 
isolated from a case of scarlet fever was grown in broth con- 
taining 0.1 per cent of ascitic fluid. Sterile filtrates of this 
strain injected intraperitoneally into mice in doses as small as 
0.05 cc caused death in 4 days. Twenty-four hour culture 
filtrates showed maximal toxicity. The mice were taken sick 
quite promptly following injection. The hair roughed up and 
the animal huddled up in the jar. Autopsy revealed no gross 
pathological lesions in the viscera although there were ecchy- 
moses of the tail and feet. Cultures of the peritoneal exudate 
and heart's blood gave negative results. Another strain (76) 
was isolated 5 months prior to the test. It had been kept on- 
rabbit's blood broth and passed through a series of 16 mice 
to raise the virulence for protection experiments. When grown 
on rabbit's blood broth this strain produced a poison such that 
0.2 cc of a 72-hour culture filtrate killed mice in 7 to 10 days 
with symptoms and autopsy findings similar to those noted 
above. A guinea pig receiving 5 cc of this filtrate died in 
10 days. Autopsy revealed hyperemia of the liver, kidneys, 
and intestinal wall. Cultures made of the heart's blood and 
peritoneal exudate were negative. 



Experimental Work 

The literature outlined above represents the most important 
communications dealing with the problem of toxin formation by 
the streptococci, and it is quite apparent from these that results 
have not been uniform and that the first step to be taken in the 
elucidation of this problem must consist in collecting a consider- 
able number of hemolytic streptococcus strains from carefully 
controlled clinical sources, and to subject these to the various 
experimental manipulations which it had been claimed, had given 
positive results in the hands of other investigators. It was hoped 
that a certain degree of uniformity of findings might be obtained 
in this way, which either would solve the problem or at least 
point in the direction along which it might be solved. According- 
ly, 17 strains of hemolytic streptococci were obtained from cases 
of tonsillitis, otitis media, mastoiditis, empyema, puerperal septi- 
cemia, etc., 19 strains were obtained from tonsils of persons af- 
fected with pharyngitis and coryza, and 167 strains were derived 
from the tonsils and throats of scarlet fever patients cultured as 
early in the disease as possible. In all, 203 strains of streptococci 
were collected for this work. Each strain was tested for bile 
insolubility and the formation of the beta type of hemolysis, ac- 
cording to Brown (14), when grown on sheep's blood Infusion 
f.gar plates. All strains were composed of long or short chains 
of spherical cocci which retained the gentian violet by the Gram's 
method of straining. On the experimental side, each strain was 
studied with utmost care to determine if a soluble toxin was 
secreted by a significant number of all the strains; if possible 
the unity of the streptococcus group on the basis of virulence and 
toxicity; if there was a peculiar scarlatinal group of strepto- 
coccus; and lastly, to determine whether toxicity and virulence 
were parallel characteristics in this group of pathogenic micro- 
organisms. 

Work on Toxin Formation 

Technique 

Medium Used and Incubation Time : « was decided in the 
beginning of this investigr.tion to use the medium for the growth 
of the streptococci which was described by Havens and Taylor 
(12). This medium seemed, from the nature of the ingredients, 
to commend itself to this particulr.r line of reser.rch. The meat 
infusion and the glucose together with the animal serum would 
constitute that degree of enrichment which would assure luxuri- 
ance of grov/th and a resulting abundance of products of mctabol- 



ism of the bacterial colls. The disodlum phosphate would pre- 
sumably exert a buffer action on the hyperacidity which develops 
where glucose enrichment is utilized in the culture medium. And 
lastly, the piece of sterile fresh rabbit's kidney would furnish a 
partial state of anaerobiosis such as was found to be advantageous 
in the development of diphtheria toxin by Robinson and Header 
(15), and the production of toxin for B. Welchii by Bull and 
Pritchett (16). The basic medium was made in four litre lots to 
obtain uniformity. Tubes containing approximately 10 cc of the 
sterile stock broth, Pj. 8.0 to 8.2 were freshly prepared for inocu- 
lation by adding 1.0 cc of sterile defibrinated rabbit's blood and a 
fragment of sterile rabbit's kidney to each tube. The tubes, 
without previous incubation to determine sterility of the medium, 
were inoculated with a certain strain of streptococcus in batteries 
of from three to five tubes for each strain, and were then incu- 
bated for varying periods at 37 ° C. Growth was invariably lux- 
uriant in these tubes. In some few cases there was a uniform 
clouding of the broth, but in the majority of the cultures the 
streptococcus grew in granular clumps large enough to sediment 
out as a heavy granular precipitate leaving the supernatant broth 
quite clear. A considerable degree of hemolysis was produced 
after 24 hours of incubation, which was usually maximal in 
amount at about 48 hours. In old cultures 72 and 96 hours, the 
kidney tissue lost its clear-cut outline and seemed to be subjected 
to a slow digestion by the action of the bacteria. Transfer tests 
proved that few streptococci remained alive in this medium after 
96 hours of incubation, and 5-day cultures were frequently sterile. 
This rapid deterioration of the cultures was probably due to the 
high acidity which would reach a P,^ value of 6.5 or higher in 
24 to 36 hours after inoculation. 

Care of the Filters and the Filtering Process; The "V" 
grade number 3 Berkefcld filter was used in this work. Great 
care was exercised in washing the filters. Adherent organic 
material was Removed by scrubbing, then a 0.5 per cent solution 
of potassium permanganate was passed through the cylinder to 
remove any organic accumulation in the pores of the filter. Sub- 
sequent washing in a 10 per cent solution of sodium bisulphite, 
and 500 cc of clean tap v/ater produced filters which were neutral 
in reaction and which showed a uniform degree of porosity over 
long periods of time. After the filters were mounted and steri- 
lized in steam under pressure and dried they were ready for use. 

Upon the completion of the proper incubation period all of 
the tubes containing a certain strain of streptococcus were pooled 



to make a 50 cc volume, which was centrifugallzed at high speed 
for a half hour to remove suspended bacteria, blood cells, etc. with 
a minimum loss of time, the supernatant fluid was filtered, and 
the filterates were injected intraperitoneally into mature white 
mice ranging in weight f"om 20 to 2 5 grams. It was ohserved 
by former workers that the process of filtering lowered the toxic 
content of the filtrate by adsorption. To offset this loss, a 
fractional method of filtering v/as devised. Ten cubic centi- 
melers of the supernatant fluid was passed rather slowly through 
the filter and discarded, then 25 or 30 cc were passed rapidly 
through the same filter and used for the test. The last portion of 
the filtrate was discarded because the filter tended to clog some- 
what from finely divided protein material of the medium used. By 
using the second fraction, obtained as indicated above, a slightly 
enhanced toxic filtrate was produced when compared with that of 
the whole culture. The average filtering time for the fraction 
used in the toxicity tests was from 40 seconds to one minute. 
The filtrates were tested for sterility by inoculating hormone 
broth tubes with 1.0 cc of the same, after which they were incu- 
bated at 37 C. for at least 24 hours. In more than 200 filtrates 
prepared there was no instance in which streptococci passed 
through the filters. 

Experimental Animals and Controls : White mice were used 
for the test animals because they were easily obtained in large 
numbers and are susceptible to experimental streptococcus infec- 
tions. Also, recent workers on streptococcus toxins report rather 
uniform results with these poisonous substances using white 
mice as experimental animals. It is generally recognized that 
guinea pigs are not affected by the toxic filtrates of streptococcus. 
Moreover, a great deal of work was done upon streptococcus 
filtrates by Zinsser and Kuttncr (17), in these laboratories, using 
rabbits as test animals. These workers found their results diffi- 
cult to interpret because of the irregularity with which the 
animals responded to the toxic filtrates. In this work, the mice 
were injected by the intraperitoneal route with appropriate doses 
of the sterile filtrates of streptococcus cultures. Following the 
injection each mouse was kept under observation for 24 hours lu 
a jar by itself. Those that survived were marked at the end of 
the 24-hour period and placed in a large clean box where they 
could move about and obtain food and water. 

A battery of control tubes (uninoculated media) were treated 
in exactly the came manner as the cultures. A control mouse 
was injected with this sterile media filtrate to eliminate any 



toxic quality of the media itself. Every mouse that died follow- 
ing an injection of the supernatant liquid of centrifugalized 
cultures, of sterile filtrates, or of broth cultures in virulence and 
protection experiments, was autopnled and cultures made of the 
pcrtioneal exudate, heart's blood, and any r.bscesses found on the 
viscera. 

Toxin Formation In The Scarlatinal Strains 

The streptococcus strains of scarlatinal origin were obtained 
from the Willard Parker Hospital. Cultures were taken from 
the tonsils by means of sterile applicator swabs. As soon as 
inoculated, these swabs were immersed in tubes of hormone broth 
and taken to the laboratory. Streak cultures were then made on 
sheep blood agar plates and incubated for 24 hours along with 
the broth tubes in which the swabs were transported from the 
hospital. By this method, hemolytic streptococci showing the 
beta type of hemolysis were obtained in 167 of the 209 cases of 
scarlet fever examined. The hemolytic streptococci thus obtained 
were kept in stock at 4 o C In def ibrinated sheep's blood which had 
been heated to 56 ° to 60° C. for 15 minutes to destroy the 
leukocytes. These stock cultures were transferred every two 
months. Whenever possible the streptococci were tested for 
toxicity as early as the time necessary for isolation would permit. 

For the toxicity tests cultures were prepared in the media 
described by Havens and Taylor In the manner previously Indi- 
caied. After 24 hours incubation at 37 ° C the purity of the 
cultures was determined, and the degree of hemolysis was noted. 
Then some of the cultures were used for the short period incu- 
bation toxicity tests, while the remainder was carried on for 
longer periods of incubation. In the first part of the work the 
toxicity tests were made on the filtrate of the contents ' f but one 
culture tube of 10 cc volume. The filtering was carried on as 
rapidly as possible and the dose Injected into the mice was taken 
from the whole filtrate. Later, as explained previously In this 
paper, volumes of 50 cc of the cultures were filtered by the 
fractional method. In the first experiments 0.5 cc of the sterile 
filtrate was used as the test dose, and was injected Intraperlton- 
eally into a mouse. Later the dose was Increased to 1.0 cc. 
Since hyperdistentlon of the peritoneal cavity of the mouse pro- 
duced considerable modification of the respiratory movements, 
such that these could very easily bo read into manifestations of 
toxicity of the anaphylatoxin sort, it was decided that a dose of 
such proportions should be given as would show a slight amount 

10 



of toxin which might bo present and still be reasonably within 
the capacity limits of the experimental animal. 

Following the injection of the streptococcus filtrates, the 
mice showed a rather regular train of symptoms which were 
qu'.te uniform in making their appearance and varied only in 
the intensity of the reaction in some individuals. Shortly after 
injection, the mouse stretched out flat on its belly, breathing 
became labored with an increase in respiratory rate in some and 
a decrease In others. Tliese symptoms were attributed to the 
volume of the injection since the control mice responded in the 
same manner. Within an hour or rarely longer, the hair of the 
animal receiving the toxic filtrate roughed up, the eyes closed 
and the animal huddled up as though cold. The ears and tail be- 
came pale and sometimes cyanosed. Dyspnea increased for a time 
and later subsided. In the majority of cases this train of symptoms 
persisted for 12-18 hours and then suddenly subsided with the 
mouse appearing perfectly normal within 24 hours. For ease in 
note taking, an animal showing the above symptoms was desig- 
nated as "sick". Other mice in addition to the closure of the 
eyes showed a peculiar secreting of the same such that in the 
more severe cases the lids became adherent. The labored breath- 
ing became very pronounced and a respiratory distress to the 
animal was evidenced by the frequent brushing of the forepaws 
over the nose as if clearing away an obstruction to the external 
nares. Intestinal disturbances manifested themselves in diarrhea, 
and in the more severe cases, in bloody discharges. Symptoms of 
this type usually persisted over 24 hours. If the animal recovered 
later when given nourishment it was rated as "very sick" With 
considerable rarity these more severe symptoms in mice termi- 
nated in death in periods ranging from 16 to 18 hours to several 
days. 

The Period of Maximal Toxic Substance Production 

To determine the period of greatest poison production when 
strains of streptococcus hemolyticus were grown on the special 
medium previously described filterates were made of cultures 
which had been incubated for 16, 24, 48, 72 hours, and 11 days. 
Mice were injected intrapertioneally with 1.0 cc doses of these 
filtrates. The results are presented in brief form in the following 
table: 



11 



TABLE 1. 

Eelation of Growth Period to Toxicity. 



Hours of 


Number of 
Strains Tested 


Results of Injections 


in Mice 


Incubation 


Died 


Very 


Sick 


Sick 


16 


6 




1 







5 


18 


3 




1 







2 


24 


34 







16 


* 


18 


36 


6 







1 




5 


40 


15 




2 


5 




8 


48 


73 




3 


19 




51 


72 


33 







7 




26 


11 days 


6 







1 




5 



Note: Mice indicated "very sick" had symptoms of severe 
toxemia, vfith tim« to recovery more than 24 hours. Mice 
indicated "sick" presented symptoms of mild toxemia with 
recovery within 24 hours. 

In the shorter growth periods several more mice died follow- 
ing Injections of sterile filtrates than is indicated in the table. 
Little significance was attached to these deaths since B. typhi 
murium was isolated from the peritoneal exudate and heart's 
blood of these animals. From the data presented in the table 
there is an indication that there is a deterioration in the toxic 
substances after 48 hours of growth, and that the younger cul- 
tures seem to possess more of them than the older ones. 

For several days the ability of streptococcus strain P82 to 
form toxic filtrates seemed rather constant and so a detailed ex- 
periment was set up to determine with greater definiteness the 
period of Incubation necessary for the greatest toxin production. 
Filtrates made of 16-hour culture of this strain injected intraper- 
itoneally produced only mild sickness In the mice. A 40-hour 
culture filtrate killed a white mouse In a 1.0 cc dose in 46 hours 
with symptoms of severe toxemia. Another mouse receiving 
0.5 cc of the same filtrate was very sick, but recovered within 
48 hours; 72-hour culture filtrates caused death in 6 days in 
one mouse which received a 0.5 cc dose, whereas another mouse 
in the same series receiving 1.0 cc of the filtrate recovered within 
24 hours; 5-day cultures produced filtrates which showed marked 
toxic symptoms but with recovery in all mice. From the results 
of this experiment with this one strain and from the results 
presented in Table 1, it was decided that the toxic substances 
v.'ere present In greater mass in the 40 to 48-hour cultures than 
at any other interval of incubation. 

12 



Toxic Substances in Centrifugiates and Filtrates 

Havens and Taylor (12), and Zinsser, Parker and Kuttner 
(11) observed that tlie process of filtration removed a consider- 
able amount of the toxic substance from the filtrates by adsorp- 
tion. A series of tests were made to cover this point and, if 
possible, to account for the low degree of toxicity observed in 
the many filtrates studied in this investigation. Twenty four 
parallel tests were mr.de on 7 strains of streptococci incubated 
for 16, 24, 40, 48, 72 hours, and 5 days. At the end of the 
several incubation periods the cultures were centrifugalized at 
high speed for one hour to throw down as many streptococci as 
possible. A series of mice were then injected intrapertionealiy 
with varying doses of the supernatant fluid. The remainder of 
the supernatant liquid bf each culture was passed through a 
Berkefeld filter and the filtrate was injected immediately into 
mice in doses similar to those used of the supernatant fluids. 
Several deaths occurred following the injection of supernatant 
fluids of 24 and 40-hour cultures of three strains of streptococci. 
Autopsies on these animals showed that septicemia was the cause 
of death since streptococci were isolated from the heart's blood 
in each case. A blood agar plate control, made of each super- 
natant liquid, revealed about 200 colonies of streptococci in a 
2mm loop of the fluid. The mice which receive a 1.0 cc dose of 
72-hour and 5-day supernatant fluids did not die. Bloodi agar 
plate controls showed that there was a very greatly reduced 
number of bacteria in the 72-hour supernatant liquids and fre- 
quently complete sterility in those of 5-day cultures. One 
mouse which received 0.5 cc of a 72-hour culture filtrate died in 
6 days with autopsy findings negative, while 23 other mice each 
of which received 1.0 cc doses of the filtrates of the several 
strains showed mild or marked symptoms with complete recovery. 
These experiments failed to show that the toxic substances were 
being retained by the filtci's. These results differing from those 
of other workers, might be explained by the fact that the 
"very porous" grade of Berkefeld filter was used, the pores of 
which were slightly larger than the toxin molecule. This con- 
clusion was substantiated by the fact that earlier in the work the 
filters became clogged when they were used in the inverted 
position in order to obtain a maximal yield when small volumes 
of the cultures were filtered. When the porosity of the filters 
had been reduced to that degree that a great amount of the free 
hemoglobin of the cultures was retained, the filtrates of a dozen 
strains of streptococcus produced very mild symptoms when 

13 



injected Into mice. Those same strains, in a later test, when 
passed through very porous filters produced considerably greater 
toxic symptoms in mice. 

The Effects of Oxygen Tension on Toxin Production 

Several strains of streptococci of scarlatinal origin, among 
them being strains P82 and P99 which had previously produced 
filtrates which caused death in mice in 0.1 cc and 1.0 cc doses 
respectively, were grown 40 hours on the special medium 
described by Havens and Taylor, under conditions of complete 
anaerobiosis. Included in the series were two strains of non- 
scarlatinal origin. One was derived from a fatal case of puer- 
peral septicemia, and the other was obtained from a case of acute 
mastoiditis. The puerperal strain had previously given a toxic 
filtrate fatal to a mouse in a 1.0 cc dose of a 15-hour broth 
culture. Mice were injected with 1.0 cc doses of filtrates of the 
several strains grown in an oxygen-free atmosphere. The mice 
which received the filtrates of strains P82 and P99 were very 
sick, but recovered within 36 hours. All other mice were 
rendered mildly sick and recovered within 24 hours. It was de- 
cided from these experiments that partial or complete aerobiosis 
favored the production of the toxic substances in the cultures. 

Neutralization of Acidity in Growing Cultures 
and the Production of Toxic Substances. 
Up to this point in the work 116 strains of hemolytic strep- 
tococci of scarlatinal origin had been tested for toxin production 
when grown on the special beef infusion-kidney-blood broth 
previously described. In one strain only (P82) of this number 
could a toxic filtrate of sufficient potency to kill a mouse in a 
1.0 cc dose. Or less, be produced in more than one trial. The 
advisability of adding glucose to the media was questioned be- 
cause of the high degree of acidity produced in 18 and 24-hour 
cultures. Just the degree of acidity present in the cultures was 
difficult to estimate since the released hemoglobin of the rabbit's 
blood completely masked any indicator that could be used to show 
this. By the use of strips of litmus paper it was determined 
that the filtrates were acid. It is well known that a diphtheria 
toxin of high potency cannot be produced in an acid medium, and 
so it was assumed that little toxic substance was produced in the 
streptococcus cultures due to the excessive acidity which early 
made its appearance in the inoculated media. To offset this 
objection, cultures of five strains of streptococcus, three of which 
were previously found to be toxic for mice in 1.0 cc doses, were 

14 



set up in batteries of 5 tubes each. Three tubes of each set con- 
tained 1 cc of stock broth to which was added 1-0 cc of sterile 
defibrinated rabbit's blood and a fragment of sterile rabbit's 
kidney. The two remaining tubes of each set were made up in 
the same manner except that the rabbit's blood was omitted and 
0.5 cc of sterile phenol red was added in its stead. All tubes of 
each set were inoculated with a certain strain of streptococcus. 
After incubation for 12 hours, it was necessary to add 1.0 cc of2s[|l 
NaOH to bring the controls to P ^ 7.2. Since all tubes of each 
set grew with about equal luxuriance, a like quantity of sodium 
hydroxide was added to the cultures containing the rabbit's 
blood. By this manner of adjustment the cultures were kept to 
an approximate P |_| value of 7.6 for the 48 hours of incubation. 
The blood broth culture tubes were then pooled, shaken by hand, 
centrifugalized and filtered. Mice were immediately injected 
intraperitoneally with 1.0 cc doses of the several neutralized 
filtrates. The mice which received the filtrates of strains P82 
and PI 4 8 were rendered very sick, but both recovered within 36 
hours. The control mouse in this series reacted rather severely 
to the Injection of a 1.0 cc dose of sterile media filtrate P|^ 7.8 
and so these results were largely invalidated. 

To overcome any -il effects upon the streptococci that might 
be incu' red by introducing normal sodium hydroxide into so 
small a volume as 10 cc of the cultures, and to reduce the amount 
of aseptic pipetting necassa.ry to adjust the reaction of 30 tubes 
in a series, other strains of streptococci were grown in 50 cc of 
media in 100 cc Erlenmcyer flasks. To each of 5 such flasks was 
added 6 per cent of sterile defibrinated rabbit's blood, and to each 
of 5 more was added 1.0 cc of sterile phenol red to indicate the 
reaction of the growing '.ultures. Five strains of streptococci 
were sceiod in duplicate into the several flasks of the two series. 
These cuKures were ke-pt adjusted to Pj^ 7.6 for a period of 48 
hours in the same manner as the tube cultures were treated in 
the previous test. Filtrates were then prepared in the usual way 
and mice were injected with 1.0 cc doses of the several filtrates. 
All responded with mild reactions except the mouse which received 
the filtrate of strain P165. Th's mouse became very sick shortly 
after the injection, but recovered within 48 hours. It was decided 
from these experiments that repeated neutralization of the grow- 
ing cultures did not enaance the potency of tin toxic substances. 

Modifications of the Culture Media 

The remainder of tlie survey work on the toxin production 
of hemolytic streptococci was largely taken up in the study of 

15 



media modifications which might yield more positive results in 
the production of toxic filtrates. The Havens-Taylor medium 
was modified by substituting for the sterile dofibrinated rabbit's 
blood and fragment of rabbit's kidney, 10 per cent of ascitic fluid. 
Five strains of streptococcus grown in this medium in 50 cc 
volume for, 48 hours gave filtrates which produced only mild 
symptoms in mice injected with 1.0 cc closes. These filtrates 
were decidedly acid, beiug greater than P^ 6.8 so three series of 
cultures, comprising 15 strains of streptococci, were grown for 
48 hours on the same medium, which was kept neutral or slightly 
alkaline by the addition of normal sodium hydroxide. Nine of 
these strains showed a considerable degree of toxicity for mice. 
Neutralization of the growing cultures appeared to increase the 
toxicity in these strains but not to the hoped for degree. 

Hormone broth, made according to the method described by 
Hun toon (18) to which was added 10 per cent of ascitic fluid, 
was used as the culture medium to test 20 additional scarlatinal 
strains of streptococcus which had been recently Isolated. Growth 
in this medium was very luxuriant. Of the 20 filtrates obtained 
from 4 8 -hour cultures, 5 produced severe symptoms In mice but 
with subsequent recovery. 

Hormone, broth was then used to which was added 6 per 
cent sterile defibrinated rabbit's blood. This medium was dis- 
pensed in 50 cc portions in 300 cc Erlenmeyer flasks. The depth 
of the culture was about 12 mm and the area exposed to the air 
was about 225 sq. cm. The aim in this experiment was to ascer- 
tain whether considerable aeration would tend to enhance the 
amount of toxic substances in the cultures when grown on this 
medium. Five toxic (by previous tests) strains of streptococci 
were inoculated into these flasks and Incubated for 48 hours at 
37 °C, During the incubation period the cultures were shaken by 
hand on several different occasions to increase the amount of 
aeration. Growth of all of the cultures was luxuriant and the 
degree of hemolysis in the rabbit's blood was considerable. Mice 
inoculated with 1.0 cc doses of the filtrates of strains P82 and 
P99 showed marked toxic symptoms, all others responding with 
only slight manifestations of toxemia. 

Media made up on tho Locke's solution base, according to 
the method of Clark a.nd Felton (10), was used to grow the most 
toxic scarlatinal strains of streptococcvis as determined by 
previous tests. The cultures were incubated for 48 hours and 
filtrates were injected intrapertioneally in 1.0 cc doses into mice. 
Toxic symptoms were comparatively slight in all animals injected 

IG. 



with these filtrates. The streptococci grew with considerable 
dfficulty in this medium, which probably would account for the 
slight toxic manifestations in mice injected with these filtrates. 



Toxin Production in Non-Scarlatinal Strains of Streptococcus 

As soon after isolation as possible, 33 strains of hemolytic 
streptococci obtained from non-scarlatinal origins were tested 
for the production of toxic substances in broth cultures. The 
following represents a summary of the results obtained: Twelve 
of these strains of streptococcus were grown on the Havens- 
Taylor medium. One strain, M4, derived from a case of puerperal 
fever, killed a mouse in 5 days when 1.0 co of the sterile filtrate 
of a 16-hour culture was injected intraperitoneally. Autopsy 
revealed negative findings. When grown anaerobically for 40 
hours, this same strain produced a filtrate that caused rather 
severe reactions in a mouse, but the animal recovered within 3 6 
hours. The eleven remaining strains grown on this medium 
produced only slight symptoms in mice independent of the incu- 
bation time of the cultures.. 

Eight strains of streptococcus from the several sources listed 
above were grown on hormone broth to which was added 10 per 
cent ascitic fluid. The filtrates of all of these cultures, save one, 
produced mild reactions in mice. The filtrate of strain M6, ob- 
tained from a case of follicular tonsillitis killed a mouse in 48 
hours in a 1.0 cc dose with autopsy findings negative. A portion 
of this filtrate was kept in the ice box at 4 ° C for four days 
and was then injected in 1.0 cc doses into each of two mice, 
together with a control mouse which received an equal dose of 
a sterile filtrate of the uninoculated culture media. Mouse No. 1 
died in 3 6 hours. Autopsy findings showed B'. typhi murium in 
the heart's blood. Mouse No. 2 recovered within 48 hours. The 
control reacted in the usual manner. This test would indicate 
that the toxic substance deteriorates rapidly even when kept in 
the dark on ice. 

Thirteen other strains of streptococcus, non-scarlatinal in 
origin, were grown on the Locke's solution medium described by 
Clark and Felton. One strain only (M12), newly isolated from 
a case of osteomyelitis, produced a filtrate that caused severe toxic 
symptoms, whereas the filtrates of all the other strains of this 
series caused very mild ymptoms in mice. 



"Sterile" Deaths in Mice Inoculated with 
Streptococcus Culttires. 
In passing it is desirous to call attention to an unusual 
finding in the autopsies of several mice of about two hundred 
which were inoculated with 0.25 cc doses of 24-hour hormone 
broth cultures of streptococcus hemolyticus, also one instance of 
a mouse which had received a 1.0 cc dose of the supernatant fluid 
of a broth culture which had been centrifugalized at high speed 
for one hour. When the heart's blood and peritoneal exudate 
of these mice were cultured on infusion blood agar plates for 
48 hours at 37 C. no growth occurred. These very unusual 
"sterile" deaths would indicate that a soluble poisonous sub- 
stance secreted, by the streptococci must be the real cause of 
death in these animals. The protective mechanism of the host 
was presumably great enough to destroy all living streptococci 
that had been introduced by injection, and yet these microorgan- 
isms before their elimination from the animal body, stimulated 
to excessive production by the antagonism of the host, v/ere able 
to secret a maximal quantity of their toxic substances which v/as 
just sufficient to cause death even when the infecting agent had 
been successfully combatted per se by the combined defenses of 
the host. Sterile filtrates of all of these strains which caused 
"sterile" deaths in mice, except the toxic strain P82, showed no 
toxicity for mice when grown on artificial media. Attempts to 
reduce these unusual deaths to some degree of uniformity by 
inoculating a series of mice with varying doses of a ■"irulent 
broth culture of streptococcus met with little success due to the 
extreme irregularity in the relationship between the dose injected 
and the effects of the ss.mo on the mice It is the belief of the 
writer that these "sterile" deaths just described are significant 
in the problem of poisoa production by the hemolytic streptococci, 
in that it is indicative of the presence of a potent poison, developed 
by these microorganisms under conditions of active infection, 
which has to date not been obtainable on enriched artificial media. 

Summary of Experiments an Toxin Production. 

In the foregoing experiments, we have reported on 209 
toxicity tests made on filtrates of cultures of 188 different strains 
of hemolytic streptococci. In these tests, we did not content 
ourselves with a single medium or a single method, but various 
strains were carried on a number of different media; aerobic, 
partially anaerobic, and anaerobic conditions were tried, different 
periods of growth were employed, and a number of different ad- 

18 



justmeiils of reaction were carried out. In spite of all these 
variations and a large number of tests, no very liigh toxicity was 
obtained In any of the organisms, although the organisms were 
all of them obtained from human lesions and were tested at 
various periods after their isolation from the human body. Of 
all the strains tested, only 9 produced toxic filtrates which were 
fatal for mice in 1 cc doses, given intraperitoneally, under con- 
ditions which excluded the possibility of experimental error, or 
the effects of intercurrent paratyphoid infection in the mouse. 
Of these strans, only 1 gave a filtrate which produced death in 
mice with a minimal fatal dose of 0.1 cc of a 40-hour broth 
culture. The richest medium, namely, that described by Havens 
and Taylor, produced the largest percentage of toxic results. 

From this considerable mass of material, we can only con- 
clude that the poisonous substances produced by hemolytic strep- 
tococci are of a low degree of potency, are very variable in 
appearing in cultures, even when other conditions are kept rigidly 
uniform. 

In most strains toxicity seems to be reduced sofnewhat by 
prolonged cultivation outside the body. One strain, however, was 
loxic 148 days after isolation, and another 166 days after isolation. 

On the basis of poison production, hemolyzing power, nature 
of growth on hormone broth, and virulence for mice, we can find 
no basis for a" classification of the organisms from human sources, 
and in 152 strains of streptococci obtained from scarlet fever 
patients, many differences in cultural appearance, hemolyzing 
power, toxicity and virulence were noted. If eventually a single 
scarlatinal group shall be determined, it will have to be purely 
on serological homogeneity, since from our own studies it appears 
that cultural and other homogeneity does not exist. 

We may conclude from this part of our work, then, that the 
formation of a certain amount of toxic material in artificial media 
is a very common attribute of streptococci. It is, however, also 
apparent that such toxicity is never very great under the con- 
ditions studied by us, and cannot at the present time be attributed 
to a soluble toxin comparable to that of diphtheria or tetanus 
bacilli. 

The next step in our studies on toxicity of streptococci will 
necessarily occupy itself with further studies in the correlation 
between virulence and toxicity. We have been able so far only 
to attempt this in the case of 2 strains which were toxic to begin 
with, bvit, strangely enough, in these strains the enhancement 

19 



of virulence was impossible, even after a considerable number of 
mouse passages. It is, of course, well known that virulence 
cannot be enhanced in all hemolytic streptococci by mouse 
passages. It will be necessary for us to select a considerable 
number of streptococci from different sources and enhance the 
virulence of these strains, and carry out comparative toxicity 
tests along the lines of experimentation described above. This 
work is in progress. 



Bibliography 

1. Marmorek; Ann. de I'lnst Pasteur, 1902, 16, 169 

2. Brodet, quoted by Gay: Jour. Lab. and Clin. Med. 1918,, 

3, 721. 

3. Denys and LeClef; Ibid. 

4. Aronson: Berliner Klin. Wochenschr., 1896 XXXIII, 32, 

717 

5. Bourneman: Weiner Klin. Wochenschr., 1896, IX, 51, 1201 

6. Marmorek: Ann. ae I'Inst. Pasteur, 1902, 16, 172 

7. Simon: Kraus and Levaditi, Handbuch, Vol. 11, 484 

8. Manfredi and Tracersa, Ibid. 485 

9. Braun: Centralbl. f. Bakteriol. 1912, 62, 383 

10. Clark and Felton: Jour. Am. Med. Assn., 1918, 71, 1048 

11. Zinsser, Parker and Kuttner: 

Proc. Soc. Exper. Biol, and Med., 1920 XVIII, 49 

12. Havens and Taylor: Am. Jour, of Hyg. 1921, 1, 311 

13. Bliss: Personal Communication. 

14. Brown: Monograph No. 9. Rockefeller Institute for Med. 

Research, 1919 

15. Robinson and Meader: Jour. Inf. Dis. 1920, XXVII, 106 

16. Bull and Pritckett: Jour. Exp. Med. 1917, XXVI, 119 

17. Zinsser and Kuttner: Unpublished notes, 1921 

18. Huntoon: Jour. Inf. Dis., 1918, 33, 169 



20 



DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 
BUREAU OF EDUCATION 




BULLETIN. 1922. No. 26 



PHILANTHROPY IN THE HISTORY 
OF AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION 



JESSE BRUNDAGE SEARS 

ASSOCIATE PI?OFESSOR OF EDUCATION, tELAND 
STANFORD JUNKIR OiflVERSITY 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNtiffiNT PRlNTfl>lG OFFICE 

1922 



BtniETIN OF I'HE BUEEATT 01* EBTTCATlON tOR 1922. 

No. 1. Recent State legislation for physical education. W. S. Small. 

No. 2. Administration of schools in the smaller cities. W. S. Deflenbaugh. 

No. 3. Prepai^ation ol teachers of the social studies for the secondary schools. 

Edgar Dawson. 
No. 4. Statistics of private commercial and business schools; BL R. Bonner. 

Advance sheets from the Biennial survey, 1918-1920. , 
No. 5. Reorganization of home economics in secondary schools. A report of 

the commission on the reorganization of secondary education. 
No: 6. State policies in public school finance. Fletcher, H. Swift 
No. 7. Report on the higher educational institutions of Arkansas. 
No. 8. Statistics of teachers' colleges and normal schools. H. R. Bonner. 
Advance sheets from tbe Biennial survey, 1918-1920. >' 

No. 9. Statistics of private high schools and academies, 1919-20. H. R. Bonner. 

Advance sheets from the Biennial survey, 1918-1920. 
No. 10. Supervision of rural schools. Katheriue M. Cook. 
No. 11. Accredited secondary schools in the United States. G, F. Zook. 
No. 12. Dormitories in connection with public secondary schools. Edith A. 

Lathrop. 
No. 13. Review of educational legislation, 1919 and 1920. Wm. R. Hood. 
No. 14. Status of sex education in the high schools. Newell W. Edson. 
No. 15. A kindergarten first-grade curriculum. 

No. 16. The district owned or controlled teachers' iome. John C. Muerman. 
No. 17. Statistics of city school systems, 1919-20. H. R. Bonner. Advance 

sheets from the Biennial survey, 1918-1920. 
No. 18. The residence oi students in universities and colleges. G. P. Zook. 
Np. 19. National conference of junior colleges, 1920. G. F. Zook. 
No. 20. State laws relating to education, 1920-21. Wm. R. Hood. 
No. 21. Record of current educational publications, May 15, 1922. 
No. 22. Statistics of kindergartens, 1919-20. H. R. Bonner. Advance sheets 

from the Biennial survey, 1918-1920. 
No. 23. High school buildings and grounds. A report of the commission on the 

reorganization of secondary education. 
No. 24. The school Janitor: A study of the ftmctions and administration of 

school janitor service. .T. A. Garber. ; : ' 

No. 25. Higher education in Australia and New Zealand. Charles F. Thwing. 
No. 26. Philanthropy in the history of American higher education. Jesse B. 

Sears. 
No. 27. Statistics of agricultural and mechanical colleges for 1919 and 1920. 

Walton O. John. 
No. 28. Statistics of universities, colleges, and professional schools, 1919-20. 

Advance sheets from the Biennial survey, 1918-20. 
No. 29. Statistics of State school systems. 1019-20. Advance sheets from the Bi- 
ennial survey, 1918-20. 
No. 30. Accredited higher institutions. G. F. Zook. 
No. 31. University summer schools. J. C. Egbert. 

No. 32. A program of education in accident prevention, with methods and re- 
_,, sul$s. , E. George ^Fayn^!. ,;., ,- .,^ ,., ,..,,:■-- __,>-,,', 



PHILANTHROPY IN THE HISTORY 
OF AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION 



By 
JESSE BRUNDAGE SEARS 

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT 
OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE 
DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
IN THE FACULTY OF PHILOSOPHY, 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY. 



WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1922 



CONTENTS. 



Page. 

Introduction v 

Chapter I. — Development of a theory of philanthropy 1 

The early conception of philanthropy 1 

Place of educational foundation in Turgot's social theory 1 

Place of educational foundations in Adam Smith's free-trade economy- B 

William von Humbolt's theory 4 

Chalmer's modification of the earlier theories 5 

Mill's opposition to the theories of Turgot and Smith 5 

Mr. Lowe's return to free-trade principles 7 

Hobhouse on "the dead hand" in education 1_ 7 

Other English theories 8 

Summary and conclusion 8 

Chapter II. — The colonial period 10 

Influences affecting the beginning of American higher education 10 

Finances of the early colleges 16 

Analysis of the gifts to four of the colonial colleges 19 

The function of philanthropy in the colleges 22 

Function of the State in higher education 25 

Conditional and unconditional gifts 27 

Summary and conclusions 31 

Chapter III. — The early national period, 1776-1865 33 

The period characterized 33 

The number of colleges and how started 33 

The beginnings 35 

How the work was accomplished 36 

Philanthropy in the older colleges 37 

Philanthropy in the colleges founded later 40 

Theological education in this period 43 

Other lines of professional training 44 

Education of women 44 

Philanthropy and the manual-labor colleges 45 

Philanthropy through education societies 47 

Summary and conclusions 51 

Chapter IV.— The late national period, 1865 to 1918 .53 

The period characterized 53 

Growth in number of colleges 53 

General survey of educational philanthropy in this period 55 

Status of education among all the objects of philanthropy 59 

Philanthropy in the colleges of this period 67 

Philanthropy through religious education societies 73 

Summary and conclusions 78 

Chapter V. — Great educational foundations 81 

A new philanthropic enterprise 81 

The stated purposes of these foundations 82 

The operations of these foundations 89 

Summary 103 

ui 



IV CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Chapter VI. — Summary and conclusions 1U3 

Purpose and plan of the study ] J3 

The the ry of endowments 103 

Early experiences in America l^i 

The early national period 106 

The late national period 107 

Developments bearing upon a t^eory of endowments 109 

Index 113 



INTRODUCTION. 



This study represents an attempt to trace the influence of philanthropy in 
the development of higher education in America. Incident to this has been 
the further question of what has been evolved by way of a theory of educa- 
tional endowments, or, broader still, of educational philanthropy. The im- 
portance of such a study is obvious when we consider the part philanthropy 
has played in the development of the American college and university. Its 
importance is equally clear, too, when we view the recent enormous increase 
in educational philanthropy, and the wide variety of educational enterprises 
to which philanthropy is giving rise. If we are to avoid the waste that must in- 
evitably come from bad management of gifts, from wrong dispositions of 
money over which the future can exercise no control, we must study our 
already extensive experience and develop a set of guiding principles or a 
fundamental theory of educational philanthropy. 

It was evident from the outset that any reasonably brief treatment of a 
subject occupying so large a place in the history of American higher education 
would present certain difficulties, not only in the selection of facts, but also 
in the interpretation of the comparatively small amount of first-hand data 
that could be satisfactorily treated in brief space. 

It has been the writer's purpose carefully to scrutinize the materials pre- 
sented to see that they were fully representative of one or another important 
type of philanthropy affecting our higher education; to see that no type of 
effort was without representation ; to draw only such conclusions as the 
facts clearly warranted ; and, finally, to present the data in such form as to 
make them fully available for future use in more intensive studies, if occasion 
for such should arise. If in these respects the effort has been successful, then it 
is believed to offer, in broad outline, the history of philanthropy in the de- 
velopment of American higher Institutions of learning. As such it is presented, 
with the hope that it may add somewhat to the general perspective we now 
possess for the various features. of our institutions for higher training, and 
to the development of a sound theory of educational philanthropy, as well as 
with a full consciousness that there is very much yet to be done before we 
shall have adequate details concerning any one of the many phases of this 
problem. 

At the beginning of our experience In this field Europe had formulated no 
theory of educational endowment or of educational philanthropy, but sub- 
sequently the subject received treatment in the writings of their social and 
pelitical philosophers, and also to no less extent by practical statesmen en- 
gaged in correcting the evils of past mistakes in practice. These ideas have 
been traced briefly in an introductory chapter. Following this, it has been 
my purpese to describe our own practice from the beginning to the present 
time, and to make such generalizations as the facts seemed to warrant. Two 
types of data have been studied: First, the foundation documents, such as 



VI INTKODUCTION. 

charters, articles of incorporation, constitutions, by-laws, deeds of trust, wills, 
and conditions controlling gifts on the one hand ; and, second, the statistics 
of gifts on the other. To add to the value of bare description, the comparative 
method has been utilized wherever it was possible. 

The writer is indebted to numerous librarians and education boards for 
special courtesies, and especially to Dr. Paul Monroe, not only for having sug- 
gested this problem, but also for important suggestions concerning the method 
of its treatment. 

The original study of which this bulletin is a condensation is on file at 
Teachers College, Columbia University, where it was presented in April, 1919, 
in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy. 

J. B. Seabs. 

Stanford University, Calit., 
April 20, 1919. 



PHILANTHROPY IN THE HISTORY OF AMERICAN 
HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Chapter I. 

DEVELOPMENT OF A THEORY OP 
PHILANTHROPY. 



THE EAKLT CONCEPTION OF PHILANTHROPY. 

So long as charity remained intimately associated with the church it is not 
strange that the work it was doing should never have been called in question. 
The term " charity " meant Christian virtue, and its economic significance 
was wholly overlooked. In praising a man's good intentions it was not thought 
important that society should hold him responsible for having wisdom in ex- 
pressing them. 

PLACE OF EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS IN TURGOt's SOCIAL THEORY. 

It is left, therefore, to the economist to look critically Into the problem so 
long ignored by superstition, religion, and sentinientalism. It is interesting 
to note that it was in an age when all social life was being carefully scruti- 
nized that Turgot published his unsigned article " Foundations," in the 
Encyclopedia, in 1757. It is at this point that a real halt Is called, and phi- 
lanthropy becomes a problem for the intellect. 

All peoples and ages have regarded active benevolence as an important 
virtue, and to such acts the severest economist olfers no protest. But the bald 
unwisdom evident in the presumption that man is competent to judge what is 
good for all the future is what drew from Turgot this classic criticism, which 
John Morley says is " the most masterly discussion we possess of the advan- 
tages and disadvantages of endowments." ' 

The native instinct which underlies man's desire to relieve hjs brother in 
distress makes no distinction between present and future good; nor does it 
discover that good is a relative term. Consequently, it is not strange that 
much evil is done where only good is intended. But add to this native impulse 
the best wisdom of our day and yet we can not say what will be the need of 
another generation; and if we could, and were large-hearted enough to endow 
that need, we would not be able to guarantee that our successors, in whose 

• John Morley : Diderot and the Encyclopaedists, p. 191. 



2 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEEICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

hands we place the right, would execute with the same enthusiasm with which 
wo have founded. Business, but not enthusiasm, may be handed down. 

It is because the history of European endowments was written so plainly 
in these terms across the faces of the church, the hospital, and the school, 
that Turgot was lead to inquire into the general utility of foundations, with a 
view to demonstrating their impropriety. He does not approach the subject 
in a purely abstract way, though he had a well-defined social theory which 
later received a clear statement in his " Reflexions sur la Formation et la 
Dlsti-ibution des Richesses," since for every principle set forth he appeals to 
history for its justification. 

Turgot sees so little good accomplished by endowments that he is led to 
say : " Un fondateur est un homme qui veut 6terniser I'effet de ses volont6." ' 
His motive may be good, but results prove his lack of wisdom. After citing 
cases which are convincing, he concludes : " Je ne craindrai point de dire que, 
si I'on comparait les advantages et les inconv6nients de toutes les fondatlons 
qui existent aujourd'hui en Europe, il n'y en aurait peut-gtre pas une qui 
soutint I'examen d' une politique 6clair6." ' Granting that at its conception the 
object is a real utility, there is yet the impossibility of its future execution 
to be reckoned with, because the enthusiasm of the founder can not be trans- 
mitted. If even this, however, were overcome, it would still not be long till 
time would sweep away the utility, for society has not always the same needs. 

Thus Turgot pointed out the diflSculties and the consequent evils inherently 
connected with the establishment of perpetuities, If we suggest the idea of a 
periodical revision, which is done by later thinkers, Turgot quickly points to 
history and shows how long periods usually elapse after a foundation has 
become useless before its uselessness is detected; that those closely acquainted 
with such a charity are so accustomed to its working as not to be struck by 
its defects and that those not acquainted have little chance. of observing its 
weakness. Then there is the difficulty of determining the proper character 
and extent of the modifications, to say nothing of enforcing its adoption against 
the opposition of the vested interests. 

The ^uthor distinguishes two kinds of social needs which are intended to be 
fulfilled by foundations : Onej " appartiennent a, la soci6te entiSre, et ne seront 
que le rgsultant des int6i^6ts de chacune de ses parties : tels sont les besoins 
g6n6raux de 1' humanity, la nourriture pour tous les hommes, les bonnes moeurs 
et r education des enfants, pour toutes les families ; et cet intgrSt est plus 
ou moins pressant pour les differents besoins ; car un homme sent plus vivement 
le besoin de la nourriture que 1' int6r6t qu'il a de donner a ses enfants une 
bonne Mucation." * This need, he says, can not be fulfilled by a foundation or 
any sort of gratuitous means, for the general good must result from the efforts 
of each individual in behalf of his own interests. It is the business of the 
state to destroy obstacles which impede man in his industry or in the enjoy- 
ment of its fruits. Similarly, he insists that every family owes to its chil- 
dren an education, and that only through these individual efforts can the 
general perfection of education arise! If interest in education is lacking, he 
would arouse it by means of a system of prizes given on merit. 

The second class of public needs he would propose to meet by foundations 
he has classed as accidental, limited in place and time, having less to do with 
a general system of administration, and that may demand particular relief, such, 
for instance, as the support of some old men, the hardship of a scarcity, or an 

s Turgot-Oeuvres, Vol. I, p. 300. 
•Ibid., p. 301. 
Mtld., p. 305. 



DEVELOPMENT OF A THEORY OP PHILANTHROPY. 3 

epidemic, etc. For the amelioration of such needs he would employ the public 
revenues of the community, some contribution of all its members, and volun- 
tary subscriptions from generous citizens. This scheme he declares to be not 
only efficient but impossible of abuse, for the moment funds are diverted from 
their proper use their source will at once dry up. This puts no money into 
luxury or useless buildings, it wouW withdraw no funds from general circu- 
lation, and place no land in idle hands. He points to the success of such asso- 
ciations in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and thus supports his theory with 
reference to present practice. 

By these lines of thought he justifies the proposition that government has 
a right to dispose of old foundations. " L'utilitS publique est la loi suprem," " 
he says, and adds that a superstitious regard for the intention of the founder 
ought not to nullify it. 

These are the principles, not deduced from an imaginary law of nature alone, 
but carefully supported and justified at each point by the clear facts of history. 
All foundations are condemned by Turgot as worse than useless and his laissez 
faire doctrine would forbid the establishment of others. This was a bold 
doctrine to preach in the middle of the eighteenth century, but its impress was 
felt throughout Europe, and it is only a few decades till another member of the 
same school of economists lends support to these views. 

PLACE OF EDUCATIONAX FOUNDATIONS IN ADAM SMITH'S FKEE-TKADE ECONOMY. 

Adam Smith's " Wealth of Nations," first published in 1770, tends to substan- 
tiate all Turgot had taught and to show that it applies particularly to educa- 
tional endowments. In discussing the natural inequalities of labor and stock, 
he insists that where there is " perfect liberty " all advantages and disad- 
vantages tend to equality.' And In the following chapter on political inequali- 
t'es of wages and profit he points out three ways in which political interference 
with " perfect liberty " has produced great and important inequalities. " First, 
by restraining the competition in some employments to a smaller number than 
would otherwise be disposed to enter into them ; secondly, by increasing it in 
others beyond what it naturally would be ; and thirdly, by obstructing the free 
circulation of labor and stock, both from employment to employment and from 
plt^ce to place." ' 

In support of the second he shows how public money, " and sometimes the 
piety of private founders," ' have drawn many people into the profession of the 
clergy, thereby increasing competition to the point of making the salaries very 
low. Exactly the same thing, he says, has happened to men of letters and to 
teachers, and when contrasted with the time of Isocrates, " before any charities 
of this kind had been established for the education of indigent people to the 
learned professions," ' the ill effect upon the teacher's income is evident enough. 

There is yet another phase of the subject which is touched upon in Smith's 
discussion of the expense of the institutions for the education of the youth. 
Referring to the many endowed schools throughout Europe, he asks : 

Have those public endowments contributed in general to promote the end of 
their institution? Have they contributed to encourage the diligence and to 
improve the abilities of the teachers? Have they directed the course of educa- 
tion toward objects more useful, both to the individual and to the public, than 
those to which it would naturally have gone of its own accord? " 

= Turgot-Oeuvres, Vol. I, p. 308. 

• Smith, Adam : Wealth of Nations, Bk. I, Ch. X, p. 101. 

'Ibid., p. 121. 

•Ibid., p. 131. 

'Ibid., p. 134. 

'"Ibid., p. 249. 



4 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

He then states as a universiil principle that the exertion of most people in a 
profession is proportional to the necessity they are under of making that ex- 
ertion. He believes that the endowments of schools have diminished the neces- 
sity of application in the teachers, and shows how the older and richer colleges 
have clung longest to a useless and worn-out curriculum, while the poorer 
universities, dependent upon their popularity for much of their income, intro- 
duced the modern subjects much earlier." He saj« : 

Were there no public institutions for education, no systems, no sciences 
would be taught for which there was not some demand, or which the eirdum- 
stances of the times did not render it either necessary or convenient, or at least 
fashionable, to learn." 

This extreme application of the principle of free trade is modified only 
slightly by Smith to meet the inequality of opportunity brought about in a 
complex society where division of labor has been carried to great length. While 
he states that in most cases the state of society places the greater number of 
individuals in such situations as form in them almost all the abilities and 
virtues which that state requires, yet there are cases in which this is not 
true. 

The man whose whole life is spent in performing a few simple operations, of 
which the effects, too, are perhaps always the same, or very nearly the same, 
has no occasion to exert his understanding or to exercise his invention in finding 
out expedients for removing difficulties which never occur. He naturally loses, 
therefore, the habit of such exertion, and generally becomes as stupid and igno- 
rant as it is possible for a human creature to become." 

Thus Smith would have the state intervene in behalf of the great labor popu- 
lation, whose intellectual tendency must inevitably be in this direction. 

This brief presentation of Smith's attitude toward perpetuities shows how 
his principles of social organization exclude them ; and, like Turgot's, his 
theory is constructed in the presence of existing facts. The sum of the con- 
tribution is little more than a specific application of Turgot's arguments to 
educational foundations. 

If the social theory underlying the objections to endowments made by these 
tvs'o men is sound, surely the facts they have cited would warrant their con- 
clusion that endowments are evil because they interfere with the real laws 
of human progress. Certainly the evidence they cite makes clear the difficul- 
ties attending their establishment. 

Is a laissez faire policy a sound basis for social organization, and can these 
evil practices be overcome? These are problems for their successors. 

WILLIAM VON Humboldt's theory. 

William von Humboldt wrote, in 1791 : " Ueberhaupt soil die Erzlehung nur, 
ohne Rilksicht auf bestimmte, den Menschen zu ertheilende biirgerliche Pormen, 
Menschen bilden ; so bedarf es des Staats nlcht." " Thus he not only accepts 
the system of free exchange laid down by Turgot and Smith, but excludes the 
possible modification which Turgot impliesi under the head of " accidental " 
social needs, and which Smith makes to correct the slight disadvantage to 
which some are iilaced by the effects of the extreme division of labor. " Unter 
freren Menschen gewunen alle Gewerbe bessren Fortgang; bliihen alle Ktinste 
schoner auf ; erweitem sich alle Wissenschaften," says William von Humboldt, 

" This argument is quite obviouBly beside the mark in America. 
•2 Smith, Adam : Wealth of Nations, Bk. V, Ch. I, p. 266. 
"Ibid., p. 267. 
" Wllhelm von Humboldt, Werke, Vol. VII, p. 57. 



DEVELOPMENT OF A THEORY OF PHILANTHROPY. 5 

and again, " Bei freuen Mensclien entsteht Nachelferung, und es bilden slcli 
bessere Erzieher wo ihr Schiksal von dem Erfolg ihrer Aibeiten, als wo es 
von der Beforderung abhangt, die sie vom Staate zu erwarten liaben." 

Here we find a leading German statesman insisting upon tliese social and 
economic principles in matters of education. Surely he did not foresee the 
future development of schools in Germany, where the State has been responsible 
for practically all educational work. 

While our purpose here is not to write, or even to sketch, the history of 
economic theory, yet it is interesting to note that the objections soon to be 
raised against a wholesale condemnation of educational endowments are focused 
upon the economic doctrine of the physiocrats, and fit in as early steps in the 
historical decline of the laissez faire economy. 

Chalmers's modification of the earlier theories. 

Dr. Thomas Chalmers, an early nineteenth century economist, interested in 
the practical problem of handling the poor, accepts the idea of free exchange 
to the extent of condemning the state endowment of pauperism but urges that 
an endowment for the relief of indigence is not to be compared with one whoso 
object is the support of literary or Christian instruction. For education, 
though it is a real want, is not a felt want. He says : 

The two cases, so far from being at all alike in principles, stand in direct and 
diametric opposition to each other. We desiderate the latter endowment 
because of the languor of the intellectual or sp. ritual appetency ; in so much 
that men, left to themselves, seldom or never originate a movement toward 
Icurning. We deprecate the former endowment because, in the strength ftf 
the physical appetency, we have the surest guarantee that men will do their 
uttermost for good ; and a public charity having this for its object by lessening 
the industry and forethought that would have been otherwise put forth in the 
cause, both adds to the wants and detracts from the real work and virtue of 
the species. And, besides, there is no such strength of compassion for the 
sufferings of the moral or spiritual that there is for the physical destitution. 
An endowment for education may be necessary to supplement the one, while 
an endowment for charity may do the greatest moral and economic mischief 
by superseding the other. Relatives and neighbors could bear to see a man 
ignorant or even vicious. They could not bear to see him starve.''^ 

Thus an important modification of the above social theory is proposed. 
Whether the practical philanthropist has since shown such discrimination or 
not, the principle involved in the criticism was important. Shall the provision 
for education be dependent upon the mere demand of the market, or shall this 
important but " unfelt " need be stimulated by some kind of endowment? 

mill's OPPOSITION TO THE THEORIES OF TTJR60T AND SMITH. 

In February, 1833, John Stuart Mill published an article in the Jurist '" in 
\which he declared ignorance and want of culture to be the sources of all social 
evil, and adds that they can not be met by political checks." He says: 

There is also an unfortunate peculiarity attending these evils. Of all 
calamities, they are those of which the persons suffering from them are apt 
to be least aware. Of their bodily wants and ailments, mankind are generally 
conscious ; but the wants of the mind, the want of being wiser and better, is, 
in the far greater number of cases, unfelt ; some of its disastrous consequences 
are felt, but are ascribed to any imaginable cause^except the true one." 

'" Quoted by Thos. Mackay in " The State and Charity," p. 36. 

'" Later published in " Dissertations and Discussions," Vol. I, pp. 28-68. 

" Mill, J. S. : " Dissertations and Discussions," Vol. I, p. 54. 

«Ibld., pp. 54, 55. 



6 PHILAKTHEOPY IN AMEMCAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

In answer to tlie question as to what nVen have depended upon and must 
depend upon for the removal of their Ignorance and defects of culture, he says, 
" mainly on the unremitting exertions of the more instructed and cultivated," 
which, he adds, is a wide field of usefulness open for foundations. He com- 
bats Smith's argument that such foundations are but premiums on idleness 
and insufficiency merely by saying that such is the case only when it is nobody's 
business to see that the trust is duly executed. 

To show further how the idea of endowments fits into Mill's general social 
philosophy, note what he says in his essay " On Liberty," written in 1858 : 

With regard to the merely contingent, or, as it may be called, constructive 
injury which a person causes to society, by conduct which neither violates any 
specific duty to the public, nor occasions pprceptible hurt to any assignable 
individual except himself, the inconvenience is one which society can afford 
to bear, for the sake of the greater good of human freedom." 

Individual freedom is as carefully guarded as by Turgot or Smith, but the 
implication that it is best preserved by a complete system of free ^change is 
carefully avoided. 

Mill does not believe that in a government where majority rule predominates 
the ideas of the n.inority should be lost. In his essay on " Endowments," pub- 
lished in the Fortnightly Review, April 1, 1869, he says : 

There is good reason against allowing them to do this (make bequests) in 
favor of an unborn individual whom they can not know, or a public purpose 
beyond the probable limits of human foresight. But within those limits, the 
more scope that is given to varieties of human individuality the better. 

And, 

Since trial alone can decide whether any particular experiment is successful, 
latitude should be given for carrying on the experiment until the trial is com- 
plete." 

His contention is, then, not only that foundations should be permitted, but 
that over a reasonable period of time the exact wishes of the founder should 
be strictly adhered to. His defense, later in the essay, of a foundation just 
then being severely criticized by the press shows the great social import which 
he attaches to the preservation of an unusual idea of an unusual person. After 
a complete trial of the experiment has been effected, the obligation of society 
to the founder has been discharged, and the value of the gift to society can be 
indicated. 

The explanation of this relationship is the first object of the essay of 1833, 
the second being a discussion of the spirit In which and the reservations with 
which the legislature should proceed to accept and modify the original plan 
and object of the foundation. In brief, he regards the endowment as public 
property after about fifty years from the date of its establishment, and in every 
sense subject to the will of society, even to changing the purpose of the gift, 
if necessary, to meet the changes of succeeding ages. 

Mill's economic justification of man's right to establish endowments is quite 
as interesting as his social justification. He says that it is due not to the 
children but to the parents that they should have the power of bestowing their 
wealth according to their own preference and judgment, for — • 

Bequest is one of the attributes of property ; the ownership of a thing can 
not be looked upon as complete without the power of bestowing it, at death or 

>» Mill, J. S. : " On Liberty," published in the Harvard Classics, p. 289. 

2° Mill, J. S. : " Endowments," Fort. Rev., vol. 5, p. 380. See also essay on " The 
Right and Wrong of State Interference with Corporate and Church Property," in " Disser- 
tations and Discussions," p. 32. 



DEVELOPMENT OE A THEORY OF PHILABTTHROPY. 7 

during life, at the owner's pleasure ; and all the reasons which recommend that 
private property should exist recommend pro tanto extension of it." 

This is no small modification of the theories of Turgot and Smith, and is a 
definite stand taken by Mill in respect not only to a philosophical but to an 
important practical issue then before the English public. And only a few 
years before his death he wrote in his autobiography "^ that the position he 
had taken in 1833 was as clear as he could now make it. Indeed, this very 
principle of Mill's was in 1853 embodied in the legislative enactment carried 
through by Lord Brougham and others. 



Mill's position, however, was too conservative, and too considerate of the 
numerous abuses of endowments then so well known to everyone, and drew 
forth sharp criticisms.'^ In condemning the report of the commissioners ap- 
pointed to inquire into middle-class education, whose procedure had been 
generally in line with the ideas of Mill and Chalmers, Mr. Lowe" (later Lord 
Sherbrooke) calls for a return to the ordinary rules of political economy. He 
would class teaching as a trade, and keep it in the quickening atmosphere of 
free exchange. This return to the notion that failure of endowments is due 
not to founder worship, as Mill would say, but to the principle of endowment, 
shows the influence of the free-trade economy. 

In practice at this time the cry is not that all foundations be used to pay 
the national debt, and so place education where Mr. Lowe would ask, but 
rather how can the terrible waste of funds be checked, or, what system of con- 
trol can the State legitimately exercise? We have Mill's suggestion that 
society will progress most rapidly when it gives wide range to social and educa- 
tional experimentation, and that this is done best, not by the State through 
a commission, which would tend to force all endowments into a uniform mold, 
but by legal enforcement of the exact conditions of the foundation till the 
merits of the experiment become evident. 

HOBHOUSE ON " THE DEAD HAND " IN EDUCATION. 

During the period 1868 to 1879 Sir Arthur Hobhouse delivered a series of 
addresses, afterwards published as " The Dead Hand," '^ in which he accepts, 
with Mill, both the principle of endowed education and the idea that every 
such bequest should be made to serve the present. The question of method, 
however, is a point on which he takes issue with Mill. He can not see that the 
term " property " implies power of posthumous disposition. Tried by history, 
he says, " the further back we trace any system of laws, the smaller we find 
the power of posthumous disposition to be." " Furthermore, he insists that 
250 years of English experience does not reveal one useful educational experi- 
ment resulting from such foundations as Mr. Mill regards important in the 
development of new ideas and lines of social and educational practice." 

21 Mill, J. S. . " Political Economy," Vol. I, p. 287. 

^ Autobiograpliy, p. 182. 

" See Report of Schools Inquiry Commission of 1868. 

^ See his Middle Class Education, Endowment or " Free Trade." 

2= London, 1880. 

» Hobhouse, Sir A. ; " The Dead Hand," p. 14. 

i"Ibid., p. 94. 



8 PHILANTHBOPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

This attitude Is further eniphaslsied by Sir Joshua Fitch, whose practical 
contact with JOnglish e<Jucational endowments gives weight to his worrts when 
he says: 

One uniform purpose is manifest in the testaments, the deeds of gift and the 
early statutes by which the character of these schools was intended to be 
shaped. It is to encourage the pursuit of a liberal education founded on the 
ancient languages." 

Further, in his analysis of the motives which have prompted bequests to public 
uses, Hobhouse does not find justification for Mill's position. In the list of 
motives which he finds underlying the foundations in England are : Love 
of power and certain cognate passions, ostentatiousness, vanity, superstition, 
patriotism to a slight extent, and spite.™ While this list might not fit individual 
cases, he insists that It is true for the mass. 

Mill thinks tliat the public does not know its own needs fully, because it is 
only the ma.iority speaking. Hobhouse regards the public as an individual 
competent to judge its needs and naturally endowed with the right to express 
them ; hence he would lay down two principles upon which all foundations must 
be established : First, " If the public Is chosen as legatee, the legacy shall be, 
as it ought to be, an unconditional one" ; ^° and, second, " there shall always be a 
living and reasonable owner of property, to manage it according to the wants 
of mankind." '^ The excuse for such a title to his book here becomes evident. 
He can not see that the living have need for the continual advice and control of 
the dead. 

OTHER ENGLISH THEORIES. 

As interest in education grew in England, respect for perpetual trusts de- 
creased. The act of 1853 above referred to, giving a commission power only to 
inquire into and report the condition of charitable foundations, was later revised 
giving the commission greater power. And finally, in 1869, one year after the 
report of the School Inquiry Commission, we have the " Endowed schools act," " 
giving the commissioners power to " render any educational endowment most 
conducive to the advancement of the education of boys and girls," " etc. This 
act was somewhat strengthened by revision in 1873 and again in 1874.'" 

During the last half of the nineteenth century there was wide discussion of 
the practical problem in England, but little of theoretical value was added. Sir 
Joshua Fitsh, in an address at Pennsylvania University,'" lays down two prin- 
ciples : First, an endowment's only right to exist is its benefit to the community ; 
and, second, the State is the supreme trustee of all endowments. Thomas Hare, 
in ISQd," regards all property as either public or private. An endowment, being 
public property, is subject to the public will. Before the Social Science Asso- 
ciation,'" he accepts Mill's notion of endowments as valuable social and educa- 
tional experiments, and Insists only upon the State's right of supervision. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. 

Many other writers have added bits of practical wisdom, but the results of 
more than a hundred years of theorizing may be briefly summed up as follows : 

"» Pitch, Joshua : " Educational Aims and Methods," p. 191. 

2» Hobhouse, Sir A. : " The Dead Hand," p. 15 ff. 

" Fitch, Joshua : " Educational Alms and Methods," p. 120. 

"Ibid., p. 121. 

»2 See 32 and 33 Vict, C. 56. 

S3 Title: "The Endowed Schools Act, 1869" (32 and 33 Vict., C. 56). 

« 36 and 87 Vict., C. '87, and 37 and 38 Vict, C. 87. 

K Published in " Educational Aims and Methods." 

» Fortnightly Rev., 5, 284-297. 

"Trans. See. Sc. Assoc, 1869, p. 132. 



DEVELOPMENT OF A THEOEY OF PHILANTHROPY. 9 

There is perhaps no universally acceptable theory of edueatioiiul iJiidowments 
yet worked out ; the early free-trade economy has been tempered by substantially 
removing education from its scope ; the experimental value of the endowed school 
is accepted od the ground that social progress is dependent ciuite as much upon 
the ideas and interests of the minority as upon those of the majority, and that 
with wide variation in educational endeavor, opportunity for wise selection is 
increased ; that endowments are public property, sini^ they are given to public 
service, and should therefore be subject to such public supervision as will pre- 
vent their being wasted or becoming socially obnoxious. 

Recalling Turgot's position, we can see that his statement of the meaning and 
function of foundations is yet a fairly acceptable presentation of the philo- 
sophical problem. 



Chapter II. 
THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 



INFLUENCES AEFECTING THE BEGINNING OF AMERICAN HIGHER 

EDUCATION. 

1. THE PROBLEM. 

In early colonial America there was little theorizing as to who should 
build colleges or as to how such schools should be financed. From the 
beginning higher education was a serious interest of the people, and one 
which early found practical expression. What the scholars and statesmen 
thought of endowments, therefore, we can infer only from what they actually 
did. They faced college building as a practical problem, and whatever we 
have since developed by way of a theory of endowed education in America 
we have developed very largely out of our long and varied experience. 

In this and succeeding chapters, therefore, it is the purpose to assemble 
facts which will adequately describe that experience, to the end that the 
character and extent of the influence which philanthropy has had in the 
development of higher education in America may be seen. . Finally, from an 
interpretation of these facts it should then be possible to state whatever 
theory of endowments there has been evolved in this country. 

When in the early history of Harvard College we find among its donors 
the general court, numerous towns and churches, as well as individuals, we 
realize that It is necessary to define the term " philanthropy." In this study 
the term is used to include all gifts except those from State. Again, if, as 
we are told, philanthropy means an expression of love for mankind, the 
names of Eleazer Wheelock, Theodorus J. Frelinghuysen, Morgan Edward, 
James Blair, and other notable ministers of the gospel would loom large in 
the description. However important the work of such men may have been, 
it would be impossible satisfactorily to show its results in a study which 
is designed to be quite largely quantitative. Accordingly, this study will be 
concerned with only those facts and forces which play some measurable part 
in shaping our institutions of higher learning. 

2. COLLEGE CHABTEES ANALYZED. 

The forces which entered into the founding of our first colleges were many 
and complex. Certain of these stood out clearly and for many years played 
a large part in directing the growth of higher learning. Everywhere and 
particularly in the foundation documents of the colonial colleges we are 
able to see these forces at work, giving form to these infant institutions. In 
Table 1 are shown such data, taken from the charters of the nine colonial 
colleges. 

10 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 11 

ENGUSH INFI.X7ENCES. 

English influences are suggested by the three names, William and Mary, 
King's, and Queen's. To these Dartmouth must be added, having taken its 
name in honor of its chief benefactor, Lord Dartmouth, of England, and, for 
a similar reason, Tale. Further, important subscriptions were collected in 
England: flO,{X»0 for Dartmouth; $4,500 for Brown; £2,500 for William and 
Mary in addition to the gift of the English Government of £2,000 and 20,000 
acres of land ; King's and Pennsylvania together, some £10,000 ; ' and over 
£2,000 for Princeton.^ In all cases these subscriptions furnished relatively 
large sums for the colleges, and were among the early, and in case of William 
and Mary, Dartmouth and Brown, the founding gifts. 

AIM OF THE COLLEGES GEFTS EXPECTED. 

Harvard University. — " Through the good hand of God " men " are moved and 
stirred up to give * * * for the advancement of all good literature, arts, 
and sciences." ' 

" Many well-devoted persons have been and daily are moved and stirred up 
to give and bestow sundry gifts, legacies, lands, and revenues for the advance- 
ment of all good literature, arts, and sciences in Harvard College." 

College of William and Mary. — " That the Church of Virginia may be fur- 
nished with a seminary of ministers of the Gospel, and that the youth may be 
piously educated in good letters and manners and that the Christian faith 
may be propagated amongst the western Indians, to the glory of Almighty God ; 
to make a place of universal study, or perpetual college of divinity, philosophy, 
languages, and other good arts and sciences. 

Yale University. — To found a school " Wherein Youth may be instructed in 
the Arts and Sciences^ who through the blessings of Almighty God may be fitted 
for Public employment both in Church and Civil State." 

" Several * * * rnen have expi-essed by Petition their earnest desires 
that full Liberty and Privilege be granted unto certain Undertakers for the 
founding, suitably endowing and ordering a Collegiate School," etc., also note 
further the power given to the trustees of the college. 

Princeton University. — " For the instruction of youth in the learned languages 
and in the liberal arts and sciences." All religious sects to have equal educa- 
tional opportunity.'' 

ColumHa University. — " For Instruction and Education of Youth in the 
Learned Languages and in the Liberal Arts and Sciences." * * * "to lead 
them from the Study of Nature, to the Knowledge of themselves, and of the 
God of Nature, and their Duty to Him." 

University of Pennsylvania. — The academy out of which the College grew 
was " for instructing youth for reward, as poor children on charity " " we, 
being desirous to encourage such pious, useful, and charitable designs." Col- 
lege is for instruction " in any kind of literature, arts, and sciences." 

1 Pennsylvania University Bulletin, Vol. Ill, p. 4, January, 1899, contains a copy of tlie 
" Fiat " for the Royal Brief, issued by King George III, granting the right to the two 
' Seminaries " to take the subscription. 

' See Maclean : History of the College of New Jersey, Vol. I, 147 S., for a discussion of 
this undertaking ; also copies of some documents connected with it. The full amount of 
the subscription is not known. 

'Charter was not granted till 1650. "New England's First Fruits" shows clearly the 
religious aim. Also the legislative act of 1642 uses the words piety, moraUty, and 
learning as expressing the aim of the collie. 

* See Princeton Univ. Catalogue, 1912-13, p. 46. The quotation is not from the charter, 
the first charter not being extant, hut is from an advertisement in the Pennsylyania 
Gazette of Aug. 13, 1746-47. Nearly the same words are used in the charter of 18S0 to 
express the aim of the college. 
111512°— 22 2 



12 



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14 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

" Several benevolent and charitable persons have generously paid, and by 
subscriptions promised hereafter to pay, • * * for the use of said acad- 
emy, divers sums of money," spent " in maintaining an academy there as well 
for the instruction of poor children on charity," etc." ' 

Brown University. — " And whereas a Public School or Seminary, * * * 
to which the Youth may freely resort for Education in the vernacular and 
learned Languages, and in the liberal Arts and Sciences would be for the gen- 
eral Advantage and Honor of the Government." 

" And whereas Daniel Jenckes, Esq. ; * * * with many others appear as 
undertakers in the valuable Design * * * praying that full Liberty and 
Power may be granted unto such of them, * * * to found, endow, 

* * * a College," etc. And, further, " Being willing to encourage 

* * * such an honorable and useful Institution, We, the said Governor," 
etc.* 

Rutgers Colleg.e. — The college is for " the Education of youth in the learned 
languages, liberal and useful arts and sciences, and especially in divinity." 
Did it try to preserve the Dutch language?' 

Dartmouth College. — " Dartmouth College, for the education and instruction 
of Youth the Indian Tribes in * * * Learning * * * necessary 

* * * for civilizing and christianizing * * * Pagans * * * -in Arts 
and Sciences; * * * also of English Youth." 

" It hath been represented * * * that the Reverend Eleazer Wheelock 

* * * did * * *, at his own expense, * * * set on foot an Indian 
Charity school and for several years through the assistance of well-disposed 
Persons * * *," etc.* 

3. BELIGIOUS AND DENOMINATIONAL INrLTJENCES. 

The religious influence is, of course, prominent. The statements showing 
how the movements for establishing the schools were started, those showing 
the source of control, the petitioners for the charters, and the religious affilia- 
tions of the first presidents, as well as the last one, showing the aim of the 
college, all point to religion as the large motivating force in the case of every 
one. 

The beginning of William and Mary, Yale, Princeton, King's, Brown, Queen's, 
and Dartmouth (Harvard should probably be included) lies with groups of 
ministers or religious bodies. In the case of Yale, Princeton, Brown, Queen's, 
and Dartmouth the formal request for a charter was presented by represent- 
atives of religious bodies; while the source of control in the case of Yale, 
King's, and Brown was placed in the hands of religious bodies. In effect the 
same was true of Princeton, Harvard, and Queen's. All the first presidents 
were ministers. 

It is in the charter, however, that the religious motive stands out with 
greatest prominence. The quotations presented are those which seem best to 
reveal the chief aim of the institution. Somewhere in every charter, Penn- 
sylvania a possible exception, theft is evidence that the teaching of religion 
was to be a prominent feature of the work of the college. 

» Academy charter, in catalogue, 1912-13, p. 15. This is of course the basis of the 
charter for a college granted two years later. 

• Charter, in catalogue for 1912-13, pp. 29-30. 

' Murray : " Hist, of Educ. in N. J.," p. 288, refers to the charter of 1770 as amend- 
ing a statement which was said to have been included in the first charter, viz, that the 
Dutch language was to be used exclusively in the college. 

' Charter, in Chase's Hist, of Dartmouth College and Hanover, .N. H., p. 642. >■ 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 15 

To what extent denominatlonalism was a factor does not appear fully from 
this table. From other sources we know that the chancellorship of William 
and Mary was by charter granted to the Bishop of Loudon ; that Yale, which 
was built by Congregationalists in a Congregational colony, said in her charter 
that at least the major part of their 10 self-peri)etuating trustees must always 
" be ministers of the Gospel inhabiting within this colony." " Princeton's char- 
ter does not call for denominational control, yet, according to the charter of 
1648, there were 12 Presbyterian ministers on the board." It is also true that 
Governor Morris, of New Jersey, refused Princeton's first request for a char- 
ter made, in his opinion, by a body of dissenters." 

These, as well as the connection which the schism in the Presbyterian 
Church in 1741-1745 had with the beginning of Princeton," are evidence enough 
that denominatlonalism, if not even sectarianism, was a factor in its earlj- 
life. In King's College about two-thirds of the 41 trustees were members 
of the Church of England, though they were not chosen officially upon religious 
grounds. The Pennsylvania College is an exception, for its charter shows its 
aim to have been broadly human, though not specifically religious, and cer- 
tainly not denominational. By Brown's charter, however, 22 of her 36 trus- 
tees must be Baptists. There are no statements in the charters of Queen's and 
Dartmouth that they are to be controlled by certain religious sects, yet there is 
no deubt that the Dutch Reformed Church controlled Queen's and that Dart- 
mouth was nonsectarian, but with half the board of trustees constituted of 
ministers,'" the whole enterprise being threatened when the Reverend Wheelock 
refused to accept Governor Wentworth's proposal to make the Bishop of London 
an ex oificio member of the board of trustees." It is noticeable, too, that the 
formal request for the charter of Yale was made by a group of Congregational 
clergy, that of Princeton by Presbyterian clergy, that of Brown by the Phila- 
delphia Baptist Association, and that of Queen's by the clergy and congrega- 
tions of the Dutch Reformed Church. 

The first president of Harvard was of Puritan training, and later was 
forced to resign because he agreed with the Anabaptists on the sub.iect of 
infant baptism.'" The first president of King's was a minister of the Church 
of England, and the inclusion of this requirement in the charter caused 
bitter opposition to the granting of the charter, a bitterness healed only by the 
addition of a professor of divinity "To be chosen by the Consistory of the 
(Dutch) Church for the time being."" The first rector (president) of 
Yale was a Congregational minister. Brown's first president was a Baptist 
minister, and Queen's a minister of the Dutch Church. 

POLITICAL INFLUENCE. 

The political influence is evident enou,gh. Harvard was established by the 
■colonial government. William and Mary was founded by the English and 
Virginia Governments, and Kings by the New York Legislature. Yale's charter 

•Charter of the Collegiate School (Yale College) Catalogue, 1912-13, p. 64. 

>■> Maclean : " History of the College of New Jersey," Vol. I, 92. 

» Ibid., p. 34. 

"^Ibld., p. 24. 

'■ Charter, in Chase, F., " History of Dartmouth College and Hanover, N. H., Vol. I, 642. 

" Letter of Wheelock to Gov. Wentworth, of New Hampshire. See History of Dart- 
mouth College and Hanover, N. H., by F. Chase, p. 115 ff. 

" Pierce, Benjamin : " Hist, of Harvard Univ. from its Foundation, in the year 1636, to 
the Period of the Amer. Eev.," p. 10. 

'• Fulton, John. " Memoirs of Frederick A. P. Barnard," p. 302 ff. See also Ecclesi- 
astical records of tie State of New York. 



16 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

says the youth are to be instructed to the end that " they may be fitted for 
public employment both in the church and civil state," and her first money 
gift Was £120 country pay from the colony. 

That these colleges were intended from the beginning to rest upon gifts of 
the people is suggested in the quotations from the charters given above. 
If not so stated, then the fact that the charter is granted to a body of 
men seeking to establish a college, together with the absence of any evidence 
that the state was accepting the responsibility, makes the inference clear. 
It is to be noted, too, that Harvard, Tale, Brown, Rutgers, and Dartmouth 
received their names from their first great benefactors, and that In only 
three cases were the first funds of the coHege granted by the legislatures. 

To seek further evidence that the colonial colleges were or were not State 
institutions is not our present purpose. There is evidence here to show that 
the principle of State aid to higher education is as old as Harvard College. 
Yet the movement for each of the colleges, possibly excepting Harvard, was 
initiated either by a single man with great missionary zeal, or by a group 
of men, and not by the State. 

From this preliminary examination of these foundation documents, then, 
one gathers some notion of the setting which our problem is to have. Judged 
by the facts presented, as well as in terms of the hard work associated with the 
starting of these institutions, philanthropy Is clearly the mother of the colonial 
colleges. 

FINANCES OF THE BAHLT COLLEGES. 
-> 1. SCARCITY or MONET. 

Down to 1693 we had but one college, that founded at Cambridge in 1635. 
There Is probably nowhere available to-day a complete record of all the early 
gifts to Harvard, but what have been brought together here will doubtless give 
a fairly satisfactory exhibit of the nature and extent of the earliest philan- 
thropy devoted to higher education in this country. 

There is one thing so characteristic of the early gifts to all the colonial col- 
leges that it must receive brief notice at the outset. That is, the size and kind 
of gifts. Harvard records the receipt " of a number of sheep bequeathed by 
one man, of a quantity of cotton cloth, worth 9 shillings, presented by another, 
of a pewter flagon, worth 10 shillings, by a third, of a fruit dish, a sugar spoon, 
a silver-tipt jug, one great salt, and one small trecher salt, by others." " From 
Yale's early history the sentiment attaching to the words : " I give these books 
for founding a college in Connecticut," pronounced by each of the trustees as 
he placed his little contribution upon the table, could not be spared, and before 
a charter had been granted a formal gift of the " glass and nails which should 
be necessary to erect a college and hall " had been made," Eleazar Wheelock, 
the founder and first president of Dartmouth, in a letter replying to criticisms 
of the " plainness of the surroundings " at the college, says : " As to the college, 
it owns but one (tablecloth), that was lately given by a generous lady in Con- ' 
necticut, and of her own manufacture," " and again in a letter to the Honorable 
Commissioners for Indian Affairs, etc., he says, after indicating the impossible 
financial condition in which the college finds itself : " I have, with the assistance 
of a number of those who have contributed their old put-ofC clothing, supported 
them (the scholars) along hitherto."" Doubtless simUar examples could be 

>' Peirce : Hist, of Harvard Univ., p. 17. 

>* History of Yale College — Barnard's Jour, of Bduc, V, 542, 1858. 

» Quoted in Chase's Hist of Dartmoutli College and Hanover, N. H., p. 232. 

"Ibid., p. 546. 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 17 

taken from the subscription lists that yielded relatively large amounts to 
Princeton, Queen's, Brown, and William and Mary if these were extant. 

In these gifts there is reflected much of the simplicity of the social and eco- 
nomic life of that time. Actual money was scarce, as shown by the repeated 
issues of currency by the various Colonies, hence such gifts as Dartmouth's 
sawmills and blacksmith shop and Harvard's printing press entered most nat- 
urally and effectively into the making of colleges in those days. 

2. USE OF THE SUBSCKIPTION METHOD. 

These colleges were all active in gathering funds by the subscription plan 
both in England and in America. Princeton received a subscription of £1,000 
proclamation, given in produce and money, in the southern Colonies in 1769, 
another of £1,000 from Boston in the same year, and £2,000 in England. Brown 
received $4,500 by subscription in England and Ireland In 1764." Blair 
brought home from England £2,500 which he had gathered by subscription for 
William and Mary in 1693. Dartmouth collected £10,000 in England in 1769, 
while King's and Pennsylvania shared equally a subscription fund of £10,000 
gathered in England. These are only the most striking instances of the use 
of this method of collecting the gifts of the people. Through the churches this 
method was repeatedly used and frequently the colonial court or the town 
officials would name a day on which a subscription for the college would be 
asked from every citizen. 

3. FEW LAEGE GIFTS. 

In that day of small gifts a few names of great benefactors stand out. 
Whatever the " moiety " of Harvard's estate was, it was a princely sum In 
the year 1638 for a college with one or two teachers and a half dozen students.^ 
This was the first great gift to education in America, and it is worthy of note 
that it was not tied up with conditions which might make it useless to the 
Harvard College of the future. It was given by request to the college out- 
right, and^ constituted half of the fortune and the entire library of one of the 
wealthiest and most noted men in New England. 

The immediate influence of this was great, and is well recorded by the histo- 
rians of the college, Quincy and Peirce. During the next few decades several 
gifts of £100 were received, and in 1650 Richard Saltonstall, of England, gave 
" to the college " goods and money worth 320 pounds sterling. In 1681 Sir 
Matthew Holworthy bequeathed " to be disposed of by the directors as they 
shall judge best for the promotion of learning and promulgation of the Gospel " 
£1,000. The Hon. William Stoughton erected a building in 1699 which cost 
£1,000 Massachusetts currency. These are the large gifts of the seventeenth 
century, with the exception of the gift of William and Mary, of England, to the 
college of Virginia. 

During the next century Thomas Hollis established a professorship of divinity 
at Harvard (1721). In hist " orders " " he asks " that the interest of the funds 
be used, £10 annually for help to a needy student for the ministry— as many 
of these as the funds will bear." He reserves the right to sanction all appoint- 
ments during his lifetime, then leaves it to the " President and Fellows of 
Harvard College," and asks " that none be refused on accouftt of his belief and 

2> Names of the first subscribers are given in the Collections of the Rhode Island His- 
torical Society, Vol. VII, 273. 

22 A careful discussion of the amount of this legacy is given in Quincy's History of 
Harvard, Vol. I, ,appendix I, 460. 

" See Quincy's Harvard, Vol. I, Appendix XLII, for copy of the Instrument of gift. 



18 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEBICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

practice of adult baptism." " The conditions which he places upon this, the 
first professorship established in America by private donation, are of interest. 
These are his words : 

I order and appoint a Professor of Divinity, to read lectures In the Hall of 
the College unto the students; the said Professor to be nominated and ap- 
pointed from time to time by the President and Fellows of Harvard College, 
and that the Treasurer pay to him forty pounds per annum for his service, and 
that when choice is made of a fitting person, to be recommended to me for my 
approbation, if I be yet living.^ 

In that day of fierce theological controversies these seem to be very liberal 
conditions. 

A few years later HoUis established a professorship of mathematics and 
natural philosophy. In all, his donations total over £5,000, a sum which far 
exceeded any single gift to education in America up to that time. Aside from 
books and goods the purposes of all his gifts were stipulated, but in such gen- 
eral terms and, as his letters show,"' so fully in terms of the wishes of the presi- 
dent and overseers, that it constitutes an example of educational philanthropy 
that is worthy of note. 

Madam Mary Saltoustall, who bequeathed £1,000 in 1730 for educating young 
men " of bright parts and good diligence for service of the Christian Church " ; " 
Thomas Hancock, who founded the professorship of Hebrew and other oriental 
languages in 1764 with a gift of £1,000; John Alford, whose executors, acting 
in accordance with his wish that his money should be used to aid " pious and 
charitable purposes," gave £1,300 to establish a professorship " of some particular 
science of public utility " ; " Nicholas Boylston, who bequeathed £1,500 for the 
support of a professor of rhetoric in 1772 ; and Dr. Ezekiel Hersey, whose gift 
established a professorship of anatomy and physic in 1772, are other pre-revo- 
lutionary names which figure on the list of Harvard's greatest benefactors. 

At the Collegiate School of Connecticut the names of Elihu Yale and Rev. 
Dr. George Berkeley, with gifts of £500 and £400, respectively ; at the College of 
New Jersey the names of Tennent and Davy, of England, with a gift of over 
£2,000 ; at King's the name of Joseph "Murray with a bequest of his library 
and his estate worth £9,000 in 1762 ; and at William and Mary the names of 
James Blair and Robert Boyle give us other Instances of educational philan- 
thropy on a liberal scale in the colonial days. 

4. GIFTS FEOM TOWNS, CHURCHES, AND SOCIETIES. 

In addition to these gifts from private individuals there is frequent evidence 
of support coming from towns, churches, and societies. In 1764 the town of 
Boston collected £476 by subscription, which it gave to Harvard to repair the 
loss occasioned by the destruction of Harvard Hall by fire. Nine other towns 
made smaller contributions to the same end, while two years previously 44 
towns had made contributions to the college. Wheelock received funds from 
public collections taken in several eastern towns between 1762 and 1765 which 
were of great value to his struggling school, soon to be known as Dartmouth 

^ See Quincy's Harvard, Vol. I, Appendix XLII, for copy of the Instrument of gift. 
^ Quincy's Harvard, Vol. I, Appendix XLII. 

^ Numerous letters from Mr. HoUis to his agent and others in the Colonies appear a« 
appendixes in Vol. I, of Quincy's History of Harvard. 
2" Quincy, Vol. I, p. 421. 
<" Quincy, VoL II, p. 142. 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 19 

College." In the eases of Princeton, Queen's, King's, and Brown the donations 
from churches were large and frequent. 

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts found the 
colleges appropriate agencies through which to operate in the Colonies. As 
early as 1714 reference is made to a gift of books to the Yale library ; in 1747 
the society made a large donation of books to Harvard, and £100 in money in 
1764.'°' From the same society King's received £500 sterling and in 1762 a 
library of 1,500 books. The society also assisted in getting a collection made 
in England which raised nearly £6,000 sterling for the college in 1762.'" The 
Society for Propagating the Gospel in New England and parts adjacent gave 
to Harvard 1,101 volumes and £300 sterling to repair the loss of its library 
in 1764. The Edinburgh Society for Promoting Religious Knowledge presented 
Harvard with some books in 1766, and the Society for Propagating Christian 
Knowledge, in Scotland, gave £30 for the purchase of books in 1769. 

5. GIFTS OF BOOKS, BUILDINGS, AND LAND. 

It is noticeable in the early years that many gifts of books were made to the 
colleges. However strongly the titles of the books may suggest the religious 
and theological nature of higher education, in those days such gifts were of 
the greatest importance when both the bounds and the methods of knowledge 
lay almost wholly within books alone. 

There is an occasional gift of a building, and frequent reference is made to 
gifts of land. During the colonial period Harvard received from towns and 
individuals over 2,000 acres ; '^ Yale received over 1,000 acres, including 300 
acres from the general assembly ; ^ King's received 5 acres in the heart of 
New York City, and 34,000 acres more from the State which were lost to the 
college and the State as well at the close of the Revolution ; "^ Dartmouth 
received 400 acres from proprietors of the town of Hanover ; " the College of 
New Jersey received 210 acres from the town and people of Princeton ; and 
a large portion of Queen's campus was the gift of a private citizen. Gifts of 
real estate were for many years of little productive value however ; so the chief 
support had to be money or something that could be exchanged at any time. 

ANALYSIS OF THE GIFTS TO FOUR OF THE COLONIAL .COLLEGES. 

To get at the full meaning of the philanthropy of this period, however, com- 
plete lists of all the gifts to Harvard, Yale, King's, and the College of New 
Jersey, four of the nine colonial colleges, have been made and appear in 
Tables 3, 4, 5, and 6. 

Remembering that it is not the absolute amount of a gift, but rather what 
the gift will purchase, that measures its value, we may ask, first : What was 

«* Chase : History of Dartmouth, p. 31. 

20 The motive back of this may be seen in the following quotation, which throws some 
light on the denominational motives which Impelled many gifts. Referring to the gift of 
books : "A good investment for the conformity of four graduates of the Presbyterian 
College at Yale, Connecticut, had been mainly effected (in 1722-23) by theological works 
sent to the college in 1714." " Two Hundred Years of the S. P. G., 1701-1900," p. 799. 

^ Ibid., pp. 775, 798. 

=' Barnard's Journal, Vol. IX, 159, gives a full list of gifts of real estate. 

•2 Ibid., Vol. X, 693, mentions the important gifts. 

'^ A History of Columbia Univ., 1754-1904, p. 35 S. 

^ Chase : History of Dartmouth, p. 174. 



20 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

the size of the problem which philanthropy had undertaken and what did 
education cost? 

1. SIZE OF THE COLONIAL COLLEGES. 

The numbers of students attending these colleges can be judged by the 
number of their graduates. Harvard rarely if ever had over 100 students be- 
fore the year 1700, and at no time In the colonial period did she have over 
350 or 400 students, while Yale and King's had fewer still. Pennsylvania 
graduated in all only 135 students before 1776, Brown 60, and Dartmouth 31. 

The teaching staff was also small. The president's administrative duties 
were insignificant, his chief function being that of instructor. Before 1720 
Harvard's faculty consisted of a president and from 1 to 4 tutors. At Yale 
the president was assisted by from 1 to 4 tutors, rarely more than 3, before 
the year 1755. After 1720 Harvard's faculty gradually increased to 9 ; Yale's 
to 8 ; and King's to 11. In the case of King's a much larger percentage were 
from the start of professorial rank. 

Thus, judged by the size of student body and faculty, the actual work done 
in the colonial colleges was small, and great sums of money were not needed. 

2. THE COST OP A COLLEGE EDUCATION. 

The cost of a college education at Harvard in Its early days is shown In an 
old account book for the period 1649-50 to 1659, from which it appears that for 
those graduating from 1653 to 1659 the total expense ranged from £30 25s. IJ d. 
to £61 lis. SJd., or from about $100 to about $200 for four years' residence in 
college. 

An iteniized account of a student, Thomas Graves, of the class of 1656, by 
quarters, shows that he paid about 32s. for tuition. His first quarter's expenses 
appear as follows : " 

Pounda. S. D. Qr. 

8, 10, 54 Commones and slznges 2 8 9 2 

Tuition, 8 B ; study, rente, and bed, 4 s ; fyer 

and candelle 2 s 14 

Fower loode of wood 17 4 

The other three quarters' expenses were similar to this. In 1797 this cost, 
according to an account of Judge Daniel Appleton White, given in volume 6 
of the Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings, page 272, would have 
been about $480 for the four years. 

Students' bills were often paid in butter, rye, malt, hog, lamb, egg?, etc. At 
Princeton, Maclean tells us that a student's entire expenses in 1761 were £25 6s. 
proclamation money. 

A fairly complete, account of the tuition cost at Yale, as set forth in Table 2, 
data for which were gathered from Dexter's Annals, shows the tuition not to 
have been much different at the beginning from the above account of tuition 
cost at Harvard a half century earlier. 

» Prom Mass. Hist. Proc, 1800-1862, Vol. V, p. 60. 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 
Taile 2. — Cost of education at Yale College. 



21 



Date. 


Tuition. 


Room. 


Board. 


Presi- 
dent's 
salary. 


Salary 
of tutor. 


1701.. 
1704.. 
1712.. 
1718.. 
1719.. 


Shillings. 
30 
30 
30 
30 






120 


C.P.i 

50 
60 










100 
140 








20s. 


4s. 4d. 




1726.. 
1726.. 
1727.. 
1728.. 
1729.. 
1734.. 
1737.. 
1738.. 
1740.. 
1742.. 
1745. . 
1748.. 
1749. . 
1754- . 

1755.. 
1759. . 
1764.. 
1767.. 


30 
40 
50 
50 
50 
50 
60 
60 
60 
24 
17 
17 
20 
24 

24 
2C 
30 








4s. 8d. 


140 
212 
260 
300 
300 






65 
60 
65 
66 






::::.:::::::: 















300 
320 
















1 






1 






(22 to 26 s.l 






3s. or 4s. 
8d. 






V 




























200 
200 




1768.. 








m 


1769. . 

1777. . 


48 


6s. 






160 















^ In country pay 120 equaled about £60 sterling or one-tliird. 
2£57 6s.8d. 

At Dartmouth in 1773 tuition and board together were £20 a year. At Wil- 
liam and Mary the tuition in 1724 was " 20s. entrance and 20s. a year for pupil- 
age for each scholar." A woman offered to " undertake the keeping of the 
college table at the rate of £11 per annum for each scholar, with the other ad- 
vantages allowed to Mr. Jackson." " At Princeton tuition was £3 in 1754, £4 
In 1761, £5 in 1773, and board in 1761 was £15 a year, according to Maclean. 

Reference to the prices of a few well-known commodities will help one to 
appreciate the apparently small gifts which we are to examine. In 1641 com- 
mon labor was worth Is. 6d. per day, the next year corn was worth 2s. 6d. and 
wheat and barley 4s. per bushel. In 1670 wheat was worth 5s., corn 3s. ; the 
year following labor was worth from Is. 3d. to Is. 8d. In 1704 corn was worth 
2s. and wheat 3s. 8d. In 1727 wheat was worth 6s. 6d. to 8s. In 1752 com was 
worth 4s. and wheat 6s. In 1776 corn was 3s. and wheat 6s. Sd." 

3. SALARIES OF COLLEGE PKOFESSOBS. 

One further item of interest in this connection is the salary of the teacMng 
staff. This was the chief item of expenditure in every college and is a fair 
index to the value of any gift or to the value of the funds available for the 
use of the college at any time. As shown in Table 2, Yale's president received 
from £60 to £300, while the salary of a tutor was very much less. Maclean 
thinks that Princeton's president did not receive over £50 annually before 1754. 
In that year his salary was fixed at £150 proclamation, rising to £200 proclaraa- 

" " Proc. of Visitors of William and Mary College, 1716," in The Virginia Magazine of 
History and Biography, Vol. IV, p. 174. 

"From Weeden's Economic and Social Histoi-y of New England, 1620-17S9, Vo). If. 



22 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

tion in 1757 and to £400 In 1766, only to be reduced again to £250 with the usual 
perquisites, and finally to £200 in 1767. In 1768 it rose again to £350 proclama- 
tion, or about £206 sterling. In 1752 Maclean states the salary of a tutor to 
have been £20 sterling and £66 in 1767. The three professors at Princeton in 
1767 received: Divinity, £175; mathematics, £150; language and logic, £125. 
In 1654 the overseers of Harvard College offered Rev. Mr. Charles Ohanning 
the presidency of the college at a salary of £100 per annum." From Judge 
Sewell's diary the salary in 1698 appears to have been £200." 

At the close of the colonial period Harvard's president was receiving £300," a 
professor about £200, and the librarian £60. In October, 1766, a committee of 
the colonial assembly of Connecticut reported that Yale ought to have : 

1. A president, at £150 per annum. 

2. A professor af divinity, at £113 6s. 8d. per annum. 

3. A senior tutor, at £65 Is. 4d. per annum. 

4~ Three junior tutors, at £51 Is. 4d. per annum each. 

Salaries at William and Mary were little different. President Blair, the 
first president, received £150 at first, and later only £100, increasing in 1755 to 
£200. During the same period a professor received £80 and fees of 20s. per 
student. In 1729 each professor received £150, but no fees.*' In 1770 the 
president received £200, each of two divtni-ty professors £200, two other pro- 
fessors each £100, master of grammar school £150, first usher £75, second 
usher £40." 

When one considers that the entire expenditures of Harvard for the year 
1777 were but £1,086 18s. 2d. and that the college had but £386 18s. 2d. to pay 
it with, the residue being paid " by assessments on the scholars for study-rent, 
tuition, and other necessary charges, amounting communibus annis to about 
£700 ; " or that the average annual income of William and Mary College during 
the decade 1754 to 1764 was £1,936 14s. 6id.," these salaries appear relatively 
high. 

THE FUNCTION OF PHILANTHROPY IN THE COLLEGES. 

What now is the character of the educational philanthropy which was 
practiced in the midst of these conditions? Was it constructive, or did it follow 
tradition? It might be hard to answer these questions to our entire satisfac- 
tion, but an examination of the parts of Tables 3, 4, 5, and 6, which refer to 
this period, will throw light on the subject. 

^ Quiney : Vol. I, Appendix IV. 
* Ibid., Vol. I, Appendix XI, p. 490. 
*»Ibid., Vol. II, p. 241. 
"Tyler, pp. 137, 144. 

" Tyler quoted these amounts from the college bursar's books, Williamsburg, the Old 
Colonial Capitol, p. 158. 
" Quiney : Vol. II, p. 241. 
" Tyler, Lyon G., " WUliamsburg, the Old Colonial Capital," p. 156. 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 



23 



Table H.— Donations and grants to Harvard. Vmversity, 1636-1910 — Distribu- 
tion of the donations by individuals.^ 





Total dona- 
tions by 
Individuals, 


Per 

cent 
of all 
gifts 
from 
Eng- 
land. 


Total 
grant by 
colony. 


Per cent of total donations by individuals given to — 


Dates. 


1 

2 


'o 
& 

go 

& 
3 


6 
I 


h 

CO 


H 

§1 




li 

Is 

p 


.0 

3 


Per cent in 
form of— 




s 


1 


X636-1640.. 
1641 1645 


11,936 

4,826 

333 

1,475 

6,785 

266 
4,764 
7,745 

900 
7,041 

2, 5.58 
462 
3,724 
1,498 
1,232 

2,979 
9,171 
8,259 
5,153 
2,496 

2,643 
2,973 
1,277 
1,112 
2,584 

17,397 
6,336 

12,989 
1,814 
1,800 

7,906 
9,103 
4,000 
33,333 
6,444 

47,333 
76,700 
60,003 
146,662 
44,951 

31,180 
303,702 
205,383 
131,898 
254,713 

' 680, 917 

' 2.54, 741 

773,427 

784,541 

1,487,608 

2, mi, 554, 
1,586,865 
4,306,609 
7,648,309 
7,309,960 


"'ii' 

""\2 

63 
9 
6 
42 
34 


$2,002 


99 
60 
100 
27 
79 

37 
36 
,5 

82 
75 

100 
100 

10 

89 

13 

11 

30 
75 
26 
60 

9 

3 
16 

9 
38 

42 
L3 
14 
44 
3 


1 
40 


100 
91 














100 


9 
100 
22 
15 

"hi" 

.5 






9 


31 


100 




164^1650. . 
1651-1655.. 
1656-1660. . 


445 

666 

1,665 






100 


73 
21 

63 

64 

99.5 

18 

25 

" 90' ' 
11 

87 

89 
60 
25 
74 
40 

91 
97 
84 
91 
62 

68 
87 
86 
66 
97 

100 
100 
100 
100 
100 

100 

96 

97 

.34 
100 

100 
96 
98 

100 

88 

88 
78 
93 
95 
83 

79 
78 
74 
86 
87 


88 
85 

100 

36 

99.6 
100 
100 

87 
100 
100 
100 
100 

88 
25 
39 
40 
46 

48 
97 
83 
81 
79 

46 
100 

10 
100 

14 

58 

"87.'5 
6 
8 

1 
15 
17 

1 
14 

10 
25 
43 
68 
38 

7 

9 
64 
16 
22 

23 
29 
.52 
36 
20 








18 

1 


100 
61 

90 
100 
99.6 
.33 
30 




15 
63 






39 






10 


1666-1670.. 
1671-1675. . 
1676-1680. . 
1681-1686. . 

1686-1690. . 
1691-1695. . 
1696-1700. . 
1701 170^ 


66 
1,831 
1,666 
1,998 

1,665 
1,332 
1,831 




63 






.5 












18 
25 


67"' 










70 


13 


13 






100 








3 
100 
11 
54 

77 
90 
90 
76 
97 

77 

100 

3 


97 




















(') 




89 


1706-1710. . 

1711-1715. . 
1716-1720. . 
1721-1725.. 
1726-1730. . 
1731-1735. . 

1736-1740. . 
1741-1745. . 
1746-1750. . 
1761-1755. . 
1766-1760. . 

1761-1765. . 
1766-1770. . 
1771-1775. . 
1776-1780.. 
1781-1786.. 

1786-1790. . 
1791-1796.. 


32 

70 
11 
16 
53 
80 

37 

78 
78 
90 
77 

13 

17 
27 


2,337 

2,758 
11, 107 
907 
4,486 
2,364 

654 

378 

942 

9,459 

2,946 

3.5, .507 
14,162 
6,594 
3,203 

4,878 

3,220 


22 
76 
61 
60 
54 

52 
3 
17 
19 
21 

54 


50 




46 








23 


37 
12 
2.5 
17 

11 


"2.5" 
33 
35 

44 
3 
12 


7 
4 
2.5 


"■9" 
2 


10 
10 
25 
3 


12 




23 






97 






100 


2 


20 
23 




1 
49 
19 


47 

3 
97 
35 
66 
40 

58 


63 

97 
3 


90 




04 


.7 


65 
44 


86 

42 
100 
12.6 
94 
92 

99 

85 
83 
99 
86 

90 

75 
67 
42 
62 

93 
91 
36 

84 
78 

77 
71 
48 
64 
80 


80 


42 
79 
12 
94 


4 




60 
42 






100 










87 

"'h" 


12. 
100 

53 
52 
26 
29 
14 

93 
37 
52 
39 
62 

29 
96 
75 
61 
66 

24 
45 
43 
79 
64 


88 


1801 1806 










1806-1810. . 

1811-1815. . 
1816-1820.. 
1821-1825. . 
1826-1830 








ioo 




20,000 
.50,000 
30,000 


"'K' 

3 

66 


.7 
"2 ■ 

6 
.1 


99 
36 
76 
21 
44 

16 




47 




12 
16 

.6 
14 


48 
74 
71 








86 


1836-1840. . 
1841 1845 








7 






4 
2 


15 
1 
12 
.2 

2 
14 
8 
8 
3.6 

5 

10.8 
6 

3.S 
9 


9 

.2 
4 
11 

3 

23 

...... 

12 

16 
4 

1.6 
1.4 
3.4 


63 


1846-1850. . 
1851-1855 






48 






.7 
.3 

.3 

"e" 

1.8 
.2 


29 

8 

.2 

"e" 
12 

8 

.03 
3 
11 
8 
9 


61 


1856-1860 






12 

2 
22 
7 
5 
17 

21 
22 
26 
14 
13 


38 








71 


1866-1870 






4 


1871-1875 






25 








49 


1881 1885 






33 


1886-1800 






76 


189M895. . 






66 






57 


1901 1905 






21 


IflOfl-lfilO 






36 











1 These data were compiled from three sources mainly. Those before 18'51 were taken from Quincy's 
History of Harvard University, 2 vols published in 1840, and from the lists of "Grants and Donationsto 
Harvard CoUege" published In Barnard's American Journal of Education, Vol. IX, pp. 139-160, Sept., im 
Those for the years 1862-1910 were taken from the annual reports of the president and treasurer of Harvard 

" offt of 27 acres of land, income to be used for scholarships for students from town of Dorchester. 
• Data for the years 1862-63 and 1867-68 are not Included. 



24 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Tabi,e 4. — Donations and grants to Yale University, 1701-1900 — Distribution o-j 
donations by individuals^ 





Total 
grants 

by 
colony. 


Total 
donations 
by indi- 
viduals. 


Per cent of total donations by individuals given to— 


Per cent in 
form of— 


Dates. 


1 


=1 
P. ^ 


3 


II 

pi 


ft 


1 
it 

'S * 

.2 


.ft 

i 
s 


u 
11 


if 
p 

il 


a 


3 


1 


1701-17(15 


$1,335 
1,335 
3,627 
1,758 

4,006 
2,203 
2,448 
2,997 

2,679 
5,233 
4,520 


S134 




100 


100 














100 


100 




1706-1710 


















1,424 
5,416 

868 

1,971 

a?, 608 

67 

352 
63 
169 
968 

1,041 

109 

62 

1,290 

3,233 

1,468 

/ .1,122 


■■87' 
51 

19 
80 

"89' 
■73' 
50 


100 
13 

49 
100 
100 
100 

81 
20 
100 
100 

100 
11 

100 
27 

50 
100 
100 


100 
100 

100 

100 

1 

100 

29 
100 
11 

82 

100 
100 
100 
100 

60 
100 














100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 

50 

100, 
100 
100 

90 
100 
100 

80 

50 
100 




1716-1720 














12 




1721 1725 






























100 




1731 1735 


99 




14.6 
52 




99 






17X6-1740 




50 






71 

■■'89" 
18 






80 








1746-1750 


37 
89 
97 

82 








16 
10 




1751 1755 


"is"" 

0.5 


89 
18 
















1761 1765 


1,460 
3,596 
1,282 






5 
10 


10 


1766-1770 










1771 1775 
















1776-1780 
















20 


1781-1785. 




50 
















1786-1790 






22 




1 










}40,629 


100 






8 
100 




1796 1800 














1801-1806. 


























1806-1810 


"8,'785' 


2,000 




100 




100 












100 


100 




1811-1815. 














1816-1820 


. 6,000 

78,848 
14,664 
126, 138 
12,000 

38,100 

15,860 

177,490 

329,600 

434,648 

743,481 

1,136,007 

417,000 

623,200 
3,349,471 
1,553,382 
1,729,094 


100 

2 
3 
30 

"25' 
21 

2 

6 

15 

33 

S3 

1 

21 

35 


98 
97 
70 
100 

100 
75 
79 

100 

98 
94 
85 
66 

47 

99 

79 

, 65 


100 

30 
75 
32 
17 

31 
27 
96 
68 

53 
62 
89 
46 

98 
92 

74 
81 
















50 

98 
100 
97.3 
18 

100 
44 
95 
92 

97 
92 
93 
46 

85 
18 


50 


1821-1825 




70 
26 
68 
83 

69 
71 
5 
42 

47 
38 
11 
55 

20 
8 
26 
19 


58 
6 


20 
3 
1 


50 
21 


16 
2 


1 
...... 

16 


3 
34 

"ss"' 


2 


1826-1830. 
1831-1835 


7,000 


"it 


1836 1840 








82 


1841 1845 








66 






1846-1850 








8 


'"5""" 


34 


56 


1861-1855. 




30 
40 

21 

11 

42 

5 

21 
6 

10 
3 


9 
60 

6 
17 
24 . 

2 

28 
13 
26 

8 




5 


1866-1860. 




24 

44 
9 
11 

28 

2 

1 
5 
15 


6 

4 

"5"" 
3 

1.5 

"io""" 

3 


s 


1861-1865. 






3 


1866-1870. 
1871-1876. 


0.5 
.3 

4 

...... 

1 
.5 


2 
2 
4 

1.5 

5 

3 

4 


8 


1876-1880. 
1881 1885 




54 
15 


1886-1890. 






1891-1895. 






1893-1900. 

















^ Sources for this table: Conn. Colonial Records; Dexter — Yale Biop'aphies and Annals, 1701; Steiuer^ 
Hist, of Educ. in Conn.; Bagg— Four Years at Yale; Stile's Diary /Vol. Ill; Trumbull— Hist, of Conn. 
Vol. II; Papers of New Haven Hist. Soc.; Kingsley — Yale Book; Baldwin— Hist, of Yale College; and 
reports of the president and treasurer of Yale CoUege. 

2 £3,000 of this was the value of a farm which the coUege leased for 999 years, and though now worth 
1140,000, brmgs the university only $145 per year^ New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. I, p. 156. 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 



25 



-Donations and grants to Princeton University, ll^S-lSoG and 1906- 
1910 — Distribution of the donations 6j/ individuals.'' 





Total 
donations 
by indi- 
viduals. 


Total 
grants 

by 
Colony. 




Per cent of total donations by individuals given to— 


Given in 
form of— 


Dates. 


4 

i 

g 
o 


1 
P. 

1 


6 

a 

s 


a 

•1 

il 


O4 

1 


■a 

« CO 

m ^ 

fi3 

CO td 


3 


k 

.if 


1 
Ph 


P. 

s 



1 

P5 





3 


1 

n 


1745-1750 


13,953 

16, 261 

973 




100 

1 


100 


100 
100 
100 


















99 
100 
100 


2 


1751-1765 












25 
100 


67 


25 
100 


6 




1756-1700 










(?) 




1761-1765 


(») 












1766-1770 


7,058 

146 

3,300 

1,550 

3,657 

10,677 

80 

63,278 

13,500 
3,480 
3,080 
9,080 

17,030 
4,785 
3,185 
6,080 

3,540 

105, 080 

4,769,115 


92 


8 
100 

"94' 

90 
100 
100 

99 

97 
100 
100 
100 

97 
100 
100 

63 

100 
100 

77 


79 

100 
100 

69 

18 
100 

"'99' 

3 

88 
98 
33 

27 
99 
98 
99 

98 
8 
16 


21 


6 






1 




8 


"ioo"'" 


99 
100 


1 


1771-1775 










1776-1780 




100 
6 

10 
















100 


1781-1785 




31 
82 








63 
90 




93 

81 
100 




31 
9 


69 


1786-1790 










91 


1791-1795 










100 


1796-1800 


S8, 010 


..... 
3 


100 
1 

97 

12 

2 

67 

73 
1 
2 

1 

2 
90 

85 


100 












100 
98 

96 
88 
100 
100 

100 
75 
98 
63 

100 
100 
87 




1801-1805 




2 


1 

16 
17 
98 
33 

16 
44 
60 
37 

54 
3 


82 
"27' 


1 

95 
97 
97 
33 

11 
62 
97 
49 

98 
3 
.01 


6 

.5 
6 

""5" 




1806-1810 




66 
12 
2 
1 

70 
1 
2 
1 

2 
1 




4 


1811-1815 








12 


1816-1820 












1821-1825 






66 






1826-1830 




3 




1831-1835 








25 


1836-1840 










2 


1841-1845 




37 






37 


1846-1850 










1861-1865 






95 
4 


..... 




1906-1910 




£3 


13 













1 Data for this table were taken from Maclean's Hist, of tbe CoUege of New Jersey; Murray's Hist, of 
Educ. in New Jersey; and from reports of the president and treasurer of the college. 

" In 1860 the hbrary contained about 12,000 volumes, practically all of which had been donated. See 
Maclean, Hist, of the CoUege of New Jersey, Vol. I, p. 206. 

' Right to conduct lottery. 

There were three sources of, income for the colleges : The general court, philan- 
thropy, and student fees. In the accompanying tables we are concerned with 
that of philanthropy mainly, though for comparative purposes, column 1 gives 
the amounts received from the State. 

The gifts are grouped into flve-year periods. Column 2 gives us a picture of 
the stream of donations that has been flowing for so many years into the 
treasuries of four of our oldest colleges. 

The first large grouping of the gifts is that which shows them to have been 
given to the college unconditionally on the one hand, or with certain conditions 
which wholly or in part determine how the money shall be spent on the 
other. The next grouping is that which states vifhether the gift is for present 
use or for permament endowment. Further than this it is a question of just 
what is the specific condition. Is it for the library, for scholarships, for appa- 
ratus, etc.? 

FUNCTION OF THE STATE IN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

During the eighteenth century Harvard received relatively much more from 
the State than in the seventeenth century. Yet during the entire colonial period 
the loss of that support would have been almost fatal to the college. The same 



26 



PHILANTHEOPY IN AMBBICAN HIGHER EDTJCATION'. 



Table 6. — Donations and grants to C.olum1)ia University, 1754-1910— Distribvr 
tions of the donations by individuals.^ 





Total dona- 
tions by 
individ- 
uals. 


Total 
grants 

by 
colony. 


Per cent of total donations by individuals given to— 


In form of— 


Dates. 




si 


1 
1 




lis 


1 
.1 




1 
3 


s 


1 
1 


1750-1755 




521,593 
27,680 
4,860 






















1756-1760 
1761-1765 
1 7fifi-1 770 


$115,328 
38,466 
















29 
99 


71 


\ 














1 


















17-71-1775 
177fi-17S0 






1 






















1 


















17R1 ■|7RS 


4,860 


12,462 

4,880 
48,600 
11,935 

8,958 
2,700 


1 
















100 


1786-1790 































































1801 1805 
























1806-1810 






1 
























1 














1816-1820 




10,000 






1 i 












1821 1825 








...1 















1826-1830 


















































1836-1840 


















... 








1841 1845 


20,000 






100 




100 




100 








100 


1846-1850 














1851 1855 


1,000 
1,150 
2,800 
200 
4,300 

10,000 

18,945 

247,911 

4,974,385 

3,630,160 

3,910,570 
4,382,015 






100 
13 
100 
100 
100 

100 
95 
60 
92 
99.7 

97 

74 


'ioo"" 

28 
100 
100 

40 
37 
9 
82 
44 

51 
52 


100 




1 




13 
28 
100 
100 
100 

40 
95 
31 
93 

68 

92 
75 


87 






87 




.... 1 




72 




72 


72 


1 




















1871 1S75 
























60 
63 
91 
18 
66 

49 

48 






50 
63 
14 

3 

2.5 

0.6 
2.4 


34 
22 
36 

2 
1.5 


60 






5 
40 
8 
0.3 

3.0 

26 






5 


1886-1890 






69 


1891 1895 






7 


1896-1900 

1901-1905 
1906-1910 


■"'6.' 2' 


6 

12 
15 


32 

8 
25 



' The data for this table were taken from an official publication of the university entitled "Colmnlns 
University — Gifts and Endowments — 1754-1904," and from the reports of the treasurer of the university 
covering the years subsequent to 1904. This covers the Columbia Ck>ri>oratian alone and does not indude 
Barnard and Teachers' Colleges. 

is true of Yale and Columbia. For Princeton, however, there is a different 
story. Only once during the colonial period was any aid given by the State to 
Princeton. In 1762 the assembly granted the right to hold a lottery for an 
amount not to exceed £5,000." This was very real help, and since it involved a 
special act of the legislature it is fair to assume that it shows friendliness on 
the part of the State. A few years after this period closes, the State granted 
to the college £600 annually for three years, to be paid in quarterly payments.'" 
In the report of the committee which represented the college before the legis- 
lature it appears that legislators raised the objection that the institution was 
under the " sole and exclusive control of one denomination of Christians." 
The difficulties with which this act was passed and the result of the act show 
the extent to which the College of New Jersey was not a State institution. 



« Murray : Hist, of Educ. in New Jersey, p. 27. i ' 

" Maclean, Vol. I, p. 13, gives a copy of the report of a committee appointed fcW&ply to 
the State for aid. 



THE COLONIAL PEEIOD. 27 

It is said on good authority, declares Maclean, that not one of the legislators 
who voted for the act was returned to his office at the ensuing election, so 
bitter was the feeling against the act." 

It is to be remembered that New Jersey, unlike Connecticut and Massachu- 
setts, was settled by people of several different religious sects, and that while 
religious education of the Congregational type practically meant State educa- 
tion for Yale and Harvard, it meant only church education for the New Jersey 
college." 

A more careful study of the problem of higher education and the State is 
inviting, but a few illustrations to show that State education of collegiate grade, 
while understood and practiced in part, was not a fully established educational 
social philosophy in the colonial days, serves our purpose. Wheelock's Indian 
school received aid, £50 per annum for five years, once from the Colony of New 
Hampshire, and after the school became Dartmouth College it received aid of 
£60 in 1771 and £500 in 1773, after which no foi-mal request was ever made, 
though one was prepared in 1775." New Hampshire apparently had no thought 
of Dartmouth as a State institution. 

The College of Rhode Island was essentially a denominational school estab- 
lished in a State where the Baptist faith predominated but by the church of 
that denomination in several Colonies. There should theoretically have been 
no hindrance to making their college quite as much an object of State concern 
as was the case with Yale, Harvard, and Kings ; but the facts show that little 
help was ever received by the college from the Colony, due, no doubt, to Rhode 
Island's insistence upon a real separation of church and state. 

At William and Mary the relation of college and state varied with the 
governors of the province, several of whom were exceedingly unfriendly to 
higher education in general, and to President Blair and his college in particu- 
lar. But in spite of these the college received much genuine assistance from 
the Colony. At the outset it was granted a duty on liquors imported, and on 
skins and furs exported, which by October, 1695, amounted to £441 sterling,™ 
and "upwards of 3,000 pounds communibus annis."^^ In 1718 a grant of £1,000 
was made by the Colony to establish three scholarships (part of this fund was 
invested in negro slaves). In 1726 a grant of £200 annually for 21 years was 
made from the duty on liquors. In 1734 this increased to include the entire 
income of the 1 penny per gallon duty on liquors, providing that part of the 
money should be used for the purchase of books, each of which was to bear 
a label, reading " The gift of the General Assembly of Virginia in the Year 
1734." " In 1759 the college received another grant in the form of a tax on 
peddlers. Without making the list exhaustive, it is evident that the State 
took an interest in the college and bore a fairly substantial part of its financial 
burdens, even if it did not assume the real responsibility. 

CONDITIONAL AND UNCONDITIONAL GIFTS. 

In the case of Harvard there seems to have been a gradual and fairly per- 
sistent tendency for people to specify how the college should use their gifts. 
At Yale there was somewhat of a general tendency toward unconditional gifts, 

"Maclean, Vol. I, p. 18. 

" During and following tlie Revolntion Tale could not get help from the State for much 
the same reason. The l^slature demanded that " civilians " be placpd on the board of 
trustees before the State rendered aid. This was finally done. 

"Chase, pp. 2T2, 277. 

■* Jruce, Philip Alexander : Institutional History of Virginia in the Seventeenth C«i- 
tnry, Vol. I, p. 395. 

•■Wowe's History of the Colony of Virginia, p. 325. 

■■ This is another evidence that the State did DOt consider the college a State iwtitation. 

111512'— 22 8 



28 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

but most of the early gifts were conditional. At Princeton also there was a 
tendency to place some condition upon the gifts, and with the emphasis in the 
early years somewhat between that for Tale, which emphasizes conditional 
and that for Harvard which emphasizes unconditional gifts. 

In the early days a college was just one thing. It was a teaching institution 
only and there was little occasion for giving other than " to the college.'' Yet 
many gifts were carefully safeguarded with conditions. 

A glance at the succeeding columns of the tables, however, and an explana- 
tion of some of the large figures in the " purpose specified " column will suflice 
to show that the main current, even of the conditional gifts, was generally in 
line with the fundamental aim and practical needs of the college. Taking the 
73 per cent in the " purpose specified " column of the Harvard table, the ex- 
planation is simply £60 worth of books and £251 15s. 6d. toward " the repairs 
of the college." The 99.5 per cent in 1671-1675 is largely accounted for by the 
contributions from 44 towns " for the erection of a new building for the 
college," amounting to over £2,000. The 90 per cent in 1696-1700 is mostly 
accounted for by the cost of Stoughton Hall, built and presented to the college 
by the Hon. William Stoughton in 1699. The first 100 per cent in the " purpose 
specified " column of the Princeton table was gifts to the aid of pious and 
indigent students, a very common mode of assistance in those days, as it is 
now in many colleges. In the Yale table the first 100 per cent refers to books 
for the library, and the second to nearly 1,000 volumes, mostly from England. 

GIFTS FOK PBESENT USE AND FOK ENDOWMENT. 

The next general grouping of the funds is into those for present use and 
those for permanent endowment. It is very noticeable that all through this 
period the gifts were in the main to be used at once by the college. The " dead . 
hand," good or bad, plays little part in this period of our educational history. 
The 100 per cent in the Harvard table, " permanent endowment " column, 
1646-1650, was just one bequest, and that to the college in general. The 64 
per cent in 1666-1670 was for the establishment of " two fellows and two 
scholars." The 75 per cent in 1716-1730 was for the maintenance of preachers 
and for the education of pious young men for the ministry, both entirely 
appropriate to the needs of Harvard at that time. This same tendency appears 
to have been true for the other colleges. 

HOW GIFTS WERE CONDITIONED. 

What and how many kinds of restrictions were placed upon these gifts? 
From the very start there are restricted gifts, at first few in number, and 
falling within the main object of the college, but gradually increasing in 
number and variety until in the present day they are extremely numerous. 
During the period under discussion, however, they were few in number. They 
are for buildings, for the library, for aid of pious and indigent students, for 
scholarships and fellowships, for equipment, and for professorships. 

INFLUENCE OF CONDITIONAI, GIFTS UPON THE GROWTH OF THE COLLEGE. 

To what extent do these restricted gifts tend to broaden the purpose and 
function of the college? There can be cited numerous instances of where an 
entirely new field of work has been undertaken by a college as the result of 
such a gift. Observatories, scientific schools, hospitals, and botanical gardens 
are common illustrations of this. In the colonial days, however, when the 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 29 

economic ancl social life was restricted; wlien for the most part professional 
life meant the ministry, and a ministry whose profession rested upon accepted 
truths and philosophies long ago written down in books, and not upon ability 
and training in the discovery of new truth and the making of new creeds ; when 
all learning was book learning; we expect the conditions placed upon bene- 
factions to reflect these ideas and conditions. 

To say that " endowment " has not produced an educational experiment until 
it has completely departed from the common aims and ideas of people in gen- 
eral, however, is to restrict the meaning of educational experiment. The found- 
ing of a professorship of divinity in 1721 was an experiment in a way, even 
though theology was then the center of the college curriculum. If this pro- 
fessorship did nothing startling by way of educational experimentation, it at 
least shifted the emphasis in the Harvard curriculum, which means that it 
made Harvard a slightly different Harvard from what it had been. 

So. while an examination of the tables shows that nothing very unusual was 
started by gifts during this period, it also shows that without the gifts the 
colleges would have been different from what they were. 

A study of the gifts " to pious and indigent students " is especially interest- 
ing. Tale seems to have received nothing for this purpose before 182.5. The 
same is not true, however, for either Harvard or Princeton. The fact that the 
tendency to add to these funds to-day, and that they are of such large conse- 
quence in our theological colleges particularly, gives us a special interest in 
the early ancestry of this particular kind of beneficence. We can not help 
noting the absence of such funds in our modern scientific schools. To say that 
our present research fellowship is the same thing is not true. Competitive 
scholarships and fellowships are very old methods of helping students and not 
in any way connected with the funds here considered. In colonial times 
the condition almost always read " for the benefit of pious and indigent students 
of the gospel ministry," or words to that effect. Since a large percentage of 
colonial college students were training for the ministry," it is perhaps unfair 
to assume that indigence was regarded as a virtue or proper qualification for 
entering that profession. The income of a minister was about equal to that of 
a professor, so the economic outlook for the theological student could scarcely 
be responsii)le for the ministry calling its members largely from the Indigent 
class. Whatever the explanation, it seems a fact that colonial Harvard and 
Prlncfetoh did subsidize a class of students who classified as " indigent, pious, 
and desirous of entering the ministry." 

The plan of establishing scholarships and fellowships, granted on basis of 
scholarships and general ability, appears first at Harvard in 1643, with a gift of 
£100 from Lady Moulson, of England. There were very few such funds es- 
tablished in the colonial period, but there were enough to show that the idea, 
old in Europe of course, had been brought into the colonial college. 

The gifts for the establishment of professorships, usually regarded as on the 
whole the most useful of all conditional benefactions to higher education." have 
played some part in the development of our colleges since the first gift for that 
purpose in 1721, when the Hollis professorship of divinity was established at 
Harvard. From then on these gifts take a prominent place among Harvard's 
benefactions, and there are a few such gifts to Yale and Princeton. Table 7 
will show, in order of their establishment, the kinds of professorships which 
were established in this period, the field of work each covered, and how each 
was endowed. 



" See " Professional Distribution of College and University Graduates," by Bailey B. 
Burritt, D. S. Bu. of Educ. Bui., 1912, No. 19. 

" See President Bliof b An. Rep. of Harvard Univ., 1901-2, p. 61. 



30 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

Table 7. — Distribution and character of pre-Revolutionary professorships. 



Dates. 


Field of work to be covered. 


How endowed. 


Place. 


Founding gift. 


1721 




Gift by Thos. Hollis 


Harvard 

Harvard 

Yale 


Income £40 an- 


' 


Mathematics and natural 
philosophy. 


Gift by Thos. HolUs 


nually. 


1764 


Gift by PhiUp Livingston 

Bequest by Thos. Hancock. . 

Gift by Jno. Williams 

Bequest by Nicholas Boylston 


£28i sterling. 


1764 
1766 


Hebrew and other oriental 
languages. 


Harvard 

Princeton 

Harvard 


£1,000 sterling. 
£100 sterling. 


1771- 


Khetoric and oratory 


£1,600 sterling. 



Here are six professorships — three of which are divinity and two others 
more or less allied to divinity, four founded by bequest and two by gift, all 
but one on a fair foundation and that one soon enlarged by subscription — 
founded in the half century preceding the Revolution, which, when considered 
in the light of the small faculties of that time, represent a very substantial 
accomplishment for philanthropy. The fields covered by these professorships 
were all entirely legitimate, in fact essential to the meaning of a college at 
that time. We must not overlook the fact, however, that such a gift was not 
made at Harvard during almost its first century of work, at Tale during its 
first half century, and at Princeton for 20 years. The precedent for founding 
professorships is, of course, very old in Europe, and it is a bit surprising that 
such endowments were begun so late in the Colonies. 

The endowment of the library is scarcely second in importance to that of 
professorships. The column representing gifts to the library is only partially 
complete, since so many of the gifts were in books and manuscripts, the value 
of which was only occasionally to be found. The money gifts to libraries 
during this period, including gifts of books when value was stated, were more 
prominent in Yale than in Harvard or Princeton. 

THE FOEM or GIFTS. 

The form of the gift varies somewhat with the college, but in all the larger 
percentage of benefactions for this period are by direct gift instead of by be- 
quest. This is slightly so for Harvard, more so for Princeton, and pronouncedly 
so for Yale. The bequests are more often presented for permanent' rather 
than for immediate use, though they have not been segregated here to show 
this. 

IMPOBTANCE OF GIFTS FROM ENGLAND. 

Before passing from this period some note should be taken of the important 
part which the mother country played in providing money for the infant col- 
leges in this country. Evidence for this is shown for Harvard only. From 
these figures, however, it is evident that the colonial colleges had many friends 
in the mother country. In fact, without these gifts it is hard to say what 
might have been the fate of colonial Harvard. 

English donations did not come through the avenues of the church and 
religious societies alone, though religious motives are often evident in the 
conditions adhering to the gifts, which were for the aid of library, professor- 
ships, indigent students, etc. 

When war broke down the friendly feeling between the two countries this 
remarkable source of support, valuable in more ways than one, rapidly dried 
up. It is frequently pointed out that the beginning of our national period is 
the ending of English and the beginning of French influence in our higher 



THE COLONIAL PERIOD. 31 

ediicatipn. So it is, and the ending of the column of figures here referred to 
is a concrete statement of one of tlie things that is meant by the ending of the 
English influence. 

When we consider these figures in the light of the developments which the 
gifts opened up and the suggestions they brought to our colleges, we have 
more than a word picture of this transition stage in one of our higher institu- 
tions of learning. 

There is one table (Table 6) not yet referred to, dealing with King's Col- 
lege, later Columbia University. The fact that this college received so little 
by way of donations through this period, and a fairly regular amount from the 
Colony, makes it a marked exception. This study is dealing with philanthropy, 
and not with the lack of it, and can only pass this with the suggestion that 
the political life of New Tork, the religious restrictions attaching to the founda- 
tion of the college, and the general and growing attitude of unfriendliness 
which the people felt toward the English church, and also the English Govern- 
ment, made it more difficult for the people to sympathize with the college and 
treat it as an institution. of the people. Without attempting to analyze the 
cause further, it must be referred to here as a marked exception to the rule of 
college building in colonial America ; and in view of the fact that gifts for 
other colleges not infrequently came from people in New York, we can only 
infer that the people themselves were not neglectful of higher education, but 
only of this college. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 

This concludes a description of the educational philanthropy of the colonial 
period. If we were to try to characterize it briefly, we should say that, in the 
light of the economic conditions under which a group of young colonies were 
forming, it was extensive and that it was consciously focused upon a vital 
social problem. We should say that organized religion dominated practically 
aU. the colleges and a large proportion of the gifts, and often denominationalism 
tried to bend the college in this or that direction, most often with little ill 
effect. We should say that there is good evidence that a very large per- 
centage of the gifts were solicited, usually for a specific purpose, and that 
therefore the conditions of many gifts were actually determined by the col- 
lege authorities themselves, which argues that, after aU, the colleges did not 
take form to a very marked extent in terms of the ideas, or v-' -nis either, 
of philanthropists. We should say that the restricted gifts which ,,ent to the 
colleges were focused in reasonable proportion upon the fundamental needs of 
the schools, such, for instance, as buildings and grounds (not shown separately 
in the tables), professorships, library, and scholarships. We should say that 
the unrestricted gifts, though in relative amount they varied for the three 
colleges, show a substantial and fairly dependable source of support for each, 
and that the tendency to give for immediate needs was as commendable as it 
was pronounced, when we realize the limited resources of the colleges. 

We should say also that there is evidence in the foundation documents and 
facts pertaining to the actual establishing of the colleges that they were all — 
William and Mary a partial exception — intended from the start to rest upon 
philanthropy, and that the important service of philanthropy was not in its 
money and property gifts alone, but in responsibility borne and service rendered, 
service which meant not only self-sacrifice to a cause but constructive thinking 
and planning. 

While the colonial governments rendered most important service to William 
and Mary, Yale, Harvard, and King's, though not to Princeton. Brown, Dart- 
mouth, and Rutgers, it does not appear that in any case the Colony frankly 



32 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEBIGAN HIGHEE EDUCATION. 

and fully accepted the responsibility for developing a college. State aid to 
higher education was an accepted fact when we think of Massachusetts, Con- 
necticut, Virginia, and New York, but not elsewhere. And in these cases there 
are explanations to be made which do not fully justify our calling any of 
them State institutions in the present accepted sense. 

If there is in this a lesson for modern philanthropy, it is in the persistence 
with which the gifts flowed into the colleges under all circumstances, and the 
sin- '•■ iiiid sane directions under which these gifts did their work. 



Chapter III. 
THE EARLY NATIONAL PERIOD, 1776-1865. 



THE PERIOD CHARACTERIZED. 

The treatmeut of the years 1776 ■ to 1865 as one period in the history of 
educational philanthropy is a more or less arbitrary division of time in the 
nature, extent, or methods of giving during these years. Yet there are some 
reasons, aside from convenience, for studying these first 90 years of our na- 
tional existence as a single period. 

As was pointed out above, the gifts from England practically ceased at the 
time of the Revolution. The Colonies now became Independent States, nnd 
began to face grave social and political responsibilities. Not only were the 
ties with the mother . country broken, but new, and for future educational 
development, significant friendships were formed in Europe with peoples 
whose educational ideas and institutions were quite unlilie those of England. 
In losing this Important source of support and influence, in forming new po- 
litical and, as it proved, educational ties In Europe, and In facing her new po- 
litical future, all American institutions enter upon a new period and must 
learn to function in new terms. 

Once a Nation was established, its next great political crisis was in 1861. 
During these years there had been remarkable political and Industrial achieve- 
ments, important religious movements, an unheard-of expansion of population 
to the west, and numerous and varied social philosophies had been tried out 
and proved failures in practice. 

All these movements and ideas were more or less reflected in the develop- 
ment of higher education. There had been a decline in interest in education, 
succeeded by an educational revival ; there had been a rapid growth in the 
number of colleges; the Nation and the States had shown an interest in edu- 
cation by the ordinances of 1785 and 1787 and by the actual founding of sev- 
eral State colleges. It Is mainly to philanthropy, however, that we must 
look as the chief agency in the development of the American college during 
these first 90 years of our national life. To trace the development of colleges 
through these years, and to describe the part which philanthropy played, is 
the problem of this chapter. 

THE NUMBER OF COLLEGES AND HOW STARTED. 

So far as mere numbers of institutions are concerned, private giving bore the 
larger part of the responsibility for higher learning during the early years. 
The States took no very definite step before 1794, and then in most cases fol- 
lowed rather tardily -the lead of private and church-endowed colleges. What 

33 



34 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDTTCATTON. 

the States did, however, was not insignificant. From the foundation of Har- 
vard down they had contributed liberally to higher education.' 

While making an occasional grant upon request from a college is different 
from taking full responsibility, yet we must remember two things: First, 
States were themselves in process of making and had no traditions or prece- 
dents to follow in such matters ; second, private and church-endowed educa- 
tion had centuries of precedent and traditions to point the way. In other 
words, society had been accustomed to using the church and private agencies 
for handling its college problems, and it is not surprising that it was slow in 
placing that function upon the State. 

During this period, then, one may say that the ideas of State support and 
control of higher education worked themselves out, but that the chief burden 
rested upon private and church donations. 

This is brought out still more clearly in Table 8, which shows the names of 
all the States added to the original 13 during this period, the dates of their 
admission, the name, date, and source of control of the first college established 
in each, the date when tlie State college or university was founded, and the 
number of colleges which had been founded in each State before the State uni- 
versity was established. 

There are 23 States in this group, and in only 2, Nevada and Florida, was 
the State imiversity the first institution of higher education founded. In three 
others, however, the State and a privately endowed school were started in the 
same year. A comparison of the date columns in the table will show that in 
most cases the State was more than 10 years old before it established a State 
college or university. This was doubtless due in most cases to the fact that 
the State was already well supplied with colleges, as appears from the next to 
the last column in the table. One other set of facts in this table is of interest, 
viz, the control of these colleges. In nearly every case it was the church which 
did the pioneering. Those marked nonsectarian were usually none the less 
religious projects, and some of them so marked were originally denominational. 

Philanthropy, for the most part through the church, Is therefore not only re- 
sponsible from the standpoint of mere numbers of colleges throughout this 
period, but also for the actual college pioneering of the ever-broadening frontier 
of the new country. 

'Williams College (1793) received State grants as follows: 1789, lottery for £1,200, 
building for free school : 1793, £1,200 ; in 1816, three-sixteenths of the Massachusetts 
bank tax for 10 years, equaling $30,000 ; in 1859 a moiety of money from sale of Back 
Bay lands, $25,000, last gi-ant in 1868, $75,000. Colby College (1813) (Maine was 
then part of Massachusetts) received State grants as follows from Massachusetts: In 
1813 a township of land, and again in 1815 a township of land ; from Maine, in 1821, 
$1,000 a year for 7 years (to reduce tuition fees) ; 1825, $1,000 annually for three years ; 
1829, $1,000; 1832, $1,000 (one-half to help indigent students) ; 1861, two half town- 
ships of land on condition that college raise $21,000 by Apr. 1, 1863 ; in 1903, $15,000 
to rebuild (after Are). Amherst College (1821), in 1827, in 1831, in 1832, 1838, and in 
1839, requests refused; in 1847, $25,000 granted. Bowdoin College (1802), in 1794, five 
townships of land ; in 1820, $1,500 plus $1,000 annually " until the legislature shall 
otherwise direct " ; in 1820 also $3,000 annually for seven years, beginning 1824. 



THE EARLY NATIONAL PERIOD, 1776-1865. 



35 



Table 8. — Date of establish metit on^l sottrces of support and control of the first 
college or university in enrh of the States admitted before 1865. 





Date 
ad- 
mitted. 


First college. 


Control. 


State 


CoUeges 
found- 


states. 


Name- 


Date 
estab- 
Ushed. 


univer- 
sity 

found- 
ed. 


ed 
before 

State 
imiver- 

sity. 




1792 
1791 
1796 
1802 
1812 
1816 
1817 
1818 
1819 
1820 
1821 
1836 
1837 
1845 
1846 


Transylvania University 

Mlddlebury CoUege 


1798 
1800 
1794 
1800 
1832 
1806 
1826 
1827 
1830 
1802 
1818 
1872 
1833 


Nonsectarian 

do 


1865 
1800 
1794 
1808 
1860 
1824 
1848 
1868 
1831 
1868 
1847 
1872 
1841 
1887 
1889 
1876 
1848 

j- lt«9 

1869 
1870 
1863 
1868 
1886 


11 


Vermont 


Te,mie.=Kse« 




do 




Ohio 


Marietta College 


do 




Trfinf<jiftTia 


Jefferson CoUege 


Roman CatlwUc. . . 
Nonsectarian 




Indiana 

Mifvsissippi 


Vincennes University 


1 


Tllmnis 


Shurtleff College 






Alahama 


Spring Hill CoUege 


Roman CathoUc... 

Nonsectarian 

Roman Catholic. . . 

Presbyterian 

Baptist 


1 


Maine 


B'owdoin CoUege 


2 














Michigan 

Florida 


Kalamazoo CoUege 


1 








Iowa 


Iowa Wesleyan CoUege 

Baylor University. 


i842 
1845 
1846 
1851 
1851 
1854 
1854 
1848 
1841 


MftthnditiJ: 


13 


Texas 


1845 


Bantist 


g 


Wisconsin 


1848 

1850 

1858 
1859 
1861 
1863 
1864 


Carroll CoUege 


Presbyterian 

Methodist 


o 




/CoUege of the Pacific 


5 
4 


Minnesota 


\University of Santa Clara 

TTaTnlinp TTniverRlty 


Roman CathoUc... 
Methodist 






Congregational — 
Roman CathoUc. . . 
Disciples 




K!ansas 


St. Mary's CoUege 


4 


West Virginia 


Bethany CoUege 


1 


Nevada 



















THE BEGIXXIXGS. 

During the Revolution higher education received a brief setback, but soon 
showed a tendency to keep pace with the growth of the population. The story 
of the beginnings of practically all the colleges founded during this period is 
one of penury. They were not launched with large foundation gifts or grants, 
such as were common at the close of the century, but mosf often by small gifts 
collected by subscription, as the following illustrations plainly show : 

Williams College, founded in 1793, grew out of a free school established in 
. 1755 by a bequest from Col. Bphraim Williams.^ 

Bowdoin College, founded in 1794, rec-eived its first important gift of $1,000 
and 1,000 acres of land, worth 2 shillings an acre, from Jlr. Bowdoin. 

Middlebury CoUege, founded in 1800, started with $4,000, made up of small 
donations from the citizens of the town of Middlebury. 

Amherst College, founded in 1821, began as an academy started by a sub- 
scription in 1812 and as a college with a subscription of $.52,244, known as the 
charity fund. 

Oberlin College, founded in 1833 as one of the manual-labor projects, started 
with a gift of 500 acres of land, worth about $1.50 per acre, supplemented by 
the usual subscription plan. 

Mount Holyoke Seminary and College, founded in 1836, started on small 
subscriptions, 1,800 of which amounted to $27,000. 

Marietta College, founded in 1835, received her first funds of $8,000 by sub- 
scriptions and erected her second building on funds raised by subscriptions at 
$2 per subscriber. 



' This bequest could not have been large, for in 1789, upon request, the State granted 
Its trustees a right to raise £1,200 by lottery, the proceeds to be used to erect a building 
for the free school. 



36 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



A very large number of these colleges began as academies. The idea of a 
college as an academy grown large seems to have been an accepted principle 
in philanthropie and State education alike.' 

Of the 14 colleges founded between the close of the Revolution and the open- 
ing of the nineteenth century, Williams, Harapden-Sidney, Union, Hamilton, 
Washington and Jefferson, and Washington and Lee, all began as academies or 
schools of that rank, with practically no funds. The story of this period is 
therefore a story of simple pioneering, and that on a small scale. 

HOW THE work; WAS ACCOMPLISHED. 

From the above^t is clear that higher education was to be largely supported 
and directed by the church. The college was a definite part of the plan to 
propagate the Christian religion, and early in the new century the cry for an 
educated ministry was voiced by almost every religious publication. Response 
to this need in the form of church boards of education vriU be discussed later. 
It must be pointed out here, however, that between the years 1830 and 1850 
the number of theological seminaries increased from 21 to 38. 

This religious work in founding colleges is often denominational, as may be 
seen from the fifth column in Table 8. The older colleges in the East sent 
missionaries into the new country across the mountains to meet the " spiritual 
necessities of the western country," ' as an officer of one of the earliest colleges 
declares. Table 9 shows that all but 83 of the colleges of this period were 
established by philanthropy, 167 of the 271 being distinctly denominational 
projects and 71 others being religious but nonsectarian. 

Table 9. — Number of colleges, universities, and technical schools established 
during the three periods and number under the various types of control. 





Sectarian. 

• 


Non- 
secta- 
rian, 
hut 
reli- 
gious. 


Total 
reU- 
gious. 




Periods. 


Method- 
ist. 


Roman 

Catho- 

Uo. 


Bap- 
tist. 


Pres- 
byte- 
rian. 


Others. 


Total. 


State. 


r,nlnniftl npriod 1635-1776 






1 

27 
21 








7 
71 
68 


8 
238 
246 


1 


Early national period, 1776- 


45 
42 


31 
27 


27 
35 


37 
53 


167 
178 


33 


Later national period, 1865- 
1915 


62 







Thus the work of philanthropy through this period is to remain where it was 
in colonial times — in the hands of the church. There is, then, nothing specially 
new by way of general motive or machinery for putting that motive to work. 
Religion tries to meet its problems by training for religious and political leader- 
ship. It does this in the hand-to-mouth fashion to which it has long been 
accustomed. Williams, Amherst, Middlebury, Hamilton, and Oberlin were 



• The laws of Maryland, Ch. VIH, 1782, concerning "An act for fonnding a college at 
Chestertown," says : " Whereas former legislatures of this State have, according to their 
hest abilities, laid a considerable foundation in this good work, in sundry laws for the 
establishment and encouragement of county schools, for the study of Latin, Greek, writ- 
ing, and the like, intending, as their future circumstances might permit, to engraft or 
raise on the foundation of such schools more extensive seminaries of learning by erect- 
ing one or more colleges, or places of unlversa] study, not only in the learned languages, 
but in philosophy, divinity, law, physic, and other useful and ornamental arts and 
sciences," etc. 

•Quarterly Register, Vol. V, p. 331. 



THE EAELY NATIONAL PERIOD, 1776-1865. 37 

foiinriPd very much as were Harvard, Yale, and Princotnn. The problems they 
hoped to solve were much the same, and the methods of carrying on their work 
were practically the same, with the exception that early in the new century 
the chujches began to develop boards of education through which a new type 
of philanthropy, aimt'd directly at the preparation of a trainpil -ministry, was 
administered. 

Further detailed study of the development of philanthropy in the older founda- 
tions, in typical foundations of this period, and of church boards of education 
should bring to light any new ideas or methods of work which the philanthropy 
"f this period has to offer. 

PHILANTHROPY IN THE OUDEE COLLEGES. 
1. A PERIOD OF SMALL GIFTS, SMALL INCOME, AND SMALL ENDOWMENT. 

To follow out the developments which took place in the older foundations 
we have to refer again to Tables 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, where the data discussed in 
chapter 3 are carried forward. 

These colleges passed through the stormy period of the Revolution, in which 
they all suffered more or less. Yet they survived, and an examination of the 
total columns in these tables seems to indicate that the spirit of philanthropy 
was kept alive through it all. The total gifts to Harvard during the years 
1771-1775 were relatively large, though they dropped during the decade follow- 
ing. Yale and Princeton, on the other hand, received but little by way of 
gifts during this period, but came well up to their average during the decade 
following, while King's College appears not to have been affected seriously. 

Aside from a few large gifts just before the Civil War, this was a period 
of small gifts for these old colleges. Harvard depended upon small subscrip- 
tions to erect Divinity Hall in 1826, to establish a professorship of natural 
history in 1805, and a professorship of geology in 1820. More than three- 
fourths of Yale's endowment fund of $100,000 was raised In 1831 and 1832 by 
Wyllis Warner in a similar way." 

It was also a time wlien permanent endowments were small, and when the 
colleges were often struggling with heavy deficits. Yale's income from in- 
vested funds In 1831 amounted to but $2,300, while the income from tuition 
was too small to cover the necessary expenditures of $15,474." In appealing 
to the legislature for aid in 1822, Yale declared her debt to be $11,000, with 
permanent productive funds of but $20,000. In 1825 Harvard's expenditures 
exceeded her income by more than $4,000, while as late as 1840 her productive 
funds amounted to only about $156,126.' Rhode Island College changed her 
name to Brown University in 1804 for a gift of $5,000. 

An examination of the total columns in these four tables shows that it was 
not only a period of small gifts but also one of small total income. With the 
funds that were at the disposal of Yale in 1800, it is not surprising that the 
ambition of the college to become a university could be satisfied with the 
establishment of schools of law, medicine, and theology in terms of a single 
professorship for eacli of those fields. 



s Baldwin, reissue of "Annals of Yale," appendix, presents list of subscribers.. 

» Steiner, B. C. Hist of Educ. in Conn., p. 152, Wasbington, D. C, 189.3. 

' Quincy,' " History of Harvard College," II, 360, makes tbe former of these statements 
on authority of the treasurer's report of that year. The second is from the treasurer's 
report of 1840, ibid., appendix No. LX. 



38 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

2. EXPANSION OF THE COLLEGE AND INOBBASE OF CONOITIONAL GIFTSi 

Our concern here is not with the mere size of the gift, however, but par- 
ticularly with the conditions upon which the gift is received. As a college 
expands froni one to many buUdings, from a, classical to a scientific program, 
from one to many instructors — in other words, from a traditional college to a 
imiversity — its needs tend to become more and more diverse, and so, specific, 
as opposed to general. The donor who in the old day saw only the college 
now sees laboratories, various kinds of professorships, buildings, libraries, 
departments of this and that, etc., and if not consulted about his gift, is less 
likely to give to the " college," since the college has now become a vague and 
indefinite thing. 

Amid such developments we should expect gifts to be made less frequently 
to the general funds of the institution, and more often to a single specified part 
of it. An examination of columns four and five of our tables shows that this 
was roughly the tendency in all cases. The per cent given to " general fund," 
with some exceptions, gradually grows smaller and the per cent to " specified 
purposes " larger. 

The question arises as to whether the new departures were more often initi- 
ated by the president or board of trustees or by some donor who conceived the 
idea and proposed its adoption by offering to endow it. This can not be 
answered fully for the reason that all the facts concerning the naming of con- 
ditions upon which a gift is offered can not novi' be obtained. It appears that 
most of the gifts of this period were conditional. While it is true that the new 
Ijrofessorships, by way of which new departments and schools were usually 
opened up, are named in memory of some special donor,' yet we can not be sure 
that growth in these terms was not largely directed by the college. 

3. HOW THE GIFTS WERE CONDITIONED. 

A second question of interest about a gift is whether it is to be available 
for Immediate use or to become a part of the productive funds of the college. 
During colonial times, as was pointed out above, gifts were most generally for 
immediate use. That is slightly less true for this period, as may be seen from 
a study of columns six and seven of the table. It is decidedly less ti-ue for 
Harvard, whose " permanent endowment " funds show a steady growth all 
through the period. 

A further study of these tables will show the conditions under which the 
early narrow streams of beneficence flowing into these colleges gradually 
widened during these 90 years. The library column would be enlarged if all 
of the gifts of books could have been included. It appears that the library 
received proportionately less at Yale through this period than it had been re- 
ceiving, that.no money gifts went to the libraries at Columbia and at Princeton, 
while at Harvard such gifts increased slightly and became more constant. 

The first professorship ever founded in this country was that of divinity at 
Harvard, endowed by Thomas HoUis in 1721. There were five others founded 
in Harvard, Yale, and Princeton during the colonial period, after which almost 
a constant stream of gifts at Harvard and Princeton are for this purpose. At 
Yale no gifts for this purpose are recorded from 1760 to 1820. After this date, 
however, there Is a fairly regular and substantial tendency to endow instruc- 
tion. Columbia has had much less of this kind of assistance, there having been 
but one such large gift ($20,000 in 1843) previous to the year 1896. The de- 

» Of the 35 professorships and lectureships established at Harvard by 1865, 26 were 
named (or some benefactor of the college. 



THE EARLY NATIONAL PERIOD, 1776-1865. 



39 



velopments in this particular line of giving coincide roughly with the period 
of expansion of the little traditional college into a university. 

Reference to the " pious and indigent students " column in these tables shows 
tJiat at Harvard the gifts to this cause are irregular and relatively less than 
in the earlier years; at Princeton they become more regular and relatively 
larger. At Yale, where no such gifts appear before 1821, the response is irregu- 
lar and slight. At Columbia practically no gifts are for the " poor and pious." 

Assistance to students direct comes through another channel (see scholar 
ship and fellowship columns of the tables), in which poverty and piety play no 
part. It has long been the custom to give money to pay the tuition of the 
brightest student, as judged by competitive examination, and from our tables 
this continues to be supported. Before 1835 Harvard and Princeton show much 
more interest in the poor and pious than in this group. Yale tends to favor 
the competitive scholarship idea, and at Columbia, where the poor and pious 
receive little or no attention, a large and constant proportion of gifts go to 
scholarships and fellowships. 

One other way of helping the student directly is by use of prizes. Account 
was kept of such gifts, but they proved to be irregular in all cases and of no 
great consequence, so they do not appear in the tables. By adding together 
the two items "scholarships" and "pious and indigent students" in the tables 
we see that there is much educational philanthrophy which chooses to go di- 
rectly to the student rather than indirectly through provision of instructors, 
library, laboratory, buildings, etc. It is not the large educational enterprise in 
which such donors are interested ; it is an individual, and philanthropy is witli 
them a personal matter, that is, true charity. 

4. LARGE GIFTS OF THE PERIOD. 

Thei-p were a few large gifts received during this period. Leaving out the 
funds raised by subscription, the important gifts to three of the old colonial 
colleges during this period are recorded in Table 10, which shows their form, 
date, amount, and purpose. 

Table 10. — Amounts and conditiotu of the Urge gifts to Harvard, Yale, and 
ColumUa from 1776 to 1865. 



College. 


Date. 


Form of 
dona- 
tion. 


Amount. 


Conditions controlling gift. 


Harvard 

Harvard 

Harvard 

Harvard 

Harvard 

Yale .. 


1814 
1816 

1845 

1848 
1854 
1825 
1860 
1863 
1863 
1864 
1864-1867 
1865 
1843 


Gift 

Bequest... 

...do 

...do 

...do 

Gift 

...do 

...do 

...do 

...do 

...do 

...do 

Bequest... 


S20,000 
20,000 

100,000 

50,000 
50,000 
25,000 
60,000 
40,000 
50,000 
175,000 
60,000 
30,000 
20,000 


To found professorship of Greek. 

To found professorship of French, Spanish 

ture. 
Unrestricted (to advance virtue, science, 

ture.) 
Education of young men of rare powers. 
To erect a chapel. 
"On specified conditions." 
To endow Sheffield Scientiflc School. 
To endow professorship of divinity. 
To endow professorship of Sanscrit. 
Building for art school. 
Building for a dormitory. 
For a college chapel. 
To endow a professorship. 


and htera- 
and Utera- 


Yale 




Yale 




Yale 




Yale 




Yale 




Yale 




Columbia 





It would certainly be difficult to question the conditions placed upon these 
gifts. There are 13 in all, 5 for the founding of professorships, 4 for buildings, 
1 for endowment of a scientitic school. 1 for scholarships, 1 " on specified con- 
ditions ' which are not known, and 1 unrestricted. 



40 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEEICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

These gifts represent departures but not wide departures from the ordinary 
college. The French influence is seen in the establishment of a French and 
Spanish professorship, the first of Its kind in this country." The influence of 
the scientiflc movement also is shown by the professorships of natural history 
and mineralogy and geology which were established in 1805 and 1820. 

It is noteworthy that but one of these gifts is to go to the student direct. 
The conditions of the gift provide that young men of rare powers in any depart- 
ment of Ijnowledge may be helped, not only after they enter Harvard but even 
before, wherever they may be found. 

Thus it appears that the large gifts of this period provided only for normal 
expansion of the colleges, and probably did not anticipate, except in point of 
time, the growth that would have come had these colleges been provided with 
unconditional Instead of conditional gifts. 

Reference to the dates will show how few were the gifts of this size previous 
to the middle of the nineteenth century. As to form, those to Harvard and 
Columbia are mostly by bequest, while those to Yale are by gift direct. 

5. FORM OF THE GIFTS. 

Turning again to the last two columns of Tables 3 to 6 for a study of the 
form of the benefactions, we find that at Harvard there is a slight increase 
in the " bequests " column during this period, but that at Yale, Princeton, and 
Columbia the burden of the income is by direct gift. 

In these tables, then, which are doubtless typical for all the older colleges, 
the developments show that the total gifts to the colleges do not increase much 
before the second quarter of the new century. By that time income from the 
State had grown very irregular or stopped entirely. There was a tendency 
to change from giving " to the college " to giving to some special feature of 
the college. Permanent endowment received more attention than before and 
there was a falling off of interest in the "pious and indigent," except at 
Princeton. There was an increased interest in scholarships and fellowships 
and a rapidly growing interest in professorships; and gifts rather than be- 
quests. Harvard excepted, remained the favorite form of benefactions. 

PHILANTHROPY IN THE COLLEGES rOXTNDED IiATEE. 

As shown already, the increase in the number of colleges kept pace with the 
development of the country, the church continuing as chief sponsor for the pro- 
motion of higher education. A large percentage of the colleges were definitely 
denominational projects, aimed at the development of a trained ministry and 
the spread of religious and classical knowledge among laymen. They were 
often the outgrowth of academies, many of which were started on very small 
funds obtained by subscription (as Middlebury College from an academy with 
funds amounting to $4,000). 

Being in many cases the offspring of the older colleges, developed largely 
by and for the people of the East who had moved westward, promoted by the 
same ministry as that which had founded and nourished the colonial colleges," 

" Bush, ibi<}., p. 85, quotes this stateament from President Eliot. 

"According to tenth ajmual report of directors of the American College and Educa- 
tion Society a substantial stream of gifts was constantly flowing from eastern donors to 
the struggling young colleges of the West. The following figures show the amounts of 



THE EAKLY NATIONAL PEKIOD, 1m6-1865. 



41 



under very similar frontier and financial conditions we expect the colleges, 
as well as the nature and methods of their support and control, to resemble 
those of the older colleges in the East. In general, in fact one could almost 
say in detail, this resemblance did exist. 

Aniherst College is typical for the period. In Table 11 is shown a distribu- 
tion of its gifts from its origin in 1821 to 1890. The college originated as 
Amherst Academy, a subscription fund for whkli was started in 1812. The 
school opened in 1814 and by 1818 was beginning the collection of funds for the 
future college. Amherst is one of the nine New England colleges founded 
during this period and began its career both as an academy and as a college 
on money collected by subscription. Its first funds, $51,404, were collected to 
found a " Charity Institution." and the great care with which the conditions 
controlling the administration of this fund are set forth" impresses one with 
the missionary zeal of the founders. Article three of this document provides 
that five-sixths of the interest of the fund shall be forever appropriated to the 
classical education in the institution of indigent pious young men for the 
ministry, and the other sixth shall be added to the principal for its perpetual 
increase, while the principal shall be secured intact and perpetually aug- 
menting.^ Here, in the conditions controlling this foundation gift, is evidence 
of the religious aim of the college and of its acceptance of the policy of subsi- 
dizing young men who qualify as " indigent, pious, and desirous of entering 
the ministry." While not the same in detail, this sounds much like the begin- 
ning of a colonial college. 

For a number of years Amherst's history has much to say about poverty, but 
a comparison of the total benefactions to Amherst in her early years with those 
for Harvard, Princeton, and Yale in Tables 3, 4, and 5 shows that Amherst 
fared somewhat better in her infancy than did these older colleges, even 
allowing for differences in money values. In the face of her fairly real com- 
petition for funds with Harvard, Yale, and Williams, on the average her 
income compares favorably with that of Princeton during the years 1821-1830, 
and then rapidly surpasses Princeton, Harvard, and Yale for a number of years. 



these gifts by years from 1844 to 1884. This is mostly the worl£ of the Congregational 
Church. If the many other church societies did as well, then this represents an im- 
portant source of support for western colleges. 



1844 


?15, 588 


1854 


$11. 2.50 


1865 


514, 710 


1875 - 


?62, 375 


1845 


9,500 


1855 . 


15. 077 


1866 


23, 588 


1876 


38, 691 


1846 


14,000 


1856 


IS, 887 


1867 


35, 246 


1877 _ .. 


34, 516 


1847 


12,555 


1857 


12, 131 


1868 


51, 319 


1878— _ . 


42, 221 


1848 


10, 000 


1S58— — 


8,428 


1S69 — 


19, 964 


1879 _ . 


37, 994 


1849 


34, 300 


1859 


10, 159 


1870 


65, 695 


1880 


38, 983 


1850 


41, 500 


1860— 


18, 291 


1S71 - - 


72, 425 


1881 


229. 851 


1851 


20, 500 


1861-62 . 


10, 298 


1872 


51, 022 


1882 


64. 228 


1852 


19, 000 


1863 


14, 689 


187H 


73, 881 


1883 


135, 344 


1853 


13,496 


1864 


56, 320 


1874 


52, 979 


1884 


88, 137 



These amounts were contributed to the following institutions : 



Western Reserve College, Ohio. 
Marietta College, Ohio. 
Lane Theological Seminary, Ohio. 
Wittenberg College, Ohio. 
Heidelberg College, Ohio. 
Oberiin College, Ohio. 
Wilberforce University, Ohio. 
Illinois College. Illinois. 
Knox College, IlluiQis. 
Wa])asli College, Indiana. 
Belolt CoU^e, Wisconsin. 
Eipon College, Wisconsin. 
Washbam College, Kansas. 



Iowa College, Iowa. 

Yellow Springs College, Iowa, 

German Evangelical College, Missouri. 

Webster College, Missouri. 

Thayer College, Missouri. 

Drury College, Missouri. 

Pacific University, Oregon. 

College of St. Paul, Minnesota. 

Carleton College, Minnesota. 

College of Calttornla, Callfomia. 

Pacific Theological Seminary, California. 

Olivet College, Michigan. 

Berea College, Kentucky. 



" See W. S. Tyler, "A History of Amherst Collie," p. 7 £E., for a full statement of the 
14 articles controlling the fund. 

"Tiie report of the treasurer of Amherst College for 1912 shows this fund to be 
$95,098.50. 



42 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMEKICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Table 11. — Donations and grants to Amherst College, 1821-1890 — Distrihution 

of gifts ty individuals.'^ 





i 

s 


■a 

3 


Per cent of total gifts by individuals for— 


Per cent 

in form 

ol- 


A 


Dates. 


1 
1 


1 

it 
1 


d 


1% 


If 


1 


osta 

it 
s 


!3 


1 






1 

n 


1 


1819 2 




1*51,404 
34,000 
64,000 
100,000 
108,000 
67,692 
260,000 
166,976 
257,000 
881,895 


"99.'6 

'"i.'s 
'"i.7 


100 
100 

1 

36 
100 

64 

98.5 
100 
100 

83 


"ioo 

100 
64 
31 
96 
77 

100 
33 
41 


100 






100 








100 

88 
100 

89 
100 

70 

98.5 
4 
100 

78 


"u" 
..... 

'36" 
1.5 

96 


100 


1821-1830 












100 


88 


1831-1839 












6.5 


1.6 


99 


1840-1845 




36 
69 
4 
23 


"""4 


15 
57 




100 




$25,000 




14 
3 
3 

4 






13 


1855-1860 






16 


1861-1865 
1866-lS7n 


27,500 


23 




1 


74 




1871 1876 




67 
59 


52 
7 


9 
22 




6 
O.S 


..... 




1876-1890 






8 


22 


4 









1 Sourpes from which these data were taken: W. S. Tyler, "A History of Amherst College; " Geo. Gary 
Bush, Hist, of Higher Educa. in Mass. 

2 Known as the charity fund. One^sixth of income to be added to principal annually. In his 1912 re- 
port the college treasurer shows this fund to be 196,098.50. 

To show how completely acceptable this new college was to the people, 
however narrow and local its constituency, we need only to look at the attend- 
ance and size of the teaching staff from the beginning to 1894. While there 
was a serious drop in attendance about 1840 to 1850, there was a steady rise. 
The tuition charges for these years were as follows : 



1821_1833- 
1833-1834 . 
1836-1847. 
1834-1836 . 



$30_$33 

27 

33 

30 



1847-1855 $30 

1855-1864 86 

1864^1868 45 

1868-1871 75 



1871-187S ?90 

1875-1886 100 

1886 100 



It is evident that the income from tuition was not great, and since in the 
earlier years of the college nothing was received from the State, practically 
the whole burden was carried by philanthropy. How this was done is of some 
interest. 

Table 11 gives a fair description, one striking feature of which is the final 
column, which shows what per cent of all gifts were obtained by the sub- 
scription method. Aside from this the table offers little that is different from 
what we have seen in the older colleges for this period. Most of the gifts 
have been conditional, but when we look at the following columns in the table 
and see that professorships, library, and buildings have fared so well, it 
appears that the conditions placed upon the gifts were expressions of real 
needs. In the early years, as in the older colleges, most of the gifts were 
available for immediate use, with a slight tendency toward permanent endow- 
ments later. 

Aside from the charity subscription at the beginning, which is a scholar- 
ship fund for ministerial students, no scholarships were founded till 1857, 
when about 50 were established. But little money for prizes was received dur- 
ing this period ; so that the amount of gifts direct to students, aside from the 
foundation subscription fund, is small in comparison with that given to the 
library or for professorships or for buildings. 

Professorships fared about as well as they did in the older colleges during 
these same years, while indigence is not subsidized after the initial gift. As 



THE EAELY NATIONAL PERIOD, 1176-1865. 



43 



at Tale, Princ-eton, and Columbia, luoft of tlie benefactions are by gift ratber 
than by bequest. 



THEOIXDGICAL EDUCATION OF THIS PERIOD. 

In 1912-13 there were 179 theological schools reporting to the United States 
Commissioner of Education, 70 of which were founded during this period. 
These schools show permanent endowment funds of nearly .$40,000,000, and 
since they are all the work of philanthropy and have from the start constituted 
a prominent feature of higher education in this country some consideration of 
the methods of philanthropy iu their development is pertinent to this study. 

The first separately organized school of this type founded in the United 
States was the Andover Theological Seminary, established in 1808. The 
lengthy creed of this school was carefully prepared by the two wings of 
Calvinists and has been publicly read and subscribed to by each professor on 
his inauguration and before the trustees every fifth year since the founda- 
tion." This is how strictly denominational the school has been. 

In 1913 the school reported a plant worth $300,000 and nearly three-quarters 
of a million dollars in permanent endowment funds." It received initial gifts 
of buildings and .$60,000, and before the close of this period possessed Ave 
endowed professorships. 



Table 12.- 



-Oifts to permanent funila of Andover Theological Seminary, ISO! 
to 1890} 



Dates. 


Total 
amount. 


General 
fund. 


Profes- 
sorships. 


Library. 


Scholar- 
ships. 


1807-1810 


575,000 
70,000 
26,000 
)."),000 
.SO, 000 
53,000 

119,000 
95,000 

240,000 
14,000 

315,000 


«30,000 


S4.5,000 
79,000 
26,000 
15,000 






1811-1815 - . . 






1816-1820 








1831-1835 








1841-1845 


80,000 






1866-1860 


25,000 

'64,000 

43,000 

50,000 






1866-1870 




525,000 




1871-1875 






1876-1880 




20,000 




1881-1885 






1886-1890 






28,000 


$97,003 









1 Data for this table obtained from Oeo. Gary Bush's Hist, of Higher Ed. in Mass., 1891. 

2 Of this amount, $10,000 was for the estabUshment of a lectureship. 

Table 12 shows tlie distribution of the permanent funds of the institution. 
Ifrom this table it will be seen that no great part of its gifts for permanent 
endowment have gone to the general fund, that nothing has gone to scholar- 
ships or to indigent and pious students or to prizes, but that many gifts laave 
gone to endow professorships. Only $28,000 of these amounts seems to have 
been received by way of small subscriptions. 

The Bangor Theological Seminary was established in 1814 by the Society 
for Promoting Theological Education. This was one of the earliest education 
societies in America. Its purpose was — 

raising a fund to assist those well-disposed young men that are desirous of en- 
tering in the work of the gospel ministry, but by deficiency of pecuniary re- 
sources are unal)]e to prosecute a course of regular stud es necessary to qualify 
them for a station so important and useful." " The Maine Charity School," 
as it was then called, \mis established for the purpose of promoting religion, 
morality, etc. Only native-born citizens could ever become trustees. 

>' Bush, p. 240. 

" Rep. tr. S. Com. of Edu., IfllS, p. 325. 

" Hall : Higher Educ. in Maine, p. 35. 

111512°— 22 i 



44 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATTON. 

In the early days the school had no endowment and marks its first important 
gift as $300. In 1835 a $100,000 endowment fund was started, but because 
of the financial crisis of that time only about one-third of this amount was 
raised. Another effort was made in 1849, when $34,000 was raised for the 
endowment of two professorships. Since that date the school has prospered. 
In 1913 a permanent endowment of $310,000 was reported. 

These are but samples to show how philanthropy, entirely unaided by the 
Stiite, took care of education for this particular profession. 

OTHER LINES OF PROrESSIONAL TRAINING. 

What philantbrophy has not done is of some interest here, since we are 
concerned with its relation to the development of all higher education. 

Theology has been kept strictly apart from politics in this country, and 
aside from a few early gifts from the State, this profession has been built 
up entirely by philantbrophy. Its institutional growth was in the beginning 
in connection with colleges of liberal training, but toward the close of the 
eighteenth century began to develop as separate schools. This was partly in 
fear of the rather unorthodox trend in the colleges and partly in order to 
better the instruction, since the demand for a better-trained ministry appears 
to have been strong. Denominationalism was also a factor in the case of 
churches which had not established colleges of their own. 

While higher education for the ministry has been handled entirely by 
philanthropy, this has not been true of either law or medicine. A few pro- 
fessorships of law'" and physic were established in the universities before the 
end of the colonial period, but appear to have been too academic and indirect 
to satisfy the rather utilitarian motives of these two professions. In the 
beginning, in fact all through this period, and even later, a few busy doctors 
taught medicine, and law was learned almost wholly by apprenticeship 
despite the rapidly increasing importance of the legal profession after the 
Revolution." 

EDUCATION OF WOMEN. 

Another important educational movement In the history of higher education 
which originates during this period, and furnishes new motives to philan- 
thropy, is that of colleges for women. The movement takes its rise along 
with Jaclcsonian democracy, antislavery agitation, the great westward move- 
ment, and early women's rights agitation, and very quickly takes permanent 
form in the hands of philanthropy, first through the pioneer work of Mrs. 
Einma Willard in the founding of the Troy Female Seminary in 1820 and 
the later work of Miss Mary Lyon in connection with the founding of Mount 
Holyoke Seminary and College in 1836. 

After an interesting educational career, Mrs. Willard opened the Troy 
Female Seminary in 1821. An initial fund of $4,000 was raised by the city 
of Troy by taxation and promptly supplemented by gifts. According to the 
curriculum offered," it is fair to look upon this as a genuine and successful 
attempt at higher education for women, even though the school later passed 
out of existence. 

In every sense this was a philanthropic enterprise. It succeeded as such 
for some 70 years, during which time it wielded a very wide Influence and 

"Professorships of law were established at William and Mary in 1799; at the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania In 1790 ; at Columbia in 1793 ; at Yale in 1801 ; at Dartmouth In 
1808 ; and at Harvard in 1815. 

" See Professional Distribution of College and University Graduates, by Bailey B. Bur- 
rltt, U. S. Bu. of Ed. Bui., 1912, No. 19. 

" See U. S. Com. of Ed. Rep., 1895-96, Vol. I, pp. 240-257. 



THE EARLY NATIONAL PERIOD, iT^fr-lSBS. 45 

Stood as one of the important foundation stones whicli Mrs. Willard laid for 
tlie higher education of women in this country. 

Miss Lyon, like Mrs. Willard, proceeded on the assumption that it was 
quite as important to enlist the interest and sympathy of the great mass of 
people as it was to secure funds. She planned, therefore, to raise $30,000 by 
small subscriptions to start Mount Holyoke Semiuary and College. When one 
reads that one of the record books of subscriptions contained the names of 
more than 1,800 subscribers from 90 places, promising a total of $27,000, in 
sums varying from 6 cents to $1,000," and then reads that it was Miss Lyon's 
wish to " put within the reach of students of moderate means such opportunities 
that none can find better * * * a permanent institution consecrated to 
the work of training young women to the greatest usefulness," and one " de- 
signed to be furnished • with every advantage that the state of education in 
this country will allow,^° he realizes that, while philanthropy is not finding 
new methods, it is finding a new motive in an institution exclusively for the 
higher education of women. 

As is well known, the new idea met with opposition but, as usual, it w.is 
finally proved that philanthropy can be depended upon to meet any important 
social need as soon as that need differentiates itself from mere vague unrest. 

This movement for the education of women was less than 30 years old when 
the founder of Vassar College laid down funds amounting to nearly $800,000 
for a similar institution, so much in demand as to attract nearly 350 students 
in its first year. Thus in a short time philanthropy's experiment had succeeded 
far beyond expectations. 

PHILANTHKOPT AND THE MANTJAL-LABOE COLLEGES. 

The manual-labor movement in American secondary and higher education 
came to this country from Europe, where for nearly the first half of the nine- 
teenth century Fellenberg and his successors experimented vrith the idea of 
combining remunerative work with school training. Students from many 
countries visited the Fellenberg institution, and the movement spread rapidly, 
the labor features finding a fertile field in both colleges; and secondary schools 
in this country. In Connecticut as early as 1819 such a school was established, 
and in 1831 the manual labor society for promoting manual labor in literary 
institutions was organized. The secretary of this society made an extended 
tour of the West and Southwest, visiting the manual labor schools, but seems 
to have left no statistical evidence of his study. 

Where the idea was introduced here the labor feature was used as an appeal 
to the philanthropist for support and to the parent to send his son to college, 
where, as a Wesleyan University resolution of August 27, 1833, says, " the 
physical as well as the intellectual and moral education will be attended to." 

It is only necessary to state that this idea took form In Maine Wesleyan 
Seminary in 1825, in Andover Theological Seminary in 1826, in Colby College 
in 1827, in Western Reserve University in 1830, in Wesleyan University in 
1833, in Hartford Theological Seminary in 1834, and in Oberlin from its origin 
in 1833, to show something of the type of colleges which introduced it and the 
extent of its adoption. It was an expression of a new social as well as educa- ' 



« Mount Holyoke Seminary and College, by Mrs. Sarah D. (Locke) Stowe, U. S. Bu. of | 
Ed. Circ. No. 6, 1891, Ch. XXII. 

» " Mount Holyoke College — the Seventy-fifth Anniversary," p. 13. 



46 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

tional philosophy, and seems to have made its appeal for benefactions from 
the social, moral, religious, educational, and economic points of view. 

A more intimate study of the benefactions to Oberlin, a college founded after 
the movement had become popular and one which fairly hewed its way into 
the world on the manual-labor basis, should give us a fair picture of this type 
of educational philanthropy. 

Mr. Leonard,^' quoting from Oberlin's first annual report, 1834, says : " The 
manual labor department is indispensable to complete education " and, " in a 
word, it meets the wants of a man as a compound being and prevents common 
and amazing waste of money, time, health, and life." He then goes on to ex- 
plain the nature and extent of the department and how well it is working. In 
1837 " nearly all the young ladies and a majority of the young gentlemen have 
paid their board by manual labor." This report adds that while the school's 
funds were as they found them at that time, no pledge could be made that 
labor would be furnished. From then on the failure of the scheme was only 
a matter of time, and in 1849 the trustees realized that it was not paying and 
that some legal means of ending the experiment must be found. 

It was at this point that the " dead hand " appeared. The 500 acres of land 
had been donated to a manual labor school. In 1852 legal authority was found 
for leasing the ground, the lessee covenanting " yearly, during said term, to 
employ students of said college in some department of manual labor (when 
applied for) and pay them for their labor the current market price, to an 
amount each year of at least $2 for each acre of land hereby demised." '^ 
Further on in the lease it is agreed that in case any part of the lease is ad- 
judged to be beyond the powers of the Oberlin trustees, the lease becomes void. 
The expression " manual labor " disappeared from the catalogue after 1867-68, 
and m place of it reference is made to " facilities for self-support." ». 

Thus within 2 years from the beginning the college had failed to meet the full 
demand for labor, and within 20 years the labor scheme had disappeared in 
failure. During these 20 years, however, Oberlin had become a fairly well- 
established college, though these had been years of extreme poverty with much 
debt. 

The school's first real funds, some $15,000, were received during the first 
year, largely upon solicitation in payment for scholarships.^ The business 
side of the undertaking soon used this money, and the college went begging 
to New York, where it received a guarantee for full endowment of eight pro- 
fessorships. An unalterable condition of this gift, which was never paid,' was 
that Negroes should be given equal privilege with white students in the school. 

In this gift we have an illustration of how the policy of a college respect- 
ing a very important social and political issue was to be absolutely settled by 
philanthropy, and settled contrary to the wishes of nearly half the trustees 
of the college. A second effect of this intended gift was the abolition of all 
tuition charges, a move which cost the college dearly. 

Within a few years the college was some $40,000 in debt. In 1837 anveffort 
to raise a $100,000 endowment realized only about $6,000.^ Finally, in 1839, 

» The Story of Oberlin, by Delavan L. Leonard, p. 224 ffi. 

" Leonard, ibid., p. 228. 

2" These perpetual scholarships cost $150 each and paid no tuition, merely giving the 
holder the privilege of entering the school and using the labor appliances to earn his way. 
They were thus a further pledge that the labor feature would be perpetuated. 

" Commons : Hist, of Higher Bduc. in Ohio. 



THE EARLY NATIONAL PERIOD, 1776-1865. 47 

agents were sent to England to make an appral for help with which to pay the 
debts of the college." This brought $30,000 and valuable collections of books, 
and deserves notice here because the agents carried with them to England 
letters from antislavery leaders in America through which they presented 
their case to antislavery sympathizers In England. This and the idea of educa- 
tion for women are said to have made special appeal to the Society of Friends 
in England.^ 

Little aside from a gift of 20,000 acres of land was received during the 
next decade, but in 1850 an attempt at endowment was made, and by 1852 
almost $95,000 was raised and invested. This, however, was another sale 
of scholarships, which this time secured free tuition for one student perpetually 
for $100, 18 years for $50, and 6 years for $25. This was merely paying tui- 
tion in advance, but a little figuring will show that it must be counted 
an absurdly low tuition. The Interest on $100 could not possibly pay the cost 
of educating a student. Thus the college increased its business," but on an 
imsound economic basis, which broke down with the high cost of living in the 
sixties. 

This is a fair picture of the relation of philanthropy to the manual labor 
college movement. There is little to distinguish it from tlie philanthropy 
in the old colleges where the manual labor idea was never adopted. It is just 
more evidence that philanthropy in education has been governed by the con- 
ditions of the times rather than by any wise educational philosophy. The 
manual labor college was but an incident in our great westward expansion. 

Such cure-all schemes in education were essential to the times. Hartford 
Theological Seminary carefully avoided the " incubus " of any permanent fund 
for the first few years, but when her subscribers fell off and lost their zeal 
for giving, an $11,000 bequest was gladly accepted as permanent endowment. 

Kenyon College sent out an appeal, " The Star in the West, or Kenyon 
College in the Year of Our Lord 1828," calling upon the reader to send $1 
to the struggling school. " Kenyon College Circles " were formed in numerous 
towns where women met and sewed for the college, and more than $25,000 was 
sent in as the result of this appeal 

On the whole it is wiser to say that the manual labor movement was useful 
because it expressed an essential element in the civilization of that time than to 
say that it was useless because it was educationally and economically im- 
possible. 

PHILANTHROPHY THROUGH EDUCATION SOCIETIES. 

Another channel through which philanthropy has played a part in American 
higher education is that of religious education societies. These societies began 
to organize early in the nineteenth century in response to the demand for 
trained missionaries and ministers. Statistics published in early numbers of 
the American Quarterly Register show that churches were fully conscious of this 
need. 

Aside from several small local societies, the American Education Society ''' was 
the initial undertaking in this field, its original constitution being dated August 

2= Fairchild : Oberlin, the Colony and the College, p. 208. 

M Ibid., p. 209. 

^ This immediately increased the number of students from 570 to 1,020. 

^ In 1874 the American Education Society and the Society for the Promotion of Col- 
legiate and Theological Education in the West were united under the name American Col- 
lege and Education Society. See their annual reports for 1874. 



48 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

29, 1815." The aim of this society is made clear by the following statement 
from its original constitution : 

Taking into serious consideration the deplorable condition of the inhabitants 
of these United States, the greater part of whom are either destitute of com- 
petent religious instruction or exposed to the errors and enthusiasm of un- 
learned men, we * * * do hereby, * * * form ourselves into a society 
for the benevolent purpose of aiding, and of exciting others to aid, indigent 
young men of talents and hopeful piety in acquiring a learned and competent 
education for the Gospel Ministry. 

This outlines a definite piece of work to be done, proposes philanthropy as a 
means, and indigent young men of talents and hopeful of piety as the agency 
for doing it. 

Further on in the constitution it is proposed to raise funds by subscription, 
and it is stated that " a permanent fund, of which flve-sixths part of the interest 
only may be expended, shall be formed of bequests, legacies, donations, grants, 
and subscriptions," and further, that agents shall be appointed to solicit — • 

by exciting churches and congregations to make annual collections for this pur- 
pose; and by establishing auxiliary societies in towns, counties, and distant 
regions, together with Cent Societies, * * ♦ by personal and persevering 
addresses to rich Individuals of both sexes, * * * and by respectful appli- 
cations to legislative bodies and other classes of men ; by establishing active and 
extensive correspondences, etc. 

All appropriations of funds are to be made by the trustees, who will also 
examine and select the candidates for the charity. All recipients of the charity 
who do not enter the ministry must refund the money received. The final 
article declares that " This Constitution, but not its object, may be altered 
and amended." 

The plans by which aid was granted have been changed from time to time," 
but since 1842 the money has been given as a gratuity. 

The bases for eligibility of applicants for assistance are stated in general 
terms only. Up to 1841 the applicant must have had 6 months of classical 
studies. During 1841 this was increased to 12 months, and in 1842 to college 
entrance requirements, with the exception of third-year academy students In 
some cases. This exception was later abolished. 

Such has been the general aim and plans of work of one of the oldest of these 
societies in America. To describe the workings of the other societies of this 
type would be practically to repeat the above. The Presbyterian Education 
Society was founded in 1819, became a branch of the American Education So- 
ciety in 1827 ^ and operated as such until the break in the Presbyterian Church, 
which took place toward the close of the period under discussion. The society 
for educating pious young men for the ministry of the Protestant EJplscopal 
Church was organized in 1818 and within a decade had 28 auxiliary societies 

» A copy of this constitutiott is printed in full In Appendix A at the annual report of 
the society for 1839. 

Whether this idea of organizing education societies for the training of ministers was 
borrowed from England is not known, but such a society existed in England as early as 
1648. The American Quarterly Register, vol. 3, pp. 145-152, published a tract showing 
" a model for the maintaining of students of choice abilities at the university, and prin- 
cipally in order to the ministry," followed by the names of trustees, among which were 
Matthew Poole, Richard Baxter, Wm. Bates, and others. In Chapter IV of the model we 
read : " That the scholars to be chosen be of godly lite, or at the least, hopeful for godli- 
ness, of eminent parts, of an ingenious disposition, and such as are poor, or have not a 
gnflBcient maintenance any other way." Tills society had 44 students at Oxford and Cam- 
bridge at this time. 

" See An. Rep. for 1839, p. 71 ft ; also Barnard's Amer. J. of Eiduc., vol. 14, p. 373 ff. 

''An, Rep, Amer. Ed. Soc, 1839. 



THE EARLY NATIONAL PEBIOD, II'TG-ISSS. 



49 



operating under its supervision.'" The Massachusetts Baptist Education Society, 
later the board of education of the Northern Baptist Church, starting in 1814; 
the board of education of the Reformed Dutch Church, starting in 1828; the 
board of education of the Methodist Episcopal Church, starting in 1864 ; and the 
Society for the Promotion of Collegiate and Theological Education in the West 
are the principal organizations of this type. Bach of these had numerous 
branch societies", and all supported students in part or in full by loans. 

The development of branch or auxiliary societies in connection with the Amer- 
ican Education Society Is a fair sample of their methods. Between 1815 and 
1838 there were organized 63 branch societies east of the Mississippi River and 
north of the southern boundary of Tennessee ; 41 of these were founded between 
1829 and 1834." 

Although the chief method of work was by direct gift or loan to the student, 
in some cases professorships were established, salaries were paid, and buildings 
erected. The gifts or loans to students were often no more than $40 per year. 

In 1829 to 1831 there were 18 to 22 theological seminaries in operation in the 
United States. Table 13 shows the number of students attending these schools 
and the number receiving aid from some education society." 

From this it appears that from one-fourth to one-sixth of the theological 
students in the United States at this time were beneficiaries of these organiza- 
tions. 

Table 15 sets forth for each fifth year, which may be taken as representative 
of the other years, the financial history of three of these societies, along with 
the numbers of beneficiaries they have had under their care during this period. 

Table 14 shows what a large part of the student body at Amherst College was 
j-eceivlng assistance from the American Education Society. 

Table 13. — Number of students in theological seminaries and numher receiving 
aid from religious education societies. 



Dates. 


Students in 
seminaries. 


Eeceivlng 
aid. 


1829 


599 
639 
709 


151 


1830 


143 


1831. 


115 







Table 14. — Number of students attending Amherst College, lS-i5-1854, and 
number and per cent of these receiving aid from the American Educational 
Society." 



Dates. 


Total 
students 
attending. 


Receiving aid from 

American Education 

Society. 




Number. 


Per cent. 


1845. 


118 
120 
150 
166 
176 
182 
190 
195 
211 
237 


27 
28 
26 
45 
42 
57 
66 
46 
40 
58 


22.8 


1846 


23.3 


1847 


17.3 


1848 


27.1 


1849.. 


23.8 


1850 


3L3 


1851 


29.0 


1852 


23.5 


1853 


19.0 


1854 


24.6 







a Data for this table taken from Edward H. Hitchcock^s Reminiscences of Amherst College. 

"Amer. Quar. Register, Jan., 1829, p. 190. 

" From An. Eep. Am. Educ. Soc. for 1839, pp. 88-90. 

» Data taken from Am. Quar. Register, -s-*!. 1, p. 220 ; vol. 2, p. 247 ; vol. 3, p. 303. 



50 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN THGHER EDUCATION. 



Table 15. — Showing for each fifth year the. anrmal receipts anil' the numher of 
students aided by three church or religious educational societies} 



Date. 


American Educ. 
Society. 


Northern Baptist 
Educ. Society. 


Presbyterian 
Educ. Society. 


Amount 
received. 


Number 
aided. 


Amount 
received. 


Number 
aided. 


Amount 
received. 


Number 
aided. 


1817 


$5,714 
13,108 
33,092 
41,927 
05,574 
32,352 
32, 831 
15,566 
28,732 
16,559 
23,386 


138 
195 
300 
807 
1,125 
615 
389 
413 
332 
324 
200 


$604 
2,049 
2,245 
6,340 


11 

9 

19 

33 






1822 


$4,457 
11,860 
13,761 
37,038 
26,628 
39,645 
45,396 
48,632 
43,244 
51,308 


90 


1827 


230 


18,32 . 


270 


1837 


' 562 








300 


1847 






403 


1852 






372 








383 


1862 






375 


1866 






254 











1 Compiled from the volumes ol the American Quarterly Register and from the annual reports of the 
societies. 

One of these societies, the Society for the Promotion of Collegiate and 
Theological Education in the West, had a slightly different purpose. It was 
organized in 1844, and operated as a separate society down to 1874, at which 
time it joined with the American Education Society. Its purpose as set forth 
in its charter ^ was to assist struggling young colleges in the West with funds 
collected iu eastern cliurehes.'" It was concerned with general as well as with 
theological training, and limited its aid not only to western colleges but only 
to such of these as showed promise. There is evidence that this society had 
influence in the development of higher standards in western colleges." 

TABtE 16. — Financial account of the Society for the Promotion of Collegiate and 
Theological Education in the West. 



Years. 


Receipts. 


Grants. 


Colleges 
aided. 


Years. 


Receipts. 


Grants. 


Colleges 
aided. 


1844 


$17,004 
11,661 
16,730 
14,113 
12,339 
16,737 
17,623 
16,962 
20,617 
20,931 
17,803 
19,021 
24,687 
18,007 
14, 103 


$15,588 
8,704 
13,194 
14,324 


5 
5 


1859 


$15,185 
22,528 
18,643 
60,270 
20,430 
26,913 
38,538 
58,426 
27,803 
72,289 
74, 742 
62,475 
76,505 
67,760 


$10,156 
17,793 
14,689 
56,320 
14,710 
23,588 
. -33,246 
61,319 
19,964 
-65,695 
72,425 
51,022 
73,881 
62,979 


10 


1846 


1860 


.•11 


1846 


1863 




1847 


7 
7 
7 
6 
6 
7 

11 

11 
4 

16 
8 

12 


1864 




1848 


1865 


- i 


1849 




1866 


1850 




1867 


5 


1851 




1868 




1852 




1869 


' ' 9 


1853 


12,296 
9,669 
6,978 
18,889 
11,692 
8,418 


1870 


-6 


1854 


1871 


ft 


1856 


1872 . 


7 


1856 


1873 


7 


1857 


1874 


9 


1858 











Table 16, showing the work done by the society, will bear close study. The 
society gave aid " to the college," not to individual students; and did this in a 
way to keep down useless undertakings and to stimulate useful ones. 

If we compare the income of these societies with that of colleges reported In 
Tables 2, 3, 4, 5, 10, 11, and 12, we will see that in these early years the work 
of these societies is by no means a mere incident in the educational machinery. 



'= See the society's first annual report, 1844. 

s» " It is an eastern society. Not a western vote affects the decisions of the board." 
Fifth an. rep., 1848, p. 7. 

" See annual report for 1845, p. 12, 



THE EARLY IfATIONAL PERIOD, 1776-1865. 51 

From 1S21 to 1825 Yale received by gift approximately .$16,000 annually; 
Princeton less than $2,000; Harvard about $12,000; and Amherst less than 
SI.OOO; while the American Education Society received close to $14,000, the 
Presbyterian Society over $5,fiU0, and the Baptist Society some $1,500. 

We have pointed out that the ministry is the only calling for \Ahich training 
has thus far been subsidized in this vyay. The law, medicine, business, and 
technical pursuits have made their way by force of their economic importance 
to society. Has it been true that religion represents a " real " but not a " felt " 
need or has it been true, as Adam Smith would argue, that such procedure will 
overstock the occupation in question? 

The actual demand for ministers is shown in a convincing manner by sta- 
tistics published in the American Quarterly Register and in the annual reports 
of the societies.'* That the demand was large is obvious from the fact that of 
all the graduates of 37 of the most prominent American colleges, from 20.8 per 
cent to 30.8 per cent entered the ministry in every five-year period between 
1776 and 1865.'" 

Important as this profession was, the demand did not bring forth the sup- 
ply, even with this special care. In this connection we must not overlook the 
fact that entrance to the ministry was by much longer educational route than 
was entrance to either the law or medicine, and without citing facts we know 
that it was not more remunerative than these other fields. 

It follows then that something had to be done to meet the situation, and 
these education societies were the response which the churches made. With all 
the obvious waste the method involved, it not only cHd much toward the sup- 
port of an important profession but it also supervised and helped to popularize 
the demand for higher education. 

SUMMAKT AND CONCLUSIONS. 

In summarizing the development of this period we may note that the English 
influence practically disappeared with the Revolution and that State and Na- 
tional support continued. 

Before the end of the period the idea of a State college had taken definite 
form, though the real burden stUl rested upon philanthropy. In nearly every 
State the church and private enterprise did the college pioneering. 

Small gifts and the subscription method were as common as was the poverty 
which characterized the financial history of practically all the colleges of the 
period. Few, even of th« older colleges, found themselves well endowed by 1861. 

It was a period in which the old traditional college curriculum and organi- 
zation yielded to the influence of the developments in science and to the broad- 
ening business and professional demands. Consequently, it was a time in 
which the conditions attaching to gifts were more numerous and perhaps more 
varied than in the past. In spite of this, there was a growing tendency to de- 
velop permanent funds. 

These tendencies are as characteristic of the new as of the old foundations, 
and in both the conditional gifts tend to go mainly to professorships, library, 
and buildings; that is, to the institution rather than to the student direct. 
While there is some increase in interest in direct assistance for students, it is 
given, Princeton excepted, on the basis of scholarly promise rather than on that 
of indigence and piety. 

«« See an address of the board of education of the Presbyterian Church (their first 
annual report, 1819), p. 14; also their annual report for 1843, p. 5; and the same for 
1867, p. 5. 

»Burritt, p. 144. 



52 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

Th(> early financial history of the newer colleges of the period is identically 
like (he beginning years of the old colonial group of colleges, but they grew 
much more rapidly. 

During this period also we have the beginnings of sevei-al new ideas in higher 
education, which open up several new lines of philanthropic activity — the de- 
velopment of professional schools, women's colleges, church education societies, 
and the manual labor college. 

In the development of schools of medicine, law, and theology we are struck 
by the fact that, from the standpoint of their scientific development, medicine 
and law achieved but little during this period and that very largely on the basis 
of private venture institutions, while theology was taken over by philanthropy 
and became well established, first as a department of the older colleges and 
later as separate schools. ' In the development of the theological schools de- 
nominationalism naturally played an important part, and the gathering of 
funds by the separate denominations from their own churches was the common 
practice. 

Colleges for women offered a new motive for giving to education but nothing 
at all new by way of a method of directing the use to which gifts should be put. 

When the law of supply and demand failed to provide enough ministers, 
philanthropy came at once to its rescue with education societies which played 
a large part in higher education during the period. 

The manual labor college was the most unique though not the most valuable 
venture in higher education undertaken during the period. It failed, but it 
was an experiment that was fully warranted if we consider the times in which 
it was tried, and surely it is balanced by the success of women's colleges. 

Whatever the value of the various experiments, it was philanthropy that 
initiated and carried them through, as it was mainly philanthropy that pioneered 
the new country and philanthropy that kept the old colleges alive through these 
years. 



Chapter IV. 
THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865 TO 1918. 



THE PERIOD CHARACTERIZED. 

The period from 1865 to 1918 is quite unlike the colonial and early national 
periods in several ways. The rapid increase in population which began before 
the Civil War has continued, but has brought a foreign class far more difficult 
of assimilation than was that of pre-war days. With the rapid development of 
machinery have come remarkable industrial and commercial expansion and 
remarkable means of communication and travel. The free public land has fast 
disappeared, bringing with it a demand for new and technical methods in agri- 
culture. The corporate method has been widely adopted, and large private 
fortunes have been amassed. 

Along with these changes have come many new things in education. The Idea 
of State support of higher education has been fully established ; more than a 
dozen large private fortunes have given rise to as many institutions of higher 
learning ; and some 8 or 10 large nonteaching foundations have been established. 
During this period a new interpretation of education has been developed in 
accordance with the findings of the newer sciences of sociology, psychology, and 
biology, and given concrete expression In the organization and methods of our 
institutions of higher education in the botanical garden, the laboratory method 
in all the sciences, in the free use of the elective system of studies, and in the 
broadened college entrance requirements. 

GROWTH IN NUMBER OF COLLEGES. 

Just how philanthropy has adjusted itself to these new conditions will now 
be shown. First of all, the relative number of colleges founded by philanthropy 
Is a rough index of the extent, if not of the character, of its work. 

At the beginning of this period the tendency to found private or church 
institutio'ns was at its height, since which time the number has gradually 
decreased, till now very few are being established by either State or phi- 
lanthropy, not so much because there are universities enough as because the 
changed meaning of education and the new conception of a university have 
ruled out the type of enterprise that tended to subsist on enthusiasm rather 
than on funds. 

The new demands of this period have no more balked philanthropy than they 
have the State. If, however, consideration were given to the number of insti- 
tutions that ceased to exist, it would be seen that philanthropy had very often 
overstepped its mark. 

Soon after the Civil War, due very largely to the national land grant act of 
1862, the movement for State schools began to assert Itself.' Now all States 
have their higher institutions of learning, largely endowed by the National 
(government, but resting firmly upon a State tax. 



1 See Kandel, I. L. Federal Aid for Vocational Education. Tlie Carnegie Foundation 
for the Advancement of Teacliing, Bui. 10, 1917. 

63 



54 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Table 17. — Date of establishment and source of support and control of the first 
college or university in each of the States adtnitted subsequently to 1865. 



States. 



Ad- 
mitted, 



First institution. 



Name. 



Date 
estab- 
lished. 



Control. 



State 
university 
or school 
estab- 
lished. 



Number 
of colleges 
estab- 
lished 
before 
State 
univer- 
sity. 



Nebraska 

Colorado 

North Dakota, 
South Dakota. 

Montana 

Washington... 

Idaho 

Wyoming 

Utah 

Oklahoma. . .. 
New Mexico. . 
Arizona 



1867 

1876 

1889 
1889 
1889 
1889 
1890 
1890 
1896 
1907 
1912 
1912 



State University., 

University of Denver 

Jamestown College 

Yankton College 

Montana College of Agriculture. 

State University 

College of Idaho 

State University 

University of Utah 

State Agricultural College 

State University 

University of Arizona. 



1781 

1864 

1883 
1881 
1893 
1861 
1891 
1867 
1850 
1891 
1891 
1891 



State, 

M.E. 

Presb 
Cong. 
State. 
State. 
Presb 
State. 
State. 
State. 
State. 
State. 



1871 
1874 
1877 
1884 
1882 
1893 
1861 
1892 
1867 
1850 
1891 
1891 
1891 



Since 1865, 12 new States have been admitted to the Union. From Table 17 
we are able to see that for the most part it was the State rather than philan- 
thropy that did the pioneering in higher education in these States. In 9 of 
the 12 States higher education was well under way before the State was ad- 
mitted to the Union. In 8 of the 12 States the first such school was established 
by the State, while in the remaining 4 the church lead the way, and in these 
4 little had been done before the State institution was founded. 

This contrasts rather sharply with the facts brought out in Table 9, which 
shows these same facts for the early national period. Here we are dealing 
with Western States, for the most part very sparsely settled, whereas Table 9 
refers to Eastern and Central States, somewhat more densely populated. The 
chief explanation, however, would seem to be not that the missionary zeal 
of the churches, philanthropists, and educators was lagging, but rather that 
the idea of State higher education was getting under headway and that the 
national grant of 1862 came at an early date in the development of the West. 
The number of church and private foundations since establishecl shows that the 
efforts of philanthropy have not flagged. 

Should the State, or private and philanthropic enterprise, determine the 
character and amount of higher education? And related to this, what powere 
should be granted to private or church-endowed institutions? The struggle 
between these social theories, a notable early date in which is that of the 
Dartmouth College decision in 1819, does not begin in 1865. It began in one 
sense with the opposition in New Jersey Colony and elsewhere to sectarian con- 
trol of the college which the colonial government was asked to help support. 
It began In a real sense in Revolutionary days and in the days when Ameri- 
can democracy was taking form as a nation. At that time it was urged that, 
since higher education will do much toward determining national ideals, the 
State should direct and control it ; and the opposite, that the State ought not 
to be taxed to send anyone's son to college. It is interesting that Presidents 
White, of Cornell, and Eliot, of Harvard, were on opposing sides of this issue 
at the beginning of this period. 

Probably it is correct to say that this clash has provided the greatest stimu- 
lus to growth and expansion that has been felt by higher education through 
these years. This study can do little more than call attention here to these 
interesting theoretical developmaits. 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 



55 



GENERAL SURVEY OF EDUCATIONAL PHILANTHROPY IN THIS PERIOD. 

Practically from its lieginning in 1868 the United States Bureau of Education 
has Included in its annual report statistics bearing upon the worlc of philan- 
thropy in education. The following tables ofEer a fairly competent general 
picture of the extent and character of philanthropy in higher education since 
1871. Prom Table 18 it is possible to see, at intervals of five years : First, the 
annual contribution to higher education from city, State, and Nation ; second, 
the amounts contributed by students through tuition and other fees ; third, 
the amounts contributed by productive funds held by the colleges ; fourth, the 
contributions from philanthropy ; fifth, the contributions from all other sources ; 
and, finally, the total annual income of all institutions of higher education. 
Besides these is stated the wealth of the United States in billions of dollars, 
and the population by millions for each decade. 

The steady increase in income from each of these sources as the years pass 
shows not only the rapid growth of higher education but the dependability of 
each of these sources of support. When the total column, or any single col- 
umn, is compnred with the growth in national wealth, it is plain that higher 
education is more liberally supported each succeeding decade. It will be noted 
that the " benefactions " column does not show the degree of increase that is 
shown by the first column or by the " total " column. This, however, is to be 
expected with the rise of the State colleges in this period. But it will be seen 
that benefactions are not quite keeping pace with the rate of growth in wealth. 
On the other hand, the rate of increase in wealth is surpassed by the growth 
in income from productive funds, most of which funds have been established 
by philanthropy. 

In comparison with the growth in population, it is obvious that each decade 
is providing more educational facilities of a high order per unit of population 
than was provided by the next preceding decade. We have liere to remind 
ourselves though that the per capita wealth has shown a far greater rate of 
increase than is shown by any of the other figures, which suggests that educa- 
tional and philanthropic enthusiasms are not outrunning their purses. 

Table 18. — Sources and amounts of income for higher education in the United 
States, each fifth year from 1S71 to 1915} 

[Compiled from the annual reports of the U.S. Commissioner of Education.] 



Dates. 


From city. 
State, 
or U. S. 


Tuition 

and other 

fees. 


Productive 
funds. 


Benefac- 
tions. 


All other 
sources. 


Total 
income. 


Wealth 

of U.S. 

in billions 

of dollars. 


Pop. of 

U.I. in 
millions. 




$36,347,638 

24, 528, 197 

8, 522, 600 

4,386,040 

2, 964, 483 

1, 406, 117 

932,635 

.418, 159 

667, 521 

582, 265 


$34, 067, 238 
19,220,297 
10, 919, 378 
8, 375, 793 
6,336,655 
3,764,984 
2, 270, 518 
1,881,350 
2, 136, 062 
i, 248, 143 


$18,246,427 
11, 592, 113 
8,618,649 
6, 110, 653 
5,329,001 
3,966,083 
3,915,545 
3, 014, 048 
2,453,336 
2,275,967 


$20,310,124 
18, 737, 145 
14,965,404 
10, 840, 084 
5, 350, 963 
6, 006, 474 
5, 134, 460 
2,666,571 
2, 703, 650 
6, 282, 461 


59,591,784 
6, 561, 235 
1, 589, 896 
1, 964, 002 
2,163,499 
1, 664, 734 
1, 000, 000 
10 


$118,299,296 
80,438,987 
45, 715, 927 
31, 676, 572 
22, 134, 601 
16,808,734 
12, 253, 158 
7, 980, 138 
7, 960, 569 
13,388,836 






1910 


i87.73 

2 107. 10 

88. 51 

» 77 09 

65.03 


91.9 


1900 

1895 


75.9 


1890 


62.9 


1880 

1875 


42.64 


50.1 


1872 




<30.06 


<38. 5 









' From 1871 this table includes universities and colleges for men and for both sexes; after 1905 techno- 
logical schools are added; and alter 1910 women's colleges are added. Before 1888 column 1 includes income 
from State only; in 1890 it includes income from State and city; and after 1891 it includes income from States, 
cities, and United States. Column 2 includes only tuition down to 1898, after which it includes "other 
fees" (board and room rent). The figures in any given hne, that is, for any given year, are fully comparable . 
In comparing the figures for one year or period with those of a later year or period, the above facts must be 
kept in mind. 

"For year 1904. 

' Estimated. 

' For year 1870. 



56 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Table 19, covering the period from 1871 to 1885, including gifts to secondary 
as well as higher schools, shows that on an average more than half of all 
gifts have gone to " permanent endowment and general purposes." What part 
of this was available for immediate use it is not possible to determine ; nor is 
it possible to say what were the special conditions placed upon the gifts. 



Table 19.- 



-Total benefactions to all forms of education and the per cent of that 
total given under the restrictions indicated. 





Total bene- 
factions. 


Per cent given to— 


Dates. 


Endow- 
ments 
and 
general 
purposes. 


Profes- 
sorships. 


Fellow- 
ships, 

scholar- 
ships, 
and 
prizes. 


Grounds, 
build- 
ings, and 
appara- 
tus. 


Indigent 
students. 


Libraries 

and 
museums. 


Uncon- 
ditional 
purposes. 


1885 


$9,314,081 
11,270,286 
7,141,363 
7,440,224 
5,518,501 
6,249,810 
3,103,289 
3,015,256 
4,691,845 
4,126,662 
6,063,804 
11,225,977 
10,072,640 
8,693,740 


68 
40 
46 
63 
54 
60 
57 
57 
38 
54 
68 
70 
23 
44 


7 
7 
7 
14 
15 
3 
4 
7 
S 
5 
2 
9 
6 
2 


2 
3 
3 
3 
7 
1 
4 
3 
3 
1 
1 
2 
1 


20 
20 
16 
18 
12 
24 
16 
18 
32 
24 
21 
17 
34 
24 


1 


2 
15 
2 
2 
3 
14 
6 
12 
15 
6 
2 
2 


10 
14 
26 
8 
7 
7 
10 


1884 


1882-83 


2 
2 
2 
1 
3 
3 


1881 


1880 


1879 


1878 


1877 


1876 


7 


1875 


2 
2 


8 
4 


1874 


1873 


1872 


1 




1871 

















From a study of the " professorships " and the " fellowships, scholarships, 
and prizes " columns, which are not included in the " endowments and general 
purposes " column, it would be natural to infer that much of column two went 
to general unrestricted endowments. From the standpoint of growth in per- 
manent endowment funds, however, the whole table, as a single sample of 
evidence, is quite reassuring. Furthermore, there is little to criticize in the 
evidence available on the nature of the conditions placed upon the gifts. 

A fairly considerable amount has always been given unconditionally in the 
past, if we Judge by individual cases which have been cited in the last two 
chapters, and here is evidence that this was true in general over the country 
through these 15 years. The " to indigent students " column seems to indicate 
that what was, true in the early cases studied was also true in general. 

In Table 20 is shown, from the same source, the distribution of gifts under 
three heads for the years 1907 to 1915, inclusive. Here there is no mistaking 
the evidence that generally over the country there is an increasing interest in 
giving to the permanent endowment of higher education. In this table the 
" endowments " column includes all gifts from which only the incomes can be 
used. By combining the three columns of Table 19 which represent gifts to 
permanent endowments, and assuming that " general purposes " in column one 
is also endowment, which is likely true, we can still see a clear indication that 
a larger percentage of gifts is going into permanent funds now than was true 
at the beginning of this period. 

It appears also that the gifts to " plant and equipment " make a better show- 
ing in Table 20 than in Table 19. In both there is much fluctuation. The 
" current expenses " column, comparable with the last column of Table 19, shows 
improvement in quantity as well as a greater dependability. 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 



57 



A third collection of facts compiled from the United States Commissioner's 
reports and presented in the following tables furnishes evidence upon which 
we may generalize regarding the character and extent of benefactions to higher 
education through this period. 

Table 20. — Benefactions to fiigUer education in the United States and the per 
cent of that total gii>.en for endowments, for plan.t and equipment, and for 
current expenses. 





Total gifts. 


Per cent for— 


Dates. 


Endow- 
ments. 


Plant 
and 
equip- 
ment. 


Current 
expenses. 


1915 


S20,310,124 
26,670,017 
24,651,958 
24,783,090 
22,963,145 
24,755,663 
17,807,122 
14,820,955 
21,953,339 


63 
69 
65 
69 
60 
39 
63 
60 
55 


29 
18 
19 
26 
25 
50 
23 
35 
34 


18 


1914 




1913 




1912 


15 


1911 


15 


1910 




1909 




1908 


15 


1907 


11 







Table 21 shows the number of schools of theology, law, medicine, dentistry, 
pharmacy, agriculture, and mechanic arts, and of women's colleges that were 
opened during each five-year period since the first one was founded in 1761- 
1765. No account is taken here of colleges that have failed. 

Three forces have assisted in the development of these schools — the State, 
philanthropy, and private enterprise. Philanthropy is almost, if not solely, 
responsible for the schools of theology. The State and private enterprise, 
with some help from philanthropy, have developed the law schools. All three 
are responsible for the medical schools, though private enterprise is playing 
a smaller and smaller part. Philanthropy has shown very little interest thus 
far in schools of dentistry and pharmacy, but has contributed liberally to 
colleges of agriculture and mechanical arts, which latter have been fostered 
mainly by the State. In most cases the State provides coeducational uni- 
versities but not special schools for women.° The women's colleges included 
in this table are therefore the work of philanthropy and private enterprise. 

Table 22 shows the part that philanthropy has taken in the development 
of these colleges. 

The table is not complete, but one can not run up those columns without 
being impressed with the strength of the appeal which these fields of higher 
education have so continuously made to the people. Gifts for the higher 
education of women have increased with fair regularity and to a creditable 
extent. 



' Florida State University has a separate college for women. 



58 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMEeIcAN HIGHER EDUCATION, 



Table 21. — DUtlrihuUon of the present list (1915-16) of professional and tech- 
nical and women's colleges with respect to the dates of their opening. 



Dates. 


Theol- 
ogy. 


Law. 


Medi- 
cine. 


Dentis- 
try. 


Phar- 
macy. 


Agrio. 

and 

mech. 

arts. 


Women's 
colleges. 


17fi1-l765 






1 
1 

1 


























1 












17Pfi-17Q0 


1 












2 

1 
















1 


















1 




1 Sfl5-IR10 


2 
2 
5 
5 
6 
4 
4 
4 
6 
7 

13 
7 

18 
9 
3 

14 
8 

14 
5 
9 
3 
3 




1 
1 
2 
5 
1 
2 
3 
6 
6 
1 
5 
2 
4 
4 
4 
3 
5 
9 
5 
10 
6 
3 








1Q11 IQie; 


1 

1 




















1891-tfi25 




1 
1 








1 
3 






1 


1 S3 1-1 835 




1 


2 


1836-1840 


1 

1 


1 
1 
1 


5 


1841-1845 .■- 


1 
4 
2 
4 


1 
1 
1 
4 
4 
8 
9 
4 
3 
5 
8 


5 


1846-1850 


7 


1861 1855 ... ' 




16 


1856-1860 ; 




i' 


15 




1 
4 
1 
5 
5 
9 
8 
7 
6 


2 


1866-1870 


9 

T 

5 

4 

6 
16 
15 
10 
14 
15 


3 
2 
2 
7 
8 
15 
13 
11 
5 
6 


11 


1871 1875 


8 


1875-1880 


4 


1881 1885 


5 




9 


1891 1895 


8 




6 


1901 1905 


1 
1 


8 


1906-1910 ... 


2 


1911-1915 


1 










Total 


155 


119 


92 


49 


75 


52 


114 







Table 22. — Benefactions to different lines of higher education in the United 
States each fifth year, 1871-1915. 



Dates. 


Higher 
education 
of women. 


Theological 
schools. 


Medical 
schools. 


National 

land-grant 

schools and 

schools of 

science. 


Schools 
of law. 


1915 




$1,467,055 

1,431,028 

< 1,890, 606 

1,123,812 

1,385,552 

'923,831 

681,855 

827,866 

404,356 

§52,265 


> $2, 661, 076 

509,227 

354,210 

183,500 

95,260 

'249,287 

94,250 

11,400 

72,395 

2,000 




' $90 576 


19X0 . 


$1,303,431 

1,107^523 

588,566 

625,734 

303,257 

322,813 

92,372 

217,887 

l,600j000 




•86,334 


1905 




1900 




105 500 


1895 






1890 


'5205,295 

562,371 

1,371,445 

,147,112 

286,000 


' 14 663 


1885 


« 40' 150 


1880 


UOO 000 


1875 .'-• . - 




1871 









' In 1914 medical schools received $7,113,920. 

! In 1914 law schools received gifts amounting to $203,067; in 1913, $189,453; in 1912, $425,867. 

« In 1909 law schools received 5356,800, and in 1908, $382,000. 

t In 1906 theological schools received $3,271,480. 

'In 1891. 

"In 1886. 

'In 1878. 



Considering the steady decline In strictly sectarian theology through these 
years, and the general decline in religious zeal, gifts to theological schools 
have been large, as have all the others. 

The column of gifts to "medical schools shows the growth that has taken 
place in medical science as well as in medical education through this period.' 
The same is, of course, not true of the theology column. In the absolute both 
theological and medical education have prospered. Both rise very slowly from 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 59 

the start, with slight advantage in favor of theological education down to 
1890, and with this advantage slowly increasing from 1890 to 1909, after which 
medical education leaps far ahead. 

Philanthropy, speaking now in relative terms, very definitely began to turn 
away from theology about 1890, and soon after to look with slightly more 
favor upon medical education. In the last decade these tendencies have become 
marked. 

Turning again to Table 22 one is struck first by the immediate and liberal 
notice which philanthropists gave to the land-grant colleges and schools of sci- 
ence. The last column of the table is interesting in itself, and more so in 
comparison with the column showing gifts to medical schools. It is apparent 
here that society began to call a halt on apprenticeship methods of learning 
medicine before it did the same for law. Law has tended to remain much 
more a business than a profession, while the opposite is true of medicine and 
theology. 

Taking these data from the Reports of the United States Commissioner of 
Education as a rough general picture of the educational philanthropy of this 
period, for it is dependable as such, one is impressed with the large contribu- 
tion which has been made ; with the apparent regularity or dependability of 
such sources of income ; with the size, in the absolute, of the permanent sources 
which are thus being built up, but with the relative decline in such resources 
when all higher institutions of education are considered; with the relative 
increase in the amount of gifts to establish professorships ; with the recent 
tendency toward increase in gifts to cover current expenses ; with the regu- 
larity with which one-third to one-fifth of aU gifts have gone to plant and 
equipment ; with the rise, both relative and ahsolute, in the gifts to medical 
schools ; with the corresponding decline in gifts to schools of theology ; and 
with the relatively slow increase in gifts to schools of law. 

STATUS or EDtrCATION AMONG ALL THE OBJECTS OF PHILANTHROPY. 

Another source of data covering almost the last quarter century, and so 
almost half the period under discussion, is that contained in the Appleton 
and International Yearbooks and the World's Almanac. In these annuals 
there have been published the most complete available lists of all gifts of 
$5,000 and over, together with the object for which each was given. For some 
of the years these gifts have been classified under the following five heads: 
Educational institutions ; charities ; religious organizations ; museums, galleries, 
public improvements ; and libraries. Where they were not so classified the 
writer has been able to make such a classification with reasonable accuracy. 
In addition the gifts were also recorded as having been made by gift or by 
bequest, so that this classification was also possible. In these data, then, 
there is a valuable addition to the general description of philanthropy just 
presented. 

111512°— 22: 5 



60 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCAnON. 



Table 23. — Distribution of the gifts and bequests recorded in the Appleton and 
New International Yearbook and the World's Almanac, 189S-1916. 





Amount of 
eltts and 
bequests. 


Per cent of total given to— 


Per cent in form of— 


Years. 


Educa- 
tion. 


Charity. 


Religious 
purposes. 


Uuseums 

and 

public 

improve- 
ments. 


Libraries. 


Dona- 
tions. 


Bequests. 


1893 


$14,283,254 
15,976,466 
13,930,505 
13,831,211 
12,436,391 
20,405,034 
43,314,282 
23,H90,473 
72,334,460 
55.174,640 
50,026,058 
24,918,399 
70,000,000 
29,775,000 
89,817,208 
46,552,039 
36,122,241 
61,283,182 
61,879,296 
35,207,907 
57,601,997 
90,741,210 
35,354,338 
72,612,619 


47 
43 
60 
60 
31 
57 
66 
54 
66 
60 
76 
45 
57 
79 
58 
40 
31 
43 
49 
16 
23 
46 
25 
9 


21 
20 
19 
16 
17 
25 
18 
27 
13 
21 
7 
29 
18 
15 
16 
44 
46 
38 
26 
76 
60 
48 
64 
88 


14 
11 
12 
19 
13 
7 
10 
7 
6 
6 
3 
9 
17 
4 
4 
4 
15 
8 
16 
4 

13 
2 
12 
2 


6 
17 
12 
9 
35 
7 
3 
5 
7 
8 
9 
14 
8 
2 
20 
10 
5 
6 
8 
3 
13 
4 
8 
1 


12 
9 
7 
6 
4 
3 
3 
7 
9 
5 
6 
3 


2 
2 
3 


28 
17 
66 
48 
32 
64 
69 
65 
73 
49 
60 
30 

«83 
67 
48 
47 
70 
70 
74 
46 
67 
42 
82 


72 


1894 


83 


1895 


34 


1896 


62 


1897 


68 


1898 


46 


1899 


31 


1900 


46 


1901 


27 


1902 


61 


1903 


40 


1904 


70 


1905 


(') 


1906 


17 


1907 


33 


1908 


62 


1909 


63 


1910 


30 


1911 . .. 


30 


1912 


26 


1913 


54 


1914 


33 


1915 


58 




18 










34 
43 


49 
37 


7 
9- 


8 
9+ 


2 
2 


64 

59 


36 


Total with 1916 




41 









' Data Inadequate. 

This total column gives rather forceful evidence of the large part of the 
world's work that is being done by philanthropy. Through these 24 years the 
range is from 27 to 764 millions of dollars, with an average of nearly 125 
millions. In 1915-16 the entire cost of public education in New York City was 
$45,010,424, and that for Chicago was $28,604,534. In this same year the total 
outlay for public education In the State of New York, which had the largest of 
all our State budgets for schools, was $68,761,125, while that for the United 
States was but $640,717,053. Again, the total income of all imlversitles, col- 
leges, and technological schools reporting to the United States Commissioner 
of Education in this year was $113,850,848. 

If the huge gifts summarized in the table are flowing annually into the five 
channels indicated, we may see from these comparisons the large forces that 
are operating constantly to determine the character of the Institutions of edu- 
cation, charity, and so on. 

In considering the sum total of all benefactions, three questions deserve con- 
sideration. First, what is the relative position of education among the objects 
of these gifts ; second, with what degree of regularity do these gifts come — that 
is, how dependable a resource does this make for education ; and, third, how 
large a contribution is this t<j education? Incidentally, there is interest, too, 
in the same questions regarding gifts to other objects, especially to libraries 
and museums, since these play a direct part In the education of the people. 

The first question Is readily answered by Table 23, from which it will be 
seen that up to 1916 education was receiving annually from 16 to 79 per cent 
of these gifts, with a median of 49 per cent. When the figures for 1916 are 
included, and the totals taken for the 24-year period, it can be stated that 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 



61 



education has received approximately 34 per cent of all gifts for the past 24 
years. Or, leaving out 1916, as obviously influenced by war charity, education 
received 43 per cent of all gifts of $5,000 or over in the United States. 

The second question, how dependable is this source of income for education, 
may also be answered by this table, from which it is obvious that from year to 
year there have been wide variations. Consequently, an average or a median 
is not a full statement of the history of these benefactions, but the relative 
status of each of these recipients by years must be considered, and a number 
of points stand out. First, the facts about variability. What is true of educa- 
tion is true of the other objects. Second, giving to education gradually in- 
creased from 1893 to 1906, after which it declined to 1915 and 1916 to a point 
distincHy lower than the 1893 mark. At the same time the gifts to charity, 
which roughly maintain their 1893 status down to 1907, make a rise that is 
even sharper than is the decline in gifts to education. Gifts to religion have 
been quite variable, but show a general decline from the beginning to the end 
of the period. Practically the same statement can be made with respect to 
gifts to museums, galleries, and public improvements, with the exception that 
the variability is greater. The gifts to libraries show a very definite and 
regular decline from 1893 to 1916. It follows, then, that charity is education's 
great competitor, and we may be fairly sure that wars, famines, earthquakes, 
and other great disasters which appeal to human sympathy for help will be 
costly to education. The more recent rise in gifts to charity is partly accounted 
for by the Balkan and the "World War and to several great earthquakes and 
fire disasters. 

The third question, how large a help is this to education, is answered in 
Table 24, where the gifts to education and to libraries are set down beside the 
figures showing the total annual income to higher education in the United 
States. The annual income of higher education is used here merely as a con- 
venient basis for measuring the amounts of the benefactions. From this we 
are able to see what the extent of philanthropy in education really is. To 
these educational benefactions might with some propriety be added those to 
libraries. 

There is one other item of interest here, brought out in the last two columns 
of Table 23, viz, the extent to which these benefactions have preceded or fol- 
lowed the death of the donor. In 13 of the 23 years covered by the data a 
greater per cent has come by direct gift. Summing up the 23 years, the figures 
are 64 per cent by gift and 36 per cent by bequest. If 1916 is omitted, the 
figures are: Gifts, 59 per cent and bequests 41 per cent. The lowest per cent 
of gifts for any year was 17 in 1894 and the highest was 83 in 1906. 

Table 24. — Total ienefactions to all forms of education in the United States, 
the total income for higher educa.tion in the United States as reported 6j/ the 
United States Commissioner of Education, and gifts to libraries. 



Years. 


Benefactions 

to all forms of 

edueatlon.i 


Total income 

of higher 
education." 


Benefactions 
to libraries.' 


1916 


872,612,619 
35,354,338 
90,741,210 
57,601,997 
35,207,907 
61,879,296 
61,283,182 
46,122,241 
36,652,039 


$133,627,211 
118,299,296 
120,679,267 
109,590,855 
104,614,096 
94,672,441 
80,438,987 
76,650,969 
66,790,924 


$2,717,450 
916,000 
1,881,000 
2,162,000 
2,112,000 
1,942,500 
1,911,000 
3,012,293 
834,600 


1915 


1914 


1913 . 


1912 


1911 


1910 


1909 


1908 



^ From yearbooks above cited. 

8 From Beports of the United States Commissioner of Edueatioa. 



62 PHILAJSTTHROPT IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

Table 24. — Total benefactions to all forms of edMoation, etc. — Continued. 



Years. 


Benefactions 

to all forms of 

education. 


Total income 
of higher 
education. 


Benefactions 
to libraries. 


1907.. 


»89,817,208 
29,776,000 
70,000,000 
24,918,399 
50,026,058 
56,174,640 
72,334,450- 
23,690,473 
43,314,282 
20,405,034 
12,436,391 
13,831,211 
13,930,505 
16,976,486 
14,283,254 


$68,079,616 
57,502,280 
46,716,927 
41,618,228 
40,526,616 
39,952,798 
39,812,256 
31,676,572 
41,152,710 
26,745,610 
25,608,446 
26,260,902 
22,134,601 
24,390,852 
20,133,191 


$1,674,260 


1906 




1905 




1904 


961,100 


1903 


3,838,500 


1902 


4,045,500 


1901.. 


9,048,228 


1900 


3,270,000 


1899 


1,624,500 


1898 


942,500 


1897.. . 


1,778,000 


1896 


1,636,000 


1895 


1,736,000 


1894 


3,912,713 


1893 


3,087,000 







To the general picture then we may add, from the facts brought out here, 
that the general impressions gained from the data of the United States Com- 
missioner's reports are reinforced at several points. Compared with the cost 
of education in the country, these gifts are of great consideration. Second, 
they have been, and there is reason to believe that they will continue to be, a 
dependable resource. Third, there is a definite decline in the amount of these 
gifts, which, however, seems to be explained by a corresponding rise in gifts 
to charity — charity so obviously demanded by the great catastrophes of the 
years of this decline. In addition, there is a decline in gifts to religion, to 
public improvements, and to libraries. With the exception of gifts to libraries, 
which have slightly declined in absolute amount, these declines are only rela- 
tive, as may be seen from column three in Table 24. What should have caused 
this lessening of gifts to libi'aries is not evident from these figures. Carne- 
gie's gifts extend from about 1881, and r^orts show no special decline in his 
gifts until very recently. 

PHILANTHEOPT AND THE OLDER COLLEGES. 

Turning again to Tables 3, 4, and 6 for a more intensive study of philan- 
throphy as it affected three of our old colonial colleges, we are able to foUow 
the tendencies through the present period. 

Briefly stated, it may be noted that during this period no State support was 
received ; that, looked at from any angle, the amounts of gifts have more than 
kept pace with their former record ; that at Harvard and Columbia the earlier 
tendency to place a condition upon the gifts has continued, while at Yale the 
opposite has been true; and that gifts for permanent endowment show a rela- 
tive decline at Harvard and Yale through this period, while at Columbia such 
gifts seem less popular than at Harvard, but more popular than at Yale. 

Of the conditional gifts, it may be said that the " pious and indigent youth " 
has continued to fare less well throughout this period ; that gifts for scholar- 
ships and fellowships have become more popular; that relatively (not in 
absolute amount) there has been a decline in gifts for professorships, except 
at Columbia; and that a still sharper relative decline in gifts to libraries has 
appeared. As to the form of gift, there Is no special tendency anywhere 
toward gifts or bequests, except possibly at Yale, where bequests have increased. 

Everywhere in these older institutions there is evidence of remarkable 
growth. Harvard is now well into the last quarter of Its third century, and 
Columbia beyond the middle of its second century. There have been no more 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 



63 



rapidly changing centuries in history than these. Surely these facts show that 
educational institutions founded and maintained by philanthropy can keep 
step with the passing years. If the " dead hand " had lain heavily upon these 
institutions, they would scarcely have maintained this rate of growth, either 
in toto or in the special lines here represented. 

PHrLANTHKOPT IN COLLEGES 0¥ THE EAHLT NATIONAL PEEIOD. 
1. NEW UNES OP DEVELOPMENT. 

In Chapter IV was described the work of philanthropy in a numtier of col- 
lies which were founded during the early national period. Several new lines 
of development were begun in those years, notable among which were the be- 
ginnings of separate colleges for women, manual labor colleges, and separate 
schools of theology. It will be the purpose here to carry forward the study 
of several of those institutions. 

It was said there that the philanthropy of that period was in the main di- 
rected by the various churches, and that in point of method the new colleges 
of those days originated and grew very much as did the colleges of the early 
colonial times. 

2. AMHEEST AS AN EXAMPLE OF THE COLLEGES OF LAST PEEIOD. 

Fairly complete data for Amherst CoUege are presented in Tables 11 and 25. 
In Table 11 the Amherst data already discussed ' have been carried forward to 
1890. From this may be noted a continuance of most of the tendencies that had 
prevailed before the Civil War. The State did nothing more for the college, 
but the average annual income from gifts gradually increased. Most of the 
gifts were for a specified purpose, and Eimong these, scholarships, professor- 
ships, and the library fared well. For some years after the Civil War the 
gifts were made immediately available, but endowments were favored from 
1876 to 1890. The subscription method of obtaining gifts falls into disuse or 
nearly so, and as was true from" the beginning, most of this income was by 
direct gift rather than by bequest. 

In Table 25 is presented Amherst's income from " tuition and student fees," 
from " productive funds," and from " benefactions." This table covers the 
period 1895 to 1916, inclusive, at 4-year intervals, and brings out several inter- 
esting points. First, the amount from gifts fluctuates from year to year, 
roughly increasing up to the beginning of the World War and then declining. 
Income from tuition has also varied, but shows a substantial increase to the 
present, and income from permanent endowment funds has grown regularly, 
having more than doubled during the 22 years covered by the table. 



Table 25.- 



-Inoome of Amherst College each fourth year, as reported liy the 
UnUed States Commissioner of Education. 



Dates. 


Tuition 
and fees. 


Productive 
funds. 


Benefac- 
tions. 


Total 
receipts. 


1895 


$42,000 
60,000 
40,000 
37,500 
64,012 
69,957 
61,521 


$62,000 
60,000 
60,000 
90,000 
106,371 
139,982 
136,648 


$30,000 
65,000 

100,000 
78,000 

609,748 
30,552 
31,223 


$140,000 


1899 


166,000 


1903 


200,000 


1907 


210,600 


1911 


704,895 


1915 


237,834 


1916 


241,550 





> See p. 42 fl. 



64 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMEKICAW HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Prom these facts it is clear that if the college does not expand too rapidly, 
it will very soon be on a remarkably sound basis. 

3. THEOLOGICAL INSTITUTIONS. 

The growth of Amherst is somewhat paralleled by that of Andover Theologi- 
cal Seminary, the early history of which has already been discussed.* Refer- 
ring again to Table -12, it will be seen that after the Civil War, and down to 
1890, Andover continued to receive contributions to her permanent funds, and 
that in increasing amounts. The details of these endowments are not aU given 
in the table, but enough is shown to indicate that professorships, scholarships, 
and the library fared well. 

According to reports of the United States Commissioner of Education, the 
total amount of Andover's permanent funds in 1872 was $550,000. With some 
fluctuations these funds have gradually increased to more than $810,000 in 
1915. As early as 1852 these funds were furnishing an annual income of 
$35,000. By 1889 this had grown to $55,000, and it is recorded " that this was 
the entire income of the school for the year. 

Here, then, is a theological school, founded in 1807, which has slowly built 
up an endowment fund that makes it virtually independent. 

4. women's colleges. 

As we have already seen,' Mount Holyoke College was one of the pioneer 
institutions devoted to the higher education of women. The school was founded 
and became well established in the second quarter of last century. The fol- 
lowing tables will show something of Its financial career since the close of the 
early national period. 

Up to 1875 practically no permanent endowment funds had been accumulated. 
The school had in a very real sense been on trial' as a new philanthropic 
social project. That it fully proved its worth and received a large social sanc- 
tion is shown by the figures of Table 26. 

Column 1 of this table shows the total amount of permanent funds possessed 
by the college at intervals of five years from 1875 to 1915. In 1875 the college 
possessed a permanent fund of $50,000. In 1915 this had grown to near a 
million and a half dollars. 

Table 26. — Total endotoment, total income, and sources of income for Mount 
Holyoke College at intervals of five years, 1875-1915." 





Total en- 
dowment. 


Totalin- 
comelor 
the year. 


Benefac- 
tions. 


Income from— 


Dates. 


Productive 
funds. 


Tuition and 
other fees. 


X875 


150,000 
63,486 
103,600 
150,000 
99,000 
476,000 
801,000 
838,750 
1,426,173 


$48,000 
42,294 
55,500 




$3,000 
4,350 
7,600 


$46,000 


1880 




6 37,944 


1885 




t 48, 000 


IggO 


119, 665 
6,200 
31,000 

276,000 
31,292 
12,830 




1895 


74,000 
139,663 
187,000 
279,721 
349, 828 


5,000 
24,061 
19,000 
34,666 
50,820 


69,000 


1900 


115,602 


1905 


168,000 


1910 


100,197 


1915 


114,643 







a Compiled from reports of United States Commissioner of Education. 
i> Includes board and tuition 

* See p. 44. 

' Rep. tr. S. Commis. Educ, 1889. 

• See p. 45 tt. 

'A Boston paper refused to public Miss Lyon's statements In behalf of the college 
unless paid for as advertising. Stowe, Hist of Mount Holyoke Sem., sec. ed., 1887, p. 41. 



THE LATE NATIONAL PEEIOD, 1865-1918. 



65 



It wUl be seen that permanent funds are rapidly assuming a larger and 
larger share In the annual income of the college, the main sources of which are 
also shown in this table. In 1875 the school received $3,000 from the income 
on permanent funds and $45,000 from student fees. In 1915 permanent funds 
produced $50,820 and tuition amounted to $114,643. This shows even more 
clearly what was mentioned above, and just what we have seen to be true of 
Andover and of Amherst, viz, that the rate of growth in income from perma- 
nent funds is greater than is the rate of growth in income from other sources. 
If this rate continues, it will not be many decades before philanthropy will 
have produced a college for women that will not be dependent upon student 
fees and that in spite of an extremely modest financial beginning. 

No small part of Mount Holyoke's permanent funds are devoted to the gen- 
eral endowment of the college. The growth of this general fund, together with 
the permanent fund for scholarships, is shown in Table 27. 

Table 27. — Growth of tioo of Mount Holyoke's permanent funds, that for gen- 
eral purposes and that for scholarships^ 



Date. 


Gifts to permanent 
fund tor- 


Date. 


Gifts to permanent 
fund for — 


General 
purposes. 


Scholar- 
Ships. 


General 
purposes. 


Scholar- 
ships. 


Before 1875 


14,640 


$26,666 
7,000 
22,500 
10,000 
19,000 
43,600 


1901-1905 


$223, 363 

5,600 

432,750 


$14,000 
19 500 


1876-1880 


1906-1910 


1881-1885 


25,000 
50,792 
164, 134 
185,000 


1911-1915 


56*314 


1886-1890 


Total 




1891-1895 


1,091,179 


218,480 


1896-1900 1 





' Compiled from catalogues and the presidents report. 

From this table it appears that these two funds have increased rapidly and 
that each has reached a position of importance in the support of the college. 

5. OBEBUN AN EXAMPLE OF THE MANUAL LABOE COLLEGE. 

Oberlin College was another institution of the early national period whose 
early history has been traced.' It was pointed out that Oberlin's attempts at 
gathering funds for permanent endowment were pretty much a failure before 
the Civil War. Table 28 furnishes us with a very remarkable sequel, however, 
to that earlier story of hard times, for since the Civil War Oberlin has made 
progress quite similar to that noted above for Amherst, Andover, and Mount 
Holyoke. 

It is not only in Oberlin's total, however, but In the purposes for which 
these totals were given that we see the large value of her endowment. This the 
table makes clear through a period of almost a half century. 



• See p. 46 ff. 



66 



PHILANl^HROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Table 28. — Distribution of OherUn's permanent funds, received 'by gift and 

bequest, 1833-1915.'^ 





Total. 


To general funds of— 


Special funds. 


Dates. 


Univer- 
sity. 


College. 


Seminary. 


Library. 


Professor- 
ships.* 


Scholar- 
ships.' 


1860-1865 


$6,000 
25,000 
28,494 
98,291 
464,093 
125,219 
97,692 
116,877 
637,103 
638,796 
348,243 












$6,000 


1866-1870 










$25,000 

8,935 

91,005 

148,906 
92,268 
68,000 
12,624 

108,919 
40,000 




1871 1875 


$17,514 

1,286 

186,026 








2,045 


1876-1880 








4,000 


1881-1886 


$68,059 


$42,135 
133 
427 


$887 
14,276 


18,100 


1886-1890 


18,542 


1891-1895 


24,815 
72,944 
372,319 
343,496 
188,685 




4,450 


1896-1900 




5,824 
. 4,752 
73,549 


26,685 


1901-1905 


10,000 
68,034 
4,142 


28,113 
37,767 
96,016 


13,000 


1906-1910 


16,760 


1911 1915 


69,500 











1 Data for this table were compiled from the Oberlin General Catalogue, 1833-1908, and the Quinquennial 
Catalogue tor 1916. 

2 Of the total amount of benefactions for this purpose to 1908, 61 per cent was received as direct gifts, 
24 per cent by bequest, and 25 per cent by endowment canvasses. Nearly 26 per cent of it was for thQ 
endowment of rehgious and theological instruction and 18 per cent for instmction in natural and physical 



'Of the total amount given for the endowment of scholarships during these years, 22 per cent was received 
by bequests, nearly 5 per cent came from churches, and 3 per cent from different classes of alumni. About 
14 per cent of it was for those entering missionary work or th6se who were children of missionaries, more 
than 25 per cent was for indigent self-supporting students, 8 per cent for colored students, and 15 per cent 
for girls. 

Some details concerning the growth of the professorship funds are added in 
Table 29. From these facts it appears that slightly more than half of the 
total of these funds was built up by subscription methods, approximately one- 
fourth by gift and the same by bequest. 



Table 29. — Date, amount, and source of each endowed professorship at Oberlin 

College. 



Dates. 


Amovmt. 


How obtained. 


Branch of instruction endowed. 


1867 


$26,000 
8,935 
21,371 
19,634 
50,000 
26,000 
25,158 
23,748 
30,000 
26,000 
20,000 
66,881 
36,387 
38,000 

30,000 
12,524 
30,419 
40,000 
38,500 
40,000 


Bequest , 


Greek literature and archseology. 

New Testament language and literature. 


1876 


Subscription 


1877 


do . . .. 


Old Testamcflit language and literature. 


1879 


do 




1880 


Gift 




1881 


do 


Homiletics. * ' "' 


1882 






1882 


do 




1882 


Gift 


Latin language and literature. 


1884 


Bequest . .. 


Mathematics" 


1886 


Gift 


Physiology and physical training. 
German and Frenob. 


1889 


Bequest 


1888 


Suoscription....'. 


Theology. 


1393 


Gift..,., 


Dean of women and director of women's gymna- 
sium. 
History. 


1895 


do 


1898 






1901 


In part by subscription 


Director of conservatory of music. 


1902 


Gift:............. ::: :: 


Mineralogy and chemistry. 


1904 






1907 


Gift 


Practical theology. 









Considering these four colleges as fairly representatlTe of the philanthropic 
foundations of the early national period, we may say of their development 
slince the Civil War that in all cases this has been a period of rapid growth. 
The period of experimentation seems to have passed about war times, and 
these colleges to have been accepted as worthy of the full confidence of phi- 
lanthropy. Permanent funds began to accumulate, slowly at first and then at 
an increasing rate, till now aU have a substantial income from such funds. 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 67 

At the present rate of gi-owth, and with no more than normal expansion, these 
colleges will in time become practically independent of Income from other 
sources. The endowment funds of these colleges are In large part available 
for general purposes, though considerable sums have been given for pro- 
fessorships, scholarships, and Ubrary. 

PHILAHTHEOPY IN THE COLLEGES OF THIS PERIOD. 

Down to 1865 practically every college had begun its existence with very 
small funds, usually with little or no real endowment, and had had to pass 
through a long financial struggle before it had won a clientage suflicient to 
guarantee its future. During the period here under discussion colleges con- 
tinued to be founded on that same basis. Drury College began in poverty in 
1873 and remained poor until 1892, when a gift of $50,000 laid the foundation 
of her present endowment of over a quarter of a million. Carleton College, 
chartered in 1867, began with $20,000 received from the citizens of Northfleld 
and $10,000 received from the Congregational Churches of the State. In 1915 
this college possessed endowment funds of almost a million dollars. Wash- 
burn College, chartered in 1865, was started by small gifts from the Congre- 
gational Churches, but by 1915 had developed an endowment of over $360,000. 
These are but three from the many well-known illustrations of this type. 

1. THE PKIVATBLT ENDOWED "DNrVEESITT A NEW TYPE. 

In addition to this type, however, we see the beginning of a new era In 
educational philanthropy — an era in which a great and independently endowed 
university could spring into existence almost at once from the gifts of a single 
benefactor. 

Such schools did not have to go to the public and beg for funds, nor await 
any sort of social sanction. They secured their charters as corporations, 
erected their buildings, called together their faculties, organized their curricula, 
and opened their doors to students. They start, therefore, as educational and 
philanthropic, and we might also say, social experiments. Can such financially 
powerful corporations be trusted to keep faith with America's educational, 
economic, religious, and social ideals was the question in many minds at that 
time. 

An examination of the charters, articles of incorporation, and other founda- 
tion documents of these institutions should reveal something of their own 
conception of what their function was to be. Accordingly the following ex- 
cerpts from these sources are presented : 

1. EDUCATIONAl AIMS. 

The charter of Vassar College was issued in 1861. Section 2 of this charter 
declares it to be the object and purpose of the corporation " To promote tlie 
education of young women in literature, science, and the arts." 

A fuller statement is to be found in Matthew Vassar's address to the trustees 
of the college, delivered on February 26, 1861, in which he says : 

I wish that the course of study should embrace at least the following partic- 
ulars : The English language and its literature ; other modern languages ; the 
ancient classics, as far as may be demanded by the spirit of the times ; the 
mathematics, to such an extent as may be deemed advisable ; all the branches of 
natural science, with full apparatus, cabinets, collections, and conservatories 
for visible Illustrations ; anatomy, physiology, and hygiene, with practical refer- 
ence to the laws of health of the sex ; intellectual philosophy ; the elements of 
political economy ; some knowledge of the Federal and State Constitutions 



68 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

and laws; moral science, particularly as bearing on the filial, conjugal, and 
parental relations ; aesthetics, as treating of the beautiful in nature and art, 
and to be illustrated by an extensive gallery of art ; domestic economy, prac- 
tically taught, so far as possible, in order to prepare graduates readily to 
become skillful housekeepers ; last, and most important of all, the daily, system- 
atic reading and study of the Holy Scriptures as the only and all-sufficient 
rule of Christian faith and practice.' 

Oornell's charter, granted in 1865, says, in section 3 : 

The leading object of the corporation hereby created shall be to teach such 
branches of learning as are related to agriculture and the mechanical arts, 
incuding military tactics ; in order to promote the liberal and practical educa- 
tion of the industrial classes in the several pursuits and professions in life. 
But such other branches of science and knowledge may be embraced in the 
plan of instruction and investigation pertaining to the university as the 
trustees may deem useful and proper." 

In addition to this statement from the charter, we have the following words 
from Ezra Cornell, the founder :" 

I hope we have laid the foundation of an institution which shall combine prac- 
tical with liberal education, * * * i desire that this shall prove to be the 
beginning of an institution which shall furnish better means for the culture of 
all men, of every calling, of every aim ; * * * training them to be more 
useful in their relations to the State, and to better comprehend their higher 
and holier relations to their families and their God. 

Finally, I trust we have laid the foundation of- a university — "an institu- 
tion where any person can find instruction in any study." 

Johns Hopkins says in his will : 

I do hereby give, devise, and bequeath all the rest * * * of my real and 
personal estate to be held, used, and applied by such corporation in, for, and to 
its corporate purposes in accordance with the provision of its existing charter 
of incorporation, etc." 

In this brief and formal certificate of incorporation of August 24, 1867, we 
find the general declaration of purpose to be that of " Organizing a university 
for the promotion of education in the State of Maryland," etc." 

These general ideas of the purpose of Johns Hopkins University are made a 
bit more specific in the inaugural address of the first president in which he lays 
down 12 principles fairly well expressed in the following brief excerpts :" 

1. All sciences are worthy of promotion, etc. 

2. Religion has nothing to fear from science, and vice versa. 

3. Remote utility is quite as worthy to be thought of as immediate ad- 

vantage. 

4. As it is impossible for any university to encourage with equal freedom 

all branches of learning, a selection must be made by enlightened 
governors, and that selection must depend on the requirements and 
deficiencies of a given people in a given period. 

5. Teachers and pupils must be allowed great freedom in their method of 

work. 

In his next several principles he lays emphasis upon the importance of a 
broad liberal culture for all students; upon research for professors, upon the 
influence of research upon instruction, and vice versa ; points out that honors 
must be bestowed sparingly and benefits freely ; and says that a university is 
a thing of slow growth and very liable to fall into ruts. 

• In Vasaar, by Taylor, James Monroe, and Hais^t, Elizabeth Hazelton, Appendix II. 

« Cornell University Register, 1868. 

" Fonnder's Address at the Inaugural of President White In 1868, In Biography of 
Ezra Cornell, A. S. Barnes & Co., 1884, p. 199 ff. 

"^ Johns Hopkins University — Charter, Eztracts of Will, Officers, and By-Laws. Balti- 
more, 1874. 

"Published with subsequent amendments in the University Register for 1918-19. 

"Addresses at the Inauguration of Daniel C. GUman, as President of Johns HopkloB 
University, Baltimore, 1876. 



THE LATE WATIONAX, PERIOD, 1865-1918. 69 

The founding grant of Leland Stanford Junior University declares tliat it is 
" Its object to qualify Its students for personal success and direct usefulness 
in life." 

And further : 

Its purposes, to promote the public welfare by exercising an influence in be- 
half of humanity and civilization, teaching the blessings of liberty regulated 
by law, and Inculcating love and reverence for the great principles of govern- 
ment as derived from the inalienable rights of man to life, liberty, and the pur- 
suit of happiness. 

In addition to vs^ork of instruction, the university was designed " to advance 
learning, the arts, and sciences." 

In the University of Chicago certificate of incorporation we find the aim of 
the foundation expressed in section 2 as follows : 

To provide, impart, and furnish opportunities for aU departments of higher 
education to persons of both sexes on equal terms ; * * * to establish and 
maintain a university in which may be taught all branches of higher learning. 

Such are the educational aims of these institutions as they were conceived 
by the founders. / 

I 

2. BELIG10U8 AIMS. 

The religious emphasis is shovra to some extent in these same documents. 

Vassar's charter makes no reference to religion, but Mr. Vassar, in the ad- 
dress above quoted, does. In addition to the reference to religion in the above 
quotation, he says : 

All sectarian influences should be carefully excluded ; but the training of our 
students should never be intrusted to the skeptical, the irreligious, or the im- 
moral. 

Cornell's charter makes specific reference to religion, as follows : 

Sec. 2. But at no time shall a majority of the board be of any one religious 
sect or of no religious sect. 

Sec. 3. And persons of every religious denomination shall be equally eligible 
to all offices and appointments. 

In Johns Hopkins' brief charter no reference is made to religion, but in 
President Gilman's address, as above quoted, we can see that questions of 
religion were to fix no limitations in the life of the university nt any point. 

Leland Stanford's foundation grant as amended in October, 1902, says : 

The university must be forever maintained upon a strictly nonpartisan and 
nonsectarian basis. 

The charter of the University of Chicago says : 

Sec. 3. At all times two-thirds of the trustees and also the president of the 
university and of said college shall be members of regular Baptist Churches 
* * * in this particular this charter shall be forever unalterable. 

No other religious test or particular religious profession shall ever be held as 
a requisite for election to said board or for admission to said university * * * 
or for election to any professorship or any place of honor or emolument in said 
corporation, etc. 

^uch aims as these could not have been expressed in earlier college charters. 
The idea of educating young women in the sciences ; the idea of connecting 
science as taught in the college with the work of the farmer and mechanic; 
the laboratory method of teaching ; the idea of investigation and research as a 
imiversity function ; the slight general references to and the broad liberality 
in matters of religion ; these things could not have been written into the founda- 
tion documents of our colonial colleges. There is a marked contrast between 
the general tone and the actual ideas and ideals expressed here and those 
shown from colonial charters in Table 1 above. 



70 PHILANTHEOPy IN AMEBICAIT HIGHEE EDXJCATIOIir. 

The new education Is strongly suggested in almost every line of these docu- 
ments, and a careful analysis of the conditions placed upon the foundation 
gifts would show that very little is to be subtracted from the showing which 
the above quotations make. 

Mr. Rocliefeller demanded that the Baptist Education Board should raise 
$400,000 to put with his gift of $600,000, his gift to become a permanent endow- 
ment for current expenses. The conditions of his next several large gifts were 
quite as simple. 

Matthew Vassar placed in the hands of his trustees securities worth $400,000 
with which to build a seminary and college for women. He explained what 
his notion of such a college was and then very modestly advised the board as to 
future use of the funds. 

Mr. Cornell had to meet the demands— not altogether reasonable — of the 
State of New YorJi, and those of the national land-grant act of 1862 before he 
could give $500,000 to build a university. 

These are typical. These great fortunes were to build and endow a " college " 
or a " university," as the case might be, and no narrow limitations were placed 
upon the use of the gifts to those ends. With such large initial funds available, 
it is obvious that these institutions are in a position to reject any subsequent 
gift that does not meet the essential purposes for which the schools were 
founded. The aims laid down in their charters can be carried out without help 
if necessary," and it is especially noteworthy, therefore, that in no case has 
society failed to accept the foundation in the right spirit. Almost from the 
start the people made these projects their own, as was evidenced by the con- 
tributions which very soon began to flow into their treasuries from outside 
sources. 

3. TYPES OF EAKLT CONDITIONAL GIFTS. 

Vassar College. — ^Vassar College was founded in 1861 and was opened to 
students in 1865. Mr. Vassar's first gift was $408,000. In 1864 he added a gift 
of $20,000, for an art collection, and in 1868, by his will, he canceled a $75,000 
debt for the college, and added $275,000 to establish a lectureship fund, a 
students' aid fund, a library and art cabinet fund, and a repair fund. The 
first important gift to come to Vassar from the outside was in 1871, when 
A. J. Fox gave $6,000 to establish the Fox scholarship. This was soon followed 
by two other gifts for scholarships and in 1879 by a gift of $6,000, and in 1882 
by another of $3,000, both for scholarships." 

In 1879 two of the founder's nephews agreed to build a laboratory of chem- 
istry and physics ; in addition to which Matthew Vassar, jr., gave $50,000 for 
scholarships and $40,000 for two professorships. In 1890 an endowment fund 
of $100,000 was raised by subscriptions." 

IS Andrew D. White, In his AutoWography, Vol. I, p. 413, quotes the foUowing statement 
from a trustee of Johns Hopkins University : " We at least have this in our favor ; we can 
follow out our own conceptions and convictions of what Is best ; we have no need of obey- 
ing the Injunctions of any l^lslature, the beliefs of any religious body, or the clamors 
of any press ; we are free to do what we really believe best, as slowly and in such manner 
as we see fit." 

" In accepting some of these scholarships the college bound itself for all time to edu- 
cate a girl on each of the foundations. That was possible when money was worth 7 per 
ceut, and the cost at such education $400 ; but as money fell to 4J to 5 per cent, and the 
cost of such education rose to $500, such gifts became liabilities in place of assets. This, 
however, was no fault of philanthropy, but due rather to shortsighted management on 
the part of the college. Such management was not, however, without precedent See 
discussion of Oberlin scholarships, p. 46. 

"These facts were taken from Tailor and Haight's Yassar, and from President's Re- 
ports and Catalogues. 



THE LATE NATIOKAL PEEIOD, 1865-1918. 71 

This covers practically all the gifts to Vassar during its first 25 years of 
work. Certainly the conditions named have been in line with the main purposes 
of the founder. 

Cornell University. — At Cornell University, founded in 1865, we have a some- 
what different situation. The half million doUar gift of the founder was very 
thoroughly bound to fulfill certain conditions laid down by the State legisla- 
ture." The university started and grew against serious opposition of almost 
every sort, and almost immediately gifts began to be received. 

In 1871 Henry W. Sage gave $250,000 to establish and endow a women's col- 
lege ; John McGraw erected the McGraw Building; at a cost of about $100,000 ; 
Hiram Sibley presented a building and equipment for the college of mechanic 
arts at a cost of over $50,000 ; President White built the President's House, 
at a cost of some $60,000 ; and Dean Sage endowed the chapel which had been 
built by a gift of Henry W. Sage. These are typical of many other early 
gifts which produced a phenomenally rapid growth of the university." 

Joiin Hopkins University. — Johns Hopkins opended its doors in 1876, hav- 
ing been chartered in 1867. Almost immediately its large foundation began 
to be supplemented by gifts and bequests. In his will, dated February 26, 1876, 
Dr. Henry W. Baxley left $23,836 to found a medical professorship. In the 
same year a small gift was received for a scholarship, and this was followed 
by several others during the next few years. Large and important book col- 
lections, including a large German law library for Heidelberg, were contributed 
to the library very soon after it was opened, and two $10,000 fellowships were 
contributed in 1887. Numerous small gifts are also recorded, but these are 
fuUy typical of the conditional gifts to Johns Hopkins during her first two 
decades.^ 

CMcago University. — Among the early gifts to the University of Chicago 
after it was chartered in 1890 was a site for the college by Marshall Field 
and a million-dollar gift from Mr. Rockefeller, $800,000 of the latter to be used 
as a permanent fund for the support of nonprofessional graduate instruction 
and fellowships, $100,000 to be used as a permanent fund for the endowment 
of theological instruction in the divinity school of the university, and $100,000 
to be used in the construction of buildings for the divinity school. In 1891 
the trustees of the William B. Ogden estate began proceedings which ended 
in a gift of nearly $600,000 for the Ogden Graduate School of Science. In 
1893 Silas B. Cobb gave a $150,000 recitation building, and in this same year 
three other large gifts for buildings were received. Numerous other gifts, such 
as an astronomical observatory, a physical laboratory, a chemistry building, 
an oriental museum, followed within a few years, as also did large sums for 
endowment. 

Leland Stanford Junior University. — At Leland Stanford Junior University, 
opened in 1891 on the largest initial foundation gift yet made to an American 
institution of higher learning, numerous valuable gifts were made to the 
library and museum from the start. The half-million dollar jewel fund for 
the endowment of the library was the gift of Mrs. Stanford in 1905. Other 
large gifts from Thomas Welton Stanford restored the museum, which had 
been destroyed by the earthquake in 1906, and added an art museum and a 

" By tie charter the university was made subject to visitation of the regents of 
the University of New York, and the trustees were made personally liable for any debt 
above $50,000. It alSo made the founding gift of Mr. Cornell absolutely unconditional. 

■* For these facts, see President White's Autobiography, and W. T. Hewett's Cornell 
University, a History, Vol. Ill, Appendix. 

» See A List of Gifts and Bequests Received by the John Hopkins University, 1876- 
1891, Baltimore, 1892. 



72 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



valuable art coUeetion. Several prize scholarship, fellowship, and lecture- 
ship funfls were also among the early gifts. 

We may say, then, that these institutions did receive gifts from the out- 
side, and that very soon after they were founded. We may say that the 
conditions of these gifts were unquestionably in accord with the essential 
aims set forth in the charters of the schools. In other words, these projects 
met the real test and passed it, and having received society's sanction they 
have joined the ranks of Harvard, Yale, Columbia, Oberlin, Amherst, and the 
long list of institutions which these names suggest. 

4. ANALYSIS OF GrrTS TO TWO T7NIVEESIT1ES OF THIS GEOOP. 

It is possible to add to this description something of the financial history 
of two of these universities. Tables 30 and 31 give us a fairly complete 
account of the Income to the University of Chicago and to Cornell University 
at intervals of five years down to 1915. Any one of the columns of these 
tables is instructive. All point to the phenomenal growth of these univer- 
sities. The income from tuition shows the rapid growth of the student 
bodies, and when compared with the column showing the total ingome it is 
seen that throughout Cornell's history tuition has furnished from one-fourth 
to one-seventh of the total annual income, while at the University of Chicago 
this percentage is from one-third to one-fifth. The income from productive 
funds in both tables shows a steady and rapid increase almost from the start, 
and at Cornell has furnished from two to six and even nine times the income 
produced by tuition. 

The gifts column in Table 31 shows that gifts have become, subsequently 
to 1890, an extremely important and dependable source of income. It should 
be added that an examination of the treasurer's reports shows that a large 
percentage of these gifts to Cornell have been going into the permanent 
funds of the university. 

In Table 30 we have a further analysis of the benefactions to the Uni- 
versity of Chicago, after 1906, from which we are able to see the extent to 
which gifts are being received for enlargement of plant, for endowment, and 
for current expenses, respectively, from which it is evident that a very large 
percentage of all gifts go into the permanent funds. 

Table 30. — Income of University of Chicago at 5-year intervals from 1890 

to 1915^ 





From student fees. 


From ■ 

productive 

funds. 


From private benefactions (or— 


From 

otlier 

sources. 




Dates. 


Tuition. 


Other 

student 

fees. 


Plant. 


Endow- 
ment. 


Current 
expenses. 


Total 
income. 


1890 










$2,127,083 








1895 


$130,000 




$140,000 
207,620 
336,144 
774,246 
1,094 254 






$205,000 
30,280 
47^607 
46,687 
103,880 


$1,365,000 

2 095 997 
1 468 178 
2,793,968 

3 268,508 


1900 


294, 


4n2 


«$V,634,'9i6" 
273,642 
352,193 


1,563,695 
579,873 
867,048 
784,303 




1905 


504, F^i 


« $388,270 
53,635 
7,885 


1910 


688,721 
708,176 


193,989 
217,838 


1916 





1 Data eompUed from United States Commissioner's Reports and from the reports of the university 
president. 
' In 1907. 



THE LATE N^ATIOKrAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 



73 



Table 31. — Financial exhilit of income of Cornell University at five-year inter- 
vals from 1865 to 1915.^ 



Years. 


Tuition fees. 


Other 
receipts 

from 
students. 


Income of 
investments. 


Productive 
funds. 


Ail other 
sources. 


Total. 


1865-66 












$9,000 
76 711 


1868-69 


J33,348 

15,105 

18,545 

17,050 

46,000 

114,277 

155,003 

251,031 

476,400 

635,346 

622,575 






$130, 000 




1874 


Jl,993 
1,637 
2,719 
18, 502 
26,736 
38,413 
67,311 


J80,000 
73,662 
186,907 
276,028 
314,993 
376,033 
413,629 
428, 562 
644,637 
709,777 


S9,203 

13, 314 

10, 700 

22,775 

66,931 

40,849 

122, 915 

119,624 

346,595 

409,826 


loo' 301 


1879 




107;i58 

217,377 

362,304 

624,631 

675, 163 

1,330,336 

1,460,610 

6,790,280 

3,161,381 


1884 




1889 




1894 


112,595 
64,855 
486,449 
183,252 
4,376,103 
201,484 


1899 


1904 


1909 


1914 


45,334 
183,975 


1915 





1 Data to 1904 from Hewett's Cornell University, and subsequent to 1904 from Reports of the United 
States Commissioner of Education. 

Prom these figures it is evident that the scale upon which these institutions 
were founded has been fairly maintained as their scale of growth. Chicago's 
income from permanent funds is furnishing an increasing proportion of her 
annual income, while the opposite appears to be true of Cornell. The latter is 
explained by the fact that Cornell has in recent years been receiving relatively 
large annual appropriations from the State, the city, and the United States. 
What we have noted above regarding the endowment funds of the colonial and 
early national colleges, then, is equally true of these younger institutions. 
They are rapidly building up a source of support that will, under normal ex- 
pansion, make them independent. 

If we ask regarding the further conditions placed upon these vast gifts to 
higher education, we have but to read over the lists published in the year- 
books, in magazines, and in official university publications to see that they 
are rarely out of line with the main lines of growth in the institution receiving 
them. More than half of Cornell's permanent funds belong to the general 
funds of the university or to some one of the schools or departments.^ 

Of the great foundations of this period then we may say : Financially they 
are practically independent from the start; each is, in the main, the gift of 
one man ; their charters grant them' almost unlimited freedom to become any- 
thing they may choose to call college or university; they are very definitely 
nonsectarian and nonpolitical, but one, Chicago, is definitely fostered by a 
church ; they cultivate liberality in matters of religion ; they stress original 
research as a professorial function ; and, in the face of real opposition in some 
cases, as well as the natural tendency to distrust such large corporations, the 
gifts they have received from the start show that they have been accepted by 
the public as fully as have the most ancient or most religious foundations of 
the past. All are rapidly building up permanent endowment funds which 
promise a large degree of financial independence in the future, and, judged by 
our best standards, all are not only fuUy law-abiding, but each in its own way 
is exercising wide leadership in the field of higher education. 



PHILANTHKOPT THEOTJGH HELIGIOTJS EDUCATION SOCIETIES. 

As explained in Chapter III, religious education societies arose very early 
in the last century in response to a growing demand for trained ministers, 

^A full Hat of these funds with date and amount of each, and with fairly complete 
statement of conditions controlling the use of their income. Is puWlslied In the annual 
report of the treasurer for 1915-16. 



74 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



which demand the colleges were failing to meet. They organized and were 
chartered as corporations to aid in the education of young men for this calling. 
They operated mainly by direct aid to the student, though in some cases grants 
were made to colleges. Most of the societies did some work of this kind, even 
going so far as to found colleges in some instances." 

Most of these societies survived the period of the Rebellion and have con- 
tinued, separately or in combination, to carry on this work to the present time. 
Many other societies have also been organized, several new ones having ap- 
peared very recently. The old methods of assistance have continued in force, 
and permanent endowment funds have in several cases grown to importance, 
and it is plain that the influence of these organizations Is becoming greater. At 
present they are organized on denominational lines, though originally many of 
them were not so. 

1. THE AMEEICAN EDUCATION SOCIETY. 

Something of the extent of their service to higher education may be seen 
from the following tables, which are typical of the best work that is being done 
by these societies. Table 32 shows the annual income of the American Educa- 
tion Society, the number of students assisted, the amount of permanent funds 
possessed, the total annual grant to colleges, and, for a few years, the number of 
colleges receiving these grants. The first two columns are a continuation of 
columns one and two in Table 14. 



Table 32. — Finanoial statistics of the American Education Society at intervals 
of five years from 1866 to 1915. 



D^tes. 


Amount 
received. 


Students 
aided. 


Amount 
of per- 
manent 
fund. 


' Orants 

to 
colleges.! 


Colleges 
aided. 


1865 


$21,613 
27,120 
93,713 
64,097 
60,124 
101,425 
141,189 
120,047 
144,036 
129,555 
89,639 


253 
354 
413 
367 
309 
359 
335 
138 
192 
231 


$81,000 
81,500 
81,500 
83,499 
103,418 
112,622 
225,342 






1870 






1875. _ 


> $62, 375 
38,983 
•88,137 
58,336 
26,534 
28.861 
7^849 
22,731 
10,521 




1880 




1885 


■8 


1890 




1895 




1900 




1905 


281, 114 
282,124 




1910 




1915 , 













' Usually much larger sums were given to academies than to colleges. 

2 In this year (1875) the society jomed with the Society for the Promotion of Collegiate and Theological 
Education, was chartered, and became the American College and Education Sodetv. 
•In 1884. 

If we turn to Table 14 we will see that this society grew rapidly from its 
beginning in 1815 to well into the thirties, after which it slowly declined until 
after the Civil War, when it again entered upon a period of prosperity which 
has continued practically to the present time. 

In 1874 the American Education Society, which had worked mainly by 
grants to students, was combined with the Society for the Promotion of Col- 
legiate and Theological Education in the West, which had operated by making 
grants to colleges." This shift in emphasis appears in column 4 under " grants 
to colleges." 

The rise in income along with the decline in number of students and colleges 
aided is explained by the fact that increasing attention has been given to the 

^ As when the Western College Society founded Illinois College In 1843. 
•• See p. 50 ff. 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 



75 



work of academies, pastorates, and missionary schools.'' The society has not 
only prospered, but its total service to education has increased. 

2. THE PBESBYTEBIAN EDUCATIOISr BOARD. 

Table 33 continues for the board of education of the Presbyterian Church the 
facts shown for that society in Table 14. In addition, this table shows the 
number of churches from which contributions were received, ajid the maximum 
amount and the total amount of aid granted to students. 

Table 33. — Financial statistics of the Presbyterian Board of Education at inter- 
vals of five years.^ 



Years. 


Number 

of con- 

tributiag 

churches. 


Receipts 
from all 
sources. 


Number 
of candi- 
dates 
aided. 


Maxi- 
mum 
amount 
of aid. 


Total 
amount 
paid to 
candi- 
dates. 


1866 




J46,751 
52, 276 
68,179 


296 
391 
496 
424 
619 
839 
1,031 
716 
658 
843 
776 
895 




$41,027 


1870 




$150 
160 
100 
110 
100 
80 
80 
100 
100 
75-150 
75-150 


40,897 


1875 




63,450 


1880 


2 208 


40,861 
63,314 


1885 


2, 632 72. 733 


1890 


3,008 
3,165 
3,523 
3,788 
4,958 
6,431 
5,504 


84,936 
97,278 
77,763 
119, 104 
148,503 
164,459 
203,592 


67,651 


1895 


79, 071 


1900 


51,499 


1905 


64,535 


1910 


81,414 


1915 .. . 


79, 815 


1917 


86,902 






Total 




4,864,402 






3, 147, 637 













' statistics from the 98th An. Rep. of the board, in 1917; the Cumberland Presbyterian Education Society 
united with this board in 1908; their first joint report is in 1907. 

First of aU, it wiU be seen that since 1878 the jumber of churches con- 
tributing to the funds of this society has practically* trebled. This in- 
crease in the society's clientage has been very gradual, and an examination 
of the receipts shows that the average contribution per church has remained 
fairly constant or perhaps increased slightly. If we examine the three last 
columns of this table we see that its service has also increased. The number 
of students aided has increased from 296 in 1866 to 1,037 in 1896 ; then, after 
a decline for a few years, has risen again to 895 in 1917. During these years 
the amount of aid per student has fluctuated somewhat but on the whole has 
declined, while the total of grants has varied somewhat with the number 
of students aided. 

3. METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHUBCH BOABD. 

The board of education of the Methodist Episcopal Church took definite 
form in 1864. Its charter empowered it to aid young men desiring to enter 
missionary work or the ministry, and to aid biblical or theological schools, as 
well as universities, colleges, and academies then (1869) under the patronage 
of the church. No gifts were to be made for buildings and no aid was to 
be given to any school not then in existence, except " the board shall first have 
been consulted and shall have approved of the establishment and organization 
of such institution." " Down to 1908 it has rendered aid to higher education 



» See Ad. Rep. of the Treasurer, 1916. 

'^ See the original charter of 1869, published in the 1904 report, 

111512°— 22 6 



76 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



entirely by making loans direct to students, for the reason that It had practically 
no funds for work of a broader scope.*" Since that time it has, in addition 
to this, made grants to colleges. Table 34 shows the annual receipts from 
gifts, the annual outlay in the form of loans to students, the annual grants 
to institutions, and, for some years, the number of students receiving these 
loans. From these figures it is evident that this society has made a remarkably 
rapid growth. From its beginning in 1873 to 1915 the board claims to have 
assisted a total of 22,392 different students." That includes those In the 
academies and theological schools as well as those in college. 

Table 34. — Financial statistics of the toard of educaition of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, 1868-1915, at intervals of five years.^ 



Years. 


Amount 
received 
less in- 
terest on 
permanent 
funds. 


Amount of 
loans to 
students. 


Number 

of students 

aided. 


1 A mount of 
aid to in- 
stitutions. 


1868 


$84,000 

2,141 

5,079 

38,852 

64 914 

76,529 

114,651 

130,640 

164.608 

200,158 






-. 


1875 


110,095 
8,000 
31,684 
42,173 
70,596 
81,749 
108,658 
115.400 
123,696 






1880 .' 






1885 






1890 . . 






1895 


1,540 




1900 




1905 








2,072 
2,189 


t20 496 


1915 


43,528 




Total 


3,338,725 


2,634,034 




260,072 







> Compiled from annual and quadrennial reports of the board. 

Table 35. — Biennial receipts of the 'board of education of the EvangeiUoal 
Lutheran Church in the United States of America. 



Periods. 


Amount 
received. 


Periods. 


Amount 
received. 


Periods. 


Amount 
received. 


1887-1889 


J6,409 
10,140 
14,181 
15,288 
19,878 


1897-1899 


$21,012 
27,070 
41,105 
40,635 
54,234 


1907-1909 


$104,866 


1889-1891 


1899-1901 


1909-19U 


1891-1893 


1901-1903 


1911-1913 ... . 


75,656 
89,746 
95,738 


1893-1895 


1903-1905 


1913-1915 


1895-1897 


1905-1907 


1915-1917 









4. EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHUECH BOAED. 



In 1885 the board of education of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in the 
United States of America was organized and has operated continuously since. 
Table 35 shows the resources of the board biennially since its foundation. Its 
method of work has been that of making contributions to various educational 
Institutions. According to treasurers' reports, gifts to colleges were sometimes 
for the " budget " of the school and sometimes for a specific item, as interest 
on a debti special endowment, scholarship, etc. For the past decade reports 
show that at least seven Institutions were regular recipients of aid from this 
board, and it appears froni reports to have been responsible for founding, and 
also for refusing to found, new institutions, which together indicates that it is 
in some sense a supervising agency. 

" See discussion of tliis in ttie annual report of the board for 1904. 
"An. Rep., 1910. 



THE LATE KATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 77 

6. WOEK OF THESE SOCXETIES EVALTTATED. 

While it is not possible to state jnst what proportion of the funds of these 
societies has gone into higher education, it is clear that all effort has been 
aimed directly or indirectly at training for the ministry. One has but to 
glance at the columns, and especially at their totals, to realize that these 
organizations have meant much to the growth of higher education in this 
country. The Income of the Presbyterian board for 1917 is approximately that 
of such colleges as Wells and Beloit. 

The showing for these four societies or boards is probably typical of the 
best that is being done by these organizations. Undoubtedly thousands of 
young men and women, have received secondary or collegiate training who 
would otherwise have received little or no schooling. The ministry has 
brought many into its service by this means. These societies have saved 
colleges which were virtually bankrupt. By small gifts they have stimulated 
much larger ones. They have exercised supervision over colleges under their 
patronage by refusing aid to those which show no promise. They have by 
these and other means attempted standardization, and it should be added that 
the Methodist board began to exercise this influence very early .^ They have 
through church pulpits and Sunday schools brought the problems of college 
education to the attention of a large percentage of our population. More 
recently coordination of the efforts of these many boards, through the work 
of the council of church boards of education, is resulting in a more intelli- 
gent placement of new foundations. Doubtless we should add that these boards 
have helped to save denominationallsm among churches, whatever that may 
be worth. 

Most of them seem to be worthy aims, if the cost has not been too great. 
In opposition to this kind of philanthrophy it is sometimes argued that a 
young man who is put through college by the aid of these boards naturally 
feels obligated to enter the ministry regardless of the fact that he discovers 
in the course of his training that he is better fitted for some other calling; 
that, as a rule, academy students are not in a position to decide upon a voca- 
tion; that the scholarship method, unless appointments are based upon ability, 
is not the best way to stimulate scholarly efforts ; and that the cost of admin- 
istering the funds is too large.™ 

It is clear at any rate that these boards are occupying a much stronger 
position among the churches than formerly. Their supervision is real super- 
vision, when it is possible for them to close up such of their own weaker insti- 

" In 1892 general conferences of the Methodist Episcopal Ciurch authorized a " uni- 
versity senate " to formulate a standaid of requirements for graduation to baccalaureate 
degree in their church schools, and the board was authorized to classify as collies only 
such schools as met those requirements. See Appendix to Annual Report for 1892, and 
for the general conference for 1896, p. 736. The collies are classified on this basis in 
the annual reports of the board for 1895. 

* In 1875 approximately 11 per cent of the expenditures of the American College and 
Education Society was for the cost of administration. The cost of administration for the 
Methodist board amounted to more than 16 per cent of the total expenditures in 1889, 
and about 27 per cent in 1915, and the same figure for the Presbyterian board in 1888 
was about 10 per cent. Of course these are only rough figures. The administrative offi- 
cers are often engaged in ways that are directly useful in the development of higher educa- 
tion. The application of college standards by the administrative officers of the Methodist 
board is a fair Olustration. The making of educational surveys, the gathering and pub- 
lication of educational information, the vast amounts of correspondence in connection with 
gifts and loans, and the advice to colleges concerning their educational and financial de- 
velopment, are all illustrations. In a sense these boards are all engaged in propaganda 
work, the results at which it is diScult to eraluata. 



78 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEBICAN HIGHBK EDTTCATION. 

tntions as they may decide are no longer useful." These boards are not only 
taking a scientific attitude toward this problem, but they are studying their col- 
leges to see what are needed and what are not needed, and are advocating, and 
in many cases effecting, the close of the superfluous institutions." 

6. COUNCn, OF CHUECH BOABDS OF EDUCATION. 

There Is one feature of this whole movement which seems to promise very 
great possibilities for good. That is the recently organized council of church 
boards of education. This council was organized in 1911, and has for its pur- 
pose a more intelligent cooperation among churches in the building and main- 
tenance of church colleges." Possibly it was the influence of the more powerful 
philanthropic agencies, together with the growing prestige of the great pri- 
vately endowed and State universities, that brought the small church college 
to realize that its influence was beginning to wane. 

This movement toward cooperation is one important outcome of the vigorous 
discussions of the place of the small college in American higher education. 
These boards knew many of the weak points in the church college situation 
and knew that duplication of effort was probably their greatest weakness. 

At an informal conference of the secretaries of seven church boards of edu- 
cation, held in New York City, February 18, 1911, it was decided that a second 
conference should be held at which carefuUy prepared papers should be pre- 
sented. 

Such a conference was held and resulted in the following declaration of 
principles : (1) A large degree of cooperation between educational boards is 
practicable and desirable. " Through them we might secure a better geographi- 
cal distribution of denominational colleges * * * a proper standardization 
of institutions," etc. (2) The denominations should offer loyal support to the pub- 
lic-schoor system. (3) The legitimacy and the absolute necessity of a certain 
number of denominational academies, occupying strategic positions in territory 
not fully occupied by the public high schools. (4) There should be a direct ap- 
proach by the denominations to the problem of religious instruction at State 
university centers."^ 

The council took permanent form at the conclusion of this meeting and has 
since published annual reports of its work. Several practical steps toward 
cooperation between the boards have already been taken, and, though its place 
as a standardizing agency may remain advisory only, it is in that capacity that 
its influence as a philanthropic agency offers substantial promise. 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. « 

We may characterize this period in the growth of higher education in 
America as follows : 

The question of State versus private endowment of higher education has been 
fought through and settled favorably to both methods; the church has con- 
tinued its work of founding small colleges; several very large institutions (in 
a sense a new type) have been founded by the fortunes of single individuals 
and have not looked to the church for support ; a number of large foundations, 

« See Rep. Bd. of Educ. Meth. Epls. Ch., 1915, p. 23, for illustration. 

" Black Hills College^ 1903 ; Charles City College, University of the Pacific, and Fort 
Worth University, 1911 ; Mount Pleasant German College, 1908, are a few of the Method- 
ist institutions that have been closed In this way. 

«" The constitution of the council is printed in the Second "Annual Report of the Coun- 
cil of Church Boards of Education. 

" See First An. Rep. of Council of Church Boards of Ed. in U. S. America. 



THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD, 1865-1918. 79 

the aim of which is research and general educational stimulus and supervision, 
have been created; and a new philosophy of education, which has found ex- 
pression in the organization, administration, and management of our institu- 
tions of higher learning, has been worked out. 

In opening up new territory to higher education during this period, the State 
has for the most part done the pioneering, thus reversing the custom of pre- 
Civil War days, when the church school led the way. 

From a general view of the work of philanthropy in higher education, as 
gathered from the Reports of the United States Commissioner of Education, we 
have seen that philanthropy has gradually built up a vast fund for the per- 
manent endowment of higher leax-ning; that from this source, together with 
annual gifts, philanthropy Is still bearing decidedly the larger part of the burden 
of higher education, though the State is assuming a relatively larger portion of 
this burden each year ; and that tuition has covered practically the same per- 
centage of the total annual cost from 1872 to the present. We have seen that, 
on an average, more than half of all gifts have gone to " permanent endowment 
and general purposes " ; that there is a tendency in recent years for a larger 
proportion to go into the permanent funds ; and that from one-eighth to one-half 
of the annual gifts have been for the development of the school plant. We have 
seen that in the seventies and eighties professorships and libraries fared well ; 
that scholarships became increasingly important, and that the indigent never 
were quite forgotten ; and, finally, that the percentage of all gifts that have been 
made without condition through the years has ranged from 4 to 26 per cent. 

From other data we have seen that philanthropy has been almost solely re- 
sponsible for the development of separate colleges for women, and for theo- 
logical schools; that it has played a large part in the development of medical 
schools, and a small part in technical and law schools ; and that private enter- 
prise and the State have been almost entirely responsible for the development 
of schools of dentistry and pharmacy, while the State has been largely respon- 
sible for technical schools. 

From data in the various annual publications from 1893 to 1915, inclusive, 
we have seen that education has received 43 per cent of all gifts of $5,000 or 
over in the United States ; that charity is education's largest competitor, with 
37 per cent ; while " religious purposes " balances with museums and public im- 
provements at approximately 9 per cent each, and libraries at 2 per cent. 
Roughly, and relatively speaking, we may say* that during the first half of this 
period the amount of gifts for education made a slight gain, since which it has 
suffered a steady decline. Similarly religious purposes and museums have suf- 
fered a substantial though irregular decline from the start, while libraries have 
made a continuous decline from the first. These changes are in practically all 
cases only relative. 

Among the old colonial colleges we have seen that the entire burden has 
fallen upon philanthropy and student fees, the States having offered no assist- 
ance whatever through this period. In spite of this, gifts have increased greatly. 
Conditjonal gifts have become somewhat more popular, but slightly the opposite 
is true with respect to gifts for permanent funds. Gifts to libraries and to 
indigent students have declined, while professorships have remained approx- 
imately as before. 

In the colleges of the early national period we see the same rapid growth of 
funds from philanthropy as noted for the older institutions. In the colleges of 
this period the rapid growth of permanent funds is especially noticeable, and, 
further, the larger portion of these gifts are for the general fund. With this 
growth of general endowment have also prospered professorships, scholarships, 
and libraries. 



80 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

As to the colleges of this period, no study was made of what we think of as 
the small church college. The work of this character is undoubtedly important, 
but there is little if anything new coming from it. The real contribution of the 
period is the group of large foundations. With one or two exceptions these are 
not church-fostered and not State-fostered institutions as all their ancestors 
have been. They encourage liberality in religion, they offer the most liberal 
scientific education for women, they encourage the use of museum and laboratory 
methods of teaching, and they foster research as a university function. 

An examination of the financial history of this type of institution shows that 
in all cases they have been promptly taken over by the people and are now 
among the most important recipients of gifts in this country. Their rate of 
growth has been very great almost from the start, and all our evidence goes to 
show that these powerful financial corporations, planted in the midst of small 
colleges and accepted in some quarters with misgiving, have not only kept 
faith with earlier social, religious, and educational aims, but. In the readjust- 
ment of those aims to our rapidly expanding age, they have shown capacity 
proportionate to their great financial power, and what was to some a doubtful 
experiment is a success. 

Through this period we have seen the continuation of the work of church 
boards of education, or religious education societies. These are rapidly increas- 
ing in numbers, there being a tendency for each church to have its own board. 
Their work has been conducted along two main lines. They have contributed 
scholarships either by gift or by loan, and they have made grants to colleges 
to meet either a general or some special need. Their chief aim has continued 
to be the development of a trained ministry, though the development of col- 
leges in which all students will be kept in a proper religious atmosphere is 
scarcely secondary. The evidence presented shows that these societies have 
prospered. They are contributing direct assistance to many hundreds of stu- 
dents every year; they are making grants direct to colleges, grants which, 
though small, have often been directly responsible for larger gifts; they have 
in some measure exercised supervision over the founding of new schools, over 
curricula, and finance ; and by their cooperation through the council of church 
boards of education they promise much more for the future. 



Chapter V. 
GREAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 



A NEW PHILANTHROPIC ENTERPRISE. 

A type of philanthropic educational enterprise peculiar to the period just 
discussed Is that of the large foundation whose purpose is not alone, nor eveft\ 
primarily, that of teaching but rather that of supplementing and assisting 
established institutions of education. 



One can scarcely read the founding documents of these institutions without 
being struck first of all with the very wide scope of service which they have 
andertaken. The Peabody Fund promoted popular education in the South by 
cooperation with State and local ofiicials. The Jeanes, the Slater, and the 
Phelps-Stokes Fund have been devoted to the problems of education for negroes. 
The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching has concerned 
itself with salaries, pensions, and insurance for college professors. The Gen- 
eral Education Board has helped along several of these lines and paid much 
attention to educational investigations, and especially to a more substantial 
endowment of existing institutions. The Sage Foundation has contributed lib- 
erally by investigation, research, and publication. 

These foundations, therefore, appear as a really new type of philanthropic 
enterprise in education, with church education boards as their only possible 
precedent, and though, as compared with the educational assets of some of our 
great cities, or with sums which numerous States are utilizing annually, or 
even with a few of our universities, they are not remarkably large, yet they 
are large enough to represent very great possibilities, and society can not afford 
to take them lightly. Can our country assimilate this new enterprise, is a ques^i 
tion that might have been asked when Mr. Peabody and his successors began f 
pouring out their millions in the development of this new lusiness, the business ' 
of educational philanthropy. 

The church college was antagonistic toward the State institutions of higher 
education when the latter began to grow rapidly into great universities, and 
they were also quite skeptical of the great privately endowed universities, lest 
they might be Godless schools. The State, the church, and the individual philan- 
thropist were in a fairly real sense competitors in the field, and it was but 
natural that the old pioneer, the church college, should at first be jealous of 
what seemed to be its special prerogative. This rivalry has continued, but it 
has become increasingly friendly with passing years. 

These new foundations, however, do not enter the field as rivals, but, instead, 
aim definitely to supplement and to cooperate with forces already at work. 
What work will they supplement and with whom will they cooperate are 
extremely practical questions which they must face, and also which the col- 

81 



82 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEBICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

leges and schools mnst face. Giving help to my competitor is in a sense the 
equivalent of doing harm to me. This was precisely the point of danger. 

THE STATED PURPOSES OF THESE FOUNDATIONS. 

First, then, what are the aims of these foundations, and what limitations are 
^placed upon the funds which they are to manage? For these we must turn to 
their founding documents. 

1. THE PBABODT EDUCATION FUND. 

The Peabody Education Fund, the gift of George Peabody, of Massachusetts, 
was established in 1867, and amounted finally to $3,000,000. In a letter to 15 
men whom he had chosen to act as his trustees, Mr. Peabody sets forth his 
plans and purposes, which were later embodied in the act of incorporation. 
He says : ' 

I give to you * * * the sum of one million dollars, to be by you and 
your successors held in trust, and the income thereof used and applied, in your 
discretion, for the promotion and encouragement of intellectual, moral, or 
industrial education among the young of the more destitute portions of the 
Southern and Southwestern States of our Union, my purpose being that the 
benefits intended shall be distributed among the entire population, without 
other distinction than their needs and the opportunities of usefulness to them. 

In the following paragraph he empowers them to use 40 per cent of the 
principal sum within the next two years, then adds another million to the 
gift, grants the trustees power to incorporate, and further says : 

In case two-thirds of the trustees shall at any time, after the lapse of 30 
years, deem it expedient to close this trust, and of the funds which at that 
time shall be in the hands of yourselves and your successors to distribute not 
less than two-thirds among such educational and literary institutions, or for 
such educational purposes as they may determine, in the States for whose 
benefit the income is now appointed to be used. The remainder to be dis- 
tributed by the trustees for educational or literary purposes wherever they 
may deem it expedient. 

This letter, together with a later one in which he says, " I leave all the de- 
tails of management to their (the trustees') own discretion," were embodied 
in the preamble to the charter later issued by the State of New York. 

In June, 1869, Mr. Peabody addressed to the board a letter of appreciation 
for their service in carrying out his trust, in which he conveyed a gift of 
securities worth nearly a million and a half dollars.' 

These letters certainly stand out, as among the most remarkable documents 
in the history of educational philanthropy to this time. There were only the 
most general restrictions on the funds, and these were to end after 30 years, 
leaving the trustees almost entirely free to dispose of the entire fund. The 
best proof of their great distinction, as we shall see, lies in the fact that they 
have been the precedent for all similar subsequent foundations. 

2. THE JOHN r. SIATER FUND. 

The second of these foundations was the John F. Slater Fund for the Educa- 
tion of Freedmen, established on March 4, 1882, by a gift of $1,000,000. In a 
letter of date March 4, 1882, Mr. Slater invites 10 men to form a corporation 
for the administration of the fund, and in this letter he sets forth the pur- 
poses he wishes to achieve, together with the restrictions he places upon the 
gift He names as the general object — 

" See Proc. of Trustees of Peabody Educ. IMnd, Vol. I, p. 1 fC. 
' Peabody Educ. Fund, Proc., Vol. II, p. 142 ff. 



GEEAT EDUCATIOlirAL FOUNDATIONS. 83 

the uplifting of the lately emancipated population of the Southern States, and 
their posterity, by conferring on them the blessings of Christian education. 

He seeks not only — 

for their own sake, but also for the safety of our common country [to provide 
them] with the means of such education as shall tend to make them good men 
and good citizens — education in which the instruction ot the mind in the common 
branches of secular learning shall be associated with training in just notions of 
duty toward God and man, in the light of the Holy Scriptures. 

The means to be used, he says, " I leave to the discretion of the corporation." 
He then suggests " the training of teachers from among the people " and " the 

encouragement of such institutions as are most effectually useful in promoting 

this training of teachers." 
Further on he adds : 

I purposely leave to the corporation the largest liberty of making such 
changes in the methods of applying the income of the fund as shall seem from 
time to time best adapted to accomplish the general object herein named. 

He then, obviously drawing upon English experience, warns them against 
the possible evils of such endowments, and states that after 33 years they are 
to be free to dispose of the capital of the fund — 

to the establishment of foundations subsidiary to these already existing institu- 
tions of higher education, in such wise as to make the educational advantages 
of such institutions more freely accessible to poor students of the colored race. 

Finally, he urges the avoidance of any partisan, sectional, or sectarian bias 
in the use of the gift, and closes with reference to the success of the Peabody 
Education Fund as having encouraged him to establish this foundation.' 

This letter was embodied in the charter issued by New York State in April, 
1882. In all the fundamentals these documents are a fair copy of the charter 
and instruments of gift in the case of the Peabody Education Fund. 

3. THE CABNEQIE INSTITUTION. 

The third of these foundations to take form was the Carnegie Institution 
of Washington. The trust deed by which it was established is of date January 
28, 1902, and transfers to the trustees securities worth $10,000,000. (This sum 
has since been more than doubled.) In this instrument of gift' Mr. Carnegie 
declares it to be his purpose to found in Washington an institution which, with 
the CTi^^ratibn or Other institutions — 

shall in the broadest and most liberal manner encourage investigation, research, 
and discovery — show the application of knowledge to the improvement of man- 
kind, provide such buildings, laboratories, books, and apparatus as may be 
needed; and afCord instruction of an advanced character to students properly 
qualified to profit thereby. 
It aims, he says: 

1. To promote original research. 

2. To discover the exceptional man in every department of study * * * 

and enable him to make the work for which he seems specially designed 
his life work. 

3. To increase facilities for higher education. 

4. To increase the efficiency of the universities and other institutions of 

learning [both by adding to their facilities and by aiding teachers in 
experimental studies]. 

5. To enable such students as may find Washington the best point for their 

special studies to enjoy the advantages of the museums [and other 
numerous institutions]. 

■ • For a copy of this letter and the charter see Proceedings of the John F. Slater Fund 
for the Education of Freedmen, 1883, p. 21 fE. 

* See Carnegie Institution of Washington, Tear Book No. 1, 1902, 



84 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER BDtJCATION. 

6. To Insnre the prompt publication and distribution of the results of 
scientific investigation. 

Finally : 

The trustees shall have power, by a majority of two-thirds of their number, 
to modify the conditions and regulations under which the funds may be dis- 
pensed, so as to secure that these shall always be applied in the manner best 
adapted to the advanced conditions of the times; provided always that any 
modifications shall be in accordance with the purposes of the donor, as 
expressed in the trust. 

4. THE GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD. 

Following this in 1903 the General Education Board was established by John 
D. Rockefeller. His preliminary gift in 1902 of $1,000,000 was followed in 
1905 by a gift of $10,000,000, and this by a third gift of $32,000,000 in 1907, and a 
fourth, of $10,000,000, in 1909. 

In the act of incorporation Mr. Rockefeller states the purposes of the founda- 
tion as follows: 

Sec. 2. That the object of the said corporation shall be the promotion of 
education within the United States of America, without distinction of race, sex, 
or creed. 

Sec. 3. That for the promotion of such object the said corporation shall have 
power to build, improve, enlarge, or equip, or to aid others to build, Improve, 
enlarge, or equip, buildings for elementary or primary schools, industrial 
schools, technical schools, normal schools, training schools for teachers, or 
schools of any grade, or for higher institutions of learning, or, in connection 
therewith, libraries, workshops, gardens, kitchens, or other educational ac- 
cessories; to establish, maintain, or endow, or aid others to establish, main- 
tain, or endow, elementary or primary schools, industrial schools, technical 
schools, normal schools, training schools for teachers, or schools of any grade, 
or higher institutions of learning; to employ or aid others to employ teachers 
and lecturers; to aid, cooperate with, or endow associations or other corpora- 
tions engaged in educational work within the United States of America, or to 
donate to any such association or corporation any property or moneys which 
shall at any time be held by the said corporation hereby constituted ; to collect 
educational statistics and information, and to publish and distribute documents 
and reports containing the same, and in general to do and perform all things 
necessary or convenient for the promotion of the object of the corporation. 

In a letter from John D. Rockefeller, jr., of date March 2, 1902, the con- 
ditions which are to control the uses to which the money may be put are set 
forth. These limitations were subseciuently changed. Originally, however, re- 
ferring to the above statement of purpose, the letter says : ' 

Upon this understanding my father hereby pledges to the board the sum of 
one million dollars ($1,000,000) to be expended at its discretion during a period 
of 10 years, and will make payments under such pledges from time to time as 
requested by the board or its executive committee through its duly authorized 
officers. 

The second gift is announced in a letter from Mr. F. T. Gates, which states 
the following conditions: 

I The principal to be held in perpetuity as a foundation for educatioij, the in- 
come above expenses of admihislrafibn to Redistributed to, or used for the 
I benefit of, such Institutions of learning, at such times, in su(?h amounts, for 
! such purposes and under such conditions, or employed in such other ways, as 
/ the board may deem best adapted to promote a comprehensive system of higher 
education m the United States. 

The third gift was presented through a letter from Mr. Rockefeller, jr., and 
the conditions controlling the uses of the money are : 

" See The General Education Board, An Account of Its Activities, 1902-1914, p. 212 IT. 
« Ibid., p. 213. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL, FOUNDATIONS. 85 

One-third to be added to the permanent endowment of the board, two-thlrda 
to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate purposes of the board 
as either he or I may from time to time direct, any remainder, not so designated 
at the death of the survivor, to be added to the permanent endowment of the 
board. 

Concerning the fourth gift Mr. Rockefeller says, through a letter from his 
son addressed to the board, that the gift is to be added to the permanent endow- 
ment of the board. Then follow these qualifications : 

He, however, authorizes and empowers you and your successors, whenever 
in your discretion it shall seem wise, to distribute the principal or any part 
thereof, provided the same shall be authorized by a resolution passed by the 
affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who shall at the time be members 
of your board at a special meeting held on not less than 30 days' notice given 
in writing, which shall state that the meeting is called for the purpose of con- 
sidering a resolution to authorize the distribution of the whole or some part 
of the principal of said fund. Upon the adoption of such resolution in the 
manner above described, you and your successors shall be and are hereby re- 
leased from the obligation thereafter to hold in perpetuity or as endowment 
such portion of the principal of such fund as may have been authorized to be 
distributed by such resolution. 

This would seem to give the board very wide powers and to leave to the 
donor very little control aside from a part of the third gift specially reserved. 
Yet Mr. Rockefeller seems not to have been fully satisfied, for on June 29, 
1909, he addressed a letter to the board saying: 

Gentlemen : I have heretofore from time to time given to your board cer- 
tain property, the principal of which was to be held In perpetuity, or as en- 
dowment. I now authorize and empower you and your successors, whenever 
in your discretion it shall seem wise, to distribute the principal or any part 
thereof, provided the same shall be authorized by a resolution passed by the 
affirmative vote of two- thirds of all those who shall at the time be 'members 
of your board, at a special meeting held on not less than 30 days' notice given 
in writing, which shall state that the meeting is called for the purpose of con- 
sidering a resolution to authorize the distribution of the whole, or some part of 
the principal of said funds. Upon the adoption of such resolution in the man- 
ner above prescribed, you and your successors shall be, and are hereby, re- 
leased from the obligation thereafter to hold in perpetuity or as endowment 
such portion of the principal of such funds as may have been authorized to 
be distributed by such resolution. 

It would be hard to think of a point at which this board could be given 
wider freedom in the exercise of its jurisdiction over these funds than is here 
granted by the founder. 

5. THE CAENEGIE FOUNDATION. 

The fifth of these foundations, th« Carnegie Foundation for the Advance- 
ment of Teaching, had its origin in a letter, of date April 16, 1905, in which Mr.>. 
Carnegie set forth to a group of 25 men whom he had chosen to act as hia x^ 
trustees the plan of his foundation.' In all he has placed $16,250,000 in the 
hands of this board. The plan is clearly stated in the charter which was 
obtained in March, 1906. Here the object is declared to be: 

To provide retiring pensions, without regard to race, sex, creed, or color, for 
the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools in the United States, 
the Dominion of Canada, and Newfoundland, who, by reason of long and meri- 
torious service, or by reason of old age, disability, or other sufficient reason, 
shall be deemed entitled to the assistance and aid of this corporation, on such 
terms and conditions, however, as such corporation may from time to time 
approve and adopt. 

' Quoted in full in the first annual report of the president and treasuier o( the Carnegie 
Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. 



»6 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEEIOAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

Then follows the limitation that those connected with any institution which 
is controlled by a sect or which imposes any theological test as a condition of 
entrance Into or connection therewith are excluded. 

In general, to do and perform all things necessary to encourage, uphold, and 
dignify the profession of the teacher and the cause of higher education * * *, 
and to promote the object of the foundation, with full power, however, to. the 
trustee hereinafter appointed and their successors, from time to time to modify 
the conditions and regulations under which the work shall be carried on, so 
as to secure the application of the funds in the manner best adapted to the 
conditions of the times; [and provided that by two-thirds vote the trustees 
may] enlarge or vary the purposes herein set forth, provided that the objects 
of the corporation shall at all times be among the foregoing and kindred 
thereto.* 

6. THE KtrSSELL SAGE TOUNDATION. 

In April, 1907, the sixth of these, the Russel Sage Foundation, was chartered 
by the State of New York. The charter states the purpose of the corporation to 
be that of— 

Receiving and maintaining a fund or funds and applying the income thereof 
to the improvement of social and living conditions in the United States of 
America. It shall be within the purposes of said corporation to use any means 
to that end which from time to time shall seem expedient to its members or 
trustees, including research, publication, education, the establishment and 
maintenance of charitable or benevolent activities and institutions, and the aid 
of any such activities, agencies, or institutions already established. 

In her letter of gift, of date April 19, 1907, Mrs. Sage says : " I do not wish 
to enlarge or limit the powers given to the foundation^ by_its act_qf~iSc6rpo- 
-lation," " but adds that it seems wise to express certain desires to_ which she 
would wish the trustees to conform. Then follows several suggestions relative 
to local and national use of the funds, types of investments, etc., which in the 
writer's judgment tend to enlarge the freedom which most men serving as trus- 
tees would otherwise have been inclined to exercise over the funds under tlie 
charter. 

^-. 1. THE PHELPS-STOKES FUND. 

The seventh of these foundations was the Phelps-Stokes Fund of nearly 
S1,000,000, which was established by the bequest of Caroline Phelps Stokes, 
who made her will in 1893 and died in 1909. The foundation was chartered 
in 1911. In her will Miss Stokes says : " I direct that all my residuary estate 
* * * shall be given by my executors to the following persons " (here she 
names the trustees she has chosen, and adds) : 

To invest and keep invested by them and their successors, the interest and 
net Income of such fund to be used by them and their successors for the erec- 
tion or improvement of tenement-house dwellings in New York City for the 
poor families of New York City and for educational purposes in the education 
of the negroes both in Africa and the United States, North American Indians, 
and needy and deserving white students, through industrial schools of kinds 
similar to that at Northfield, Mass., in which Mr. Dwight L. Moody is inter- 
ested, or to the Peet Industrial School at Asheville, N. C, the foundation of 
scholarships and the erection or endowment of school buildings * * *. I 
hereby give said trustees and their successors full power of sale, public of 
private, in their discretion, upon such terms as they think best respecting any 
part of said trust fund in the course of the due execution of such trust." 

' "Act of Incorporation, By-Laws, Rules for Granting of Retiring Allowances," N. T., 
1906. 

» For copies of tUs letter and of tlie cliarter tlie writer is indebted to Dr. John M. 
Glenn, director of the foundation. 

»" From Phelps-Stolces Fund — Act of Incorporation, By-Laws, and Other Documents. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 87 

The charter, in defining the purpose of the foundation, uses much of this 
same language and in addition. the following: 

It shall be within the purpose of said corporation to use any means to such 
ends * * *, including research, publication, the establishment and mainte- 
nance of charitable or benevolent activities, agencies, and institutions, and the 
aid of any such activities, agencies, or institutions already established." 

This fund stands as a permanent endowment, but with such very general 
conditions placed upon its use that it is virtually as free as it could be made. 

8. THE EOCKEFELLEE FOUNDATION. 

The latest foundation of just this type to be established is that of the Rocke- 
feller Foundation, incorporated in April, 1913. The purpose of the corporation 
is that — 

of receiving and maintaining a fund or funds, and applying the income and 
principal thereof, to promote the well-being of mankind throughout the world. 

Its means are to be — 

research, publication, the establishment and maintenance of charitable, benevo- 
lent, religious, missionary, and public educational activities, agencies, and insti- 
tutions, and the aid of any such activities, agencies, and institutions already 
established, and any other means and agencies which from time to time shall 
seem expedient to its members or trustees." 

9. THE CLEVELAND FOUNDATION. 

There is one other type of foundation that is of very recent origin, but which 
is rapidly becoming popular, and shows promise of becoming very extensive 
and powerful in the near future. The chief work of this corporation is not 
education, but since educational service is within its powers it deserves men- 
tion here. The Cleveland Foundation, organized in January, 1914, was the first 
of this type, since followed by the Chicago Community Trust, the Houston 
Foundation, the Los Angeles Community Foundation, the St. Louis Commu- 
nity Trust, the Spokane Foundation, and other foundations of similar char- 
acter at Milwaukee, Boston, Indianapolis, Ind., Attleboro, Mass., Minneapolis, 
Detroit, and Seattle. The Cleveland Foundation was formed by resolution 
of the board of directors of the Cleveland Trust Co., in which the company 
agreed to act as trustee of property given and devised for charitable purposes, 
all property to be administered as a single trust. The income of this founda- 
tion is administered by a committee appointed partly by the trustee company 
and partly by the mayor, the judge of the probate court, and the Federal district 
Judge. The principal is managed by the trustee company. 

The resolution creating the trust sets forth the object of the foundation as 
follows : " 

Prom the time the donor or testator provides that income shall be available 
for use of such foundation, such income less proper charges and expenses 
shall be annually devoted perpetually to charitable purposes, unless principal 
is distributed as hereinafter provided. Without limiting in any way the 
charitable purposes for which such income may be used, it shall be available 
for assisting charitable and educational institutions, whether supported by 
private donations or public taxation, for promoting education, scientific re- 
search for care of the sick, aged, or helpless, to improve living conditions, 
or to provide recreation for all classes, and for such other charitable purposes 
as will best make for the mental, moral, and physical improvement of the 



" Ibid., p. B ff. 

12 An Act to Incorporate The Rockefeller Foundation, in Ann. Rep. 
"From "Tie Cleveland Foundation a Community Trust," The Cleveland Trust Co., 
1814. 



88 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

Inhabitants of the city of Cleveland, as now or hereafter constituted, regard- 
less of race, color, or creed, according to the discretion of a majority In 
nuipber of a committee to be constituted as hereinafter provided. 

It is further provided that if contributors to the foundation, In their instru- 
ments of gift, place limitations as to the final disposition of the principal, or 
as to the uses to which its income may be put, or as to what members of the 
trust company shall exercise control over the disposition of principal or 
Interest, then — 

The trustee shall respect and be governed by the wishes as so expressed, but 
only In so far as the purposes Indicated shall seem to the trustee, under con- 
ditions as they may hereafter exist, wise and most widely beneficial, absolute 
discretion being vested in a majority of the then members of the board of 
directors of the Cleveland Trust Co. to determine with respect thereto. 

When by the exercise of this power funds are diverted from the purposes 
indicated by their respective donors, such funds " shall be used and dis- 
tributed for the general purposes of the foundation." 

The foundation Is to provide a committee for distributing Its funds, the com- 
mittee to be made up of — 

Residents of Cleveland, men or women interested in welfare work, possess- 
ing a knowledge of the civic, educational, physical, and moral needs of the 
community, preferably but one, and in no event to exceed two members of 
said committee to belong to the same religious sect or denomination, those 
holding or seeking political oflBce to be disqualified from serving. 

Two members of the committee are to be appointed by the Cleveland Trust 
Co., one by the mayor, one by the senior or presiding judge of the court which 
settles estates in Cuyahoga County, and one by the senior or presiding judge 
of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Ohio. This 
committee is to be provided with a paid secretary, but otherwise to receive 
expenses only. 

There are other interesting features of this resolution. For Instance, when 
the income of any trust Is available for use by the foundation — 

All or any portion of the property belonging to such trust may be listed for 
taxation, regardless of any statute exempting all or any part thereof by reason 
of Its application to charitable purposes, if a majority of the board of directors 
of the Cleveland Trust Co. shall so direct. 

And more important still Is the provision that — 

With the approval of two-thirds of the entire board of directors of the 
Cleveland Trust Co., gl^en at a meeting called specifically for that purpose, all 
or any part of the principal constituting the trust estate may be used for any 
purpose within the scope of the foundation, which may have the approval 
of four members of said committee, providing that not to exceed 20 per cent 
of the entire amount held as principal shall be disbursed during a period of 
five consecutive years. 

Careful provision Is made for an annual audit of all accounts, and fuU 
control of funds and properties is vested In the trustees of the foundation. 

This is clearly a new method of handling philanthropy. In a sense it is an 
ordinary commission business with unusually good security for its patrons. 
From the standpoint of the bank it promises fair though not lucrative profit. 
It is so designed as to keep its business exclusively for the city of Cleveland, 
so that fortunes accumulated there by the few eventually may be turned back 
to the community in the form of some kind of public service. Looked at from 
another angle, it is a real community enterprise which ought to develop civic 
pride as well as contribute to the, solution of local social and educational 
problems. It makes philanthropy possible for small as well as large fortunes, 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 89 

and so tends to popularize giving. The large fund that promises to accumulate 
is always adaptable to whatever changes the future may bring. It is un- 
doubtedly an interesting and important business and social experiment by 
which education may hope to profit. 

This places before us in fairly complete form the aims and purposes of this 
rather new type of educational enterprise. The Anna T. Jeanes Foundation 
is very similar in character but deals with elementary education exclusively. 
Similarly there are numerous other foundations engaged in charitable, library, 
or research work whose founding instruments embody the same fundamental 
principles common to those here quoted and, viewed from the standpoint of 
the evolution of a theory of endowments, belong in the same class. 

To state these principles in brief we may say, first of all, that the " purpose " 
is in every case set forth in the most general terms and in brief and simple 
language; second, that the means for carrying out this purpose is left almost 
entirely to the trustees of the foundation ; third, that the means, and to an 
extent in some cases even the purpose, is modifiable at the will of the trustees ; 
and fourth, that there is no sectional, racial, denominational, political, or 
ecclesiastical control. In most cases the capital fund is to remain permanently 
intact, but in some cases the entire income and capital may be used and the 
trust terminated. The Peabody Education Fund illustrates how this latter 
plan has already operated in full. The possible scope of activities is practically 
national for all, and international for some, the boards of trustees are self- 
perpetuating, and they receive no pay for their services. 

This means that there is every possibility for keeping these large sums of 
money, now amounting to more than $300,000,000, constantly in touch with 
the real educational needs of the country, and In these charters there seems 
no possibility that it will ever be necessary for any one of these foundations 
to continue to do any particular thing in any particular way — as, for instance, 
to maintain " enough faggots to burn a heretic " — in order to control the avail- 
able funds to some entirely desirable and profitable end. 

THE OPERATIONS OF THESE rOUNDATIONS. 

The real test of these liberal provisions could come only when educational 
philanthropy as a business began actually to cope with the educational, social, 
and economic forces in the midst of which it sought a place of responsibility. 

A half century of activity has passed since the first of these foundations be- 
gan its work. During the first 15 years of this period the Peabody BMnd stood 
alone. Then came the Slater Fund, after which 20 years passed before the 
next, the Carnegie Institution at Washington, was established. This founda- 
tion by Mr. Carnegie seemed to initiate a new era in respect both to the number 
and size of these endowments. 

1. THE PEABODT EDUCATION FTJND. 

When the Peabody Education Fund began its work there were few public- 
school systems of consequence in the South, either city or State. With this 
fund Dr. Bamas Sears attacked this problem directly, and by 1875 had so popu- 
larized the idea that cities and States were taking over the schools which 
the fund had established. The next move was for the training of teachers 
for these schools. Arrangements were made to turn the University of Nash- 
ville to this purpose, its new name to be Peabody Normal College. This was 
done in 1875, and a large number of scholarships were established. Later, 
attention was turned to summer normals, to teachers ' institutes, and gradually 
to the development of normal schools in each of the States. 



90 PHIIANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHEE EDTTCATION. 

Doctor Ourry, who succeeded Doctor Sears, carried forward the development 
of normal schools, but In his work began to condition his gifts upon the State's 
making appropriations to go with them. Doctor Curry was repeatedly before 
State legislatures, defending the claims of public education ; and when, In 1898, 
it was proposed to make final division of the fund by endowing one or more 
institutions, practlcaUy every Southern State protested against it. This dis- 
position of the fund was finally made in 1913-14, with the endowment of the 
George Peabody College for Teachers. 

During the years 1868 to 1914 the foundation gave away $3,650,- 
556 to the following : » 

1. City public sehools ?1, 148, 183 

2. Normal' schools 759, 122 

3. Teachers' Institutes 382, 755 

4. George Peabody College 550,381 

5. Scholarships 580, 665 

6. Educational journals : 8, 300 

7. Summer schools 32, 500 

8. Rural public schools 37, 800 

9. State supervision of rural schools 77, 950 

10. Educational campaigns 13, 500 

11. County supervision of teaching 15, 000 

12. Miscellaneous 44, 400 

The final distribution of the fund, with its accrued income, was as 

follows : 

George Peabody College for Teachers 1, 500, 000 

University of Virginia 40,000 

University of North Carolina 40, 000 

University of Georgia 40, 000 

University of Alabama 40, 000 

University of Florida 40,000 

University of Mlssisippi 40,000 

Louisiana State University 40,000 

University of Arkansas 40, 000 

UniTersity of Kentucky 40,000 

Johns Hopkins University 6,000 

University of South Carolina 6,000 

University of Missouri 6, 000 

University of Texas . 6, 000 

Winthrop Normal College '. 90, 000 

John P. Slater Fund (education of negroes), estimated at 350,000 

Table 36 will give some slight notion of the service rendered by the fund, if 
we keep in mind, first, that no one of the 11 States receiving aid from the 
fund in 1871 was itself contributing as much as $800,000 for common schools, 
and that at least 2 of these States spent less than $200,000 each ;" and second, 
that these sums were so placed by the foundation as to stimulate interest in 
the idea of public schools. 

The difficulty of the task which this foundation has performed must not be 
overlooked. It is specially noteworthy that from the beginning its agents 
worked in the open, frankly as a big propaganda enterprise. Both by addresses 
and by publications the people were kept informed as to just what the founda- 
tion sought to do. 

« Proc. Peabody Educ. Fund, Vol. VI, p. 634 tt. 
" See Eep. of U. S. Commls. of Educ, 1871. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL, FOUNDATIONS. 



91 



Table 36.- 



-Distrihution of the gifts of the Peabody Education Fund, 1868-1910, 
in 9 to IZ Southern States} 



Dates. 


To 

States. 


To 

Normal 

CoUege, 

NasS- 

ville. 


Scholar- 
sMps in 
Normal 
College, 
Nasfi- 
viUe. 


Total 
grants. 


Dates. 


To 
States. 


To 
Normal 
College, 
Nash- 
ville. 


Scholar- 
ships in 
Normal 
CoUege, 
Nash- 
ville. 


Total 
grants. 


1868 


135,400 
90,000 
90,500 
100,000 
130,000 
136,850 
134,600 
98,000 
73,300 
78,860 
57,800 
64,500 
42,900 
34,125 
49,350 
46,925 
31,600 
31,995 
46,000 
31,600 
23,600 
39,750 






135,400 

90,000 

90,500 

100,000 

130,000 

136,860 

134,600 

101,000 

76,300 

95,750 

64,500 

87,800 

66,350 

64,100 

73,609 

77,125 

62,700 

63,065 

74,600 

66,400 

49,200 

77,150 


1890 

1891 

1892 

1893 

1894 

1895 

1896 

1897 

1898 

1899 

1900 

1901 

1902 

1903 

1904 

1905 

1906 

1907 

1908. 


143,376 
49,524 
54,800 
47,500 
39,688 
34,551 
49,019 
45,100 
45,700 
45, 114 
43,604 
41,300 
41,100 
36,673 
38,400 
62,500 
54,500 
35,000 


128,250 
14,350 
14,000 
13,200 
11,600 
120,300 
6,212 
9,900 
14,600 
14,750 
15,100 
14,600 
14,600 
14,600 
16,600 
25,500 
37,500 
45,000 


121, 474 
23,726 
23,600 
26,450 
25,188 
35,131 
19,008 
23,567 
24,498 
24,709 
25,351 
24,329 
24,180 
24,127 
25,000 


193,100 
87,600 


1869 






1870 






-92,400 


1871 






87 150 


1872 






76 388 


1873 






89,981 


1874 






74,239 


1875 


f3,000 
3,000 
15,000 
6,000 
11,000 
13,000 
4,000 
8,009 
9,500 
9,900 
10,100 
10,000 
10,600 
7,800 
10,950 




60,667 


1876 




84,798 


1877 

1878 

1879 

1880 

1881 

1882 

1883 


11,900 
1,900 
12,300 
10,400 
25,975 
16,150 
20,700 
21,200 
20,970 
18,500 
24,300 
17,800 
26,450 


84,573 
84,056 
80,229 
79,880 
75,400 
80,000 
78,000 


1884 




92,000 


1885 




80,000 


1886 




80,000 


1887 


1909. 








69,000 


1888 


1910 








36,500 


1889 













' Compiled from Eept. of U. S. Commis. Educ. for 1903 and from An. Proc. of Peabody Educ. Fund. 

It is easy to imagine that society miglit liave been much more skeptical of 
such an agency than it seems to have been. The growth of public-school sys- 
tems and of normal and industrial schools in the South is evidence enough that 
the fund has been greatly useful, and its success stands as a monument to the 
capacity of the southern people to furnish the type of public opinion necessary 
to direct such a philanthropic force into useful channels. In this, however, 
public opinion would have failed had not its founder left it free to meet the 
changing conditions which came with the passing years. This, as our first 
experment, must be pronounced a decided success and it must stand as an 
excellent precedent both for the future public and for the future philanthropist. 

2. THE JOHN F. SLATEK FUND. 

The John F. Slater Fund was handled on so nearly the same lines, to so 
nearly the same ends, in the same territory, and for many years by the same 
agent as was the Peabody Education Fund that detailed examination of its 
work would add little if anything new to this discussion. 

3. THE CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON, D. C. 

The work of the Carnegie Institution of Washington is difficult to describe 
in terms that will show what its contribution has really been." In explaining 
the policy for the future, it is made clear that " grounds already occupied will 
be avoided," " and that the institution considers that systematic educati'm in 
universities, colleges, professional schools, and schools of technology, and the 
assistance of meritorious students in the early stages of their studies are already 
provided for anr^ are therefore outside the scope of the foundation. 

"i For brief description and historical development of the institution, see The Carnegie 
Institution of Washington — Scope and Organization, Fourth issue, Feb. 4, 11)15, by the 
institution ; also Seven Great Foundations, by Leonard P. .\yrcs ; also retrospective re- 
view of, in the Eleventh Year Book of the institution. 

" Carnegie Institution of Washington, Year Booli, No. 1, 1902, p. x\i. 

11512°— 22 7 



92 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

From the outset the institution has directed its work along four' lines as 
follows : Large research projects covering a series of years and managed by 
a corps of investigators; small research projects, usually directed by single 
individuals and for a brief period; tentative investigations by young men or 
women of aptitude for research; and publication of the resiUts of its own 
studies and of meritorious work which would not otherwise be readily pub- 
lished. The order of development of its larger departments of research is 
worthy of notice here. They were as follows : 

Department of Experimental Evolution December, 1903 

Department of Marine Biology December, 1903 

Department of Historical Research December, 1903 

Department ot Economics and Sociology " January, 1904 

Department of Terrestrial Magnetism April, 1904 

Solar Observatory December, 1904 

Geographical Laboratory December, 1905 

Department of Botanical Research December, 1905 

Nutrition Laboratory December, 1906 

Department of Meridian Astronomy March, 1907 

Department of Embryology December, 1914 

To these larger fields of operation must be added special researches in almost 
every possible field, and even a casual reading of the annual reports of the 
institution shows that the division of administration has itself served as a 
research laboratory of no mean proportions." 

From the nature of its work it is evident that the relations of the Institu- 
tion to universities and to learned societies would have to be guarded. This 
the institution has tried to do by keeping out of occupied fields and by deal- 
ing with individuals concerned with specific pieces of research. The outside 
world has apparently raised little question as to the privileges and responsi- 
bilities of this institution, but with the society of scholars it has numerous 
conflicts, if the brief hints in the reports of the president are indicative of 
the content of his letter files.^" It is in the face of this type of public opinion 
that this institution will continue to adjust itself to its proper place in so- 
ciety, and also to work out a fundamental theory of administration for this 
new type of educational enterprise, which, together with its help in popular- 
izing -scientific method and the use of the results of research, will constitute 
no small part of its total contribution. 

Any study of the finances, or of the amount of work done, or of the number 
of studies' published, or of the number of houses, laboratories, observatories, 
and ships owned and utilized by the institution can add but little to any 
attempt to evaluate this type of philanthropic enterprise. The following table 
showing the annual appropriations and the volume and page extent of its 
published researches is of some value, however, when we consider that these 
sums have been spent in fields that could not have been so fully explored if 
the several hundred investigators employed had been compelled to meet the 
usual demands made upon the time of a university professor : 

" Discontinued as a department of the institution in 1916. 

" See especially the president's study of definitions of " humanities " In the 16th Year 
Book, 1917, p. 16 fE. 

'° See especially the 14th Year Book of the institution. 



GEEAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 



93 



Tabile 37. — Distribution of appropriations made by the Carnegie Institution 
of Washington, 1902-1917.^ 



Fiscal 


Invest- 
ments in 
bonds. 


Large 

projects, 


Minor 
projects and 
special asso- 
ciates and 
assistants. 


Publica- 
tions. 


Adminis- 
tration. 


Total. 


Volumes published. 


years. 


Number. 


Pages. 


1902 






»4,600 
137,564 
217,383 
149,843 
93,176 
90, 176 
61,282 
70,813 
73,464 
63,048 
103,241 
110,083 
107,456 
109,569 
99,401 
97,526 




J27,513 
43,627 
36,967 
37,208 
42,621 
46,005 
48,274 
46,292 
44,011 
45,456 
43,791 
43,652 
44, 159 
48,224 
49,454 
48,776 


132,013 

282,606 

611,949 

630,763 

623,216 

702,534 

676,163 

769,460 

662, 373 

661,616 

1,147,047 

1,571,572 

1,876,096 

1, 181, 183 

1,334,572 

1,410,464 


3 
3 
11 
21 
19 
38 
28 
19 
29 
30 
23 
29 
23 
23 
35 
21 




1903 1 SIOO. 475 




1938 
11,590 
21,822 
42,431 
63,804 
49,991 
41,677 
49,067 
37, 580 
44,054 
53,171 
44,670 
46,698 
73,733 
62,884 


1 667 


1904 

1905 

1906 

1907 

1908 


196, 159 

51, 937 

63,016 

2,000 

68,209 

116,756 

67,889 

51,921 

436,276 

666,428 

861, 915 

206,203 

473,702 

505,473 


$49,848 
269,940 
381,972 
600,648 
448,404 
495,021 
437,941 
463,609 
519,673 
698,337 
817,894 
770,488 
638,281 
695, 813 


2', 877 
5,228 
4,454 
9,712 
7,328 
4,907 
8,105 
6,732 
6,025 
9,357 
6 912 


1909 

1910. 


1911. 


1912 


1913 

1914. 


1916. 


g' 1,52 


1916 


11^908 


1917 






Total... 


3,858,363 


7,187,775 


1,588,531 


644,017 


694,936 


13,973,614 


335 


88,555 



* From 16tli Yearbooli:, p. 29. Cents omitted. 

Several points about these figures are of interest. During the 16 years 
recorded in the table the unused funds have accumulated, furnishing a sub- 
stantial reserve fund for special needs. Aside from the first three years from 
45 to 60 per cent of the appropriations have been for large department projects ; 
from 5 to 12 per cent have been for the smaller investigations, the tendency 
being to give rather less to this item ; from 2 to 10 per cent have been for pub- 
lications, also with a tendency to decrease. During the first year only a small 
appi'opriation was made, approximately 86 per cent of all going for adminis- 
tration. During the second year only about 15 per cent vrent for administra- 
tion, and for the remaining years the amount has been 7 per cent or less, 
declining to only 3 or 4 per cent in the sis years ending in 1917. 

There are no figures with which these properly can be compared, but they 
stand as the experience of 16 years spent in developing an entirely new type 
of ' institution. To the universities of the country it has not only furnished a 
great stimulus to research, but it has also given much direct assistance by 
financing important pieces of investigation and by publishing finished pieces of 
research. 

4. THE GENERAL EDUCATION BOAKD. 

I Mr. Rockefeller referred to the General Education Board as " an organiza- 
tion formed for the purpose of worklng__Qut, in ah orderly and rather scientific ~ 
way, th e proble m of helping to stimulate and Improve education in all parts 

of the country." "" " ^ ' ' \ 

The experience of the Peabody Fund in cooperating with State, county, and 
city officials was at hand and had been thoroughly studied." Just how to co- 
operate with other forces, public and private, was the first specific problem of 
the General Education Board. 



=° Rockefeller, John D. The BeneToIent Trust, the Cooperative Principle in Giying. 
The Worlds Worls, vol. 17, Jan., 1909. 

=» See The General Education Board, 1902-1914, p. 13 ff. 



94 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDTJCATION. 

Leaving aside tUe question of how this was aceomplished in the matter of 
farm demonstration work and in elementary and secondary education in the 
South, we are concerned here with the board's worls in the field of higher 
education. 

One of the terms of Mr. Rockefeller's second gift to the board was that 
assistance should be given to — 

such institutions of learning as the board may deem best adapted to promote 
a comprehensive system of higher education In the United States. 

The fact was we had no system of higher education, and this corporation 
proposed to do what it could toward that most laudable end; Schools had been 
developed by the church, the State, and private enterprise, each working with 
but little reference to the other, denominational competition and politics often 
resulting in quite the opposite of system. 

If this new board was to work toward a " system of higher education," then 
it must inevitably clash with these already conflicting enterprises, or somehow 
effect a coordination of their various forces. Some definite policy, therefore, 
had to be decided upon. Two principles of procedure were laid down, as fol- 
lows: The board neither possessed nor desired any authority, aijd would 
not seek directly or Indirectly to bias the action of any college or university; 
in making an appropriation the board would in no way interfere with the in- 
ternal management of an institution nor incur any responsibility for its 
conduct. 

When and where and how to apply these principles was the practical task. 
In 1916-17 the board reported that in all it had assisted 112 colleges and 
universities in 32 States. During the year 1916-17 the board contributed a 
total of $1,185,000 toward a total of $5,300,000 in gifts to 9 colleges. When 
we consider that for this same year Harvard received from gifts as much 
as $1,934,947, Columbia $1,390,594, and Chicago $3,181,543 we can see' that the 
board had to find some basis for making choice among its many possible 
beneficiaries. 

Making this choice was precisely what Mr. Rockefeller wanted, to_bay6_done 
sciehtiflcally." To^ do it was to demonstrate that philanthropy could be made 
~^»-.a, successful busiBe^^ ShTefprise. Accordingly," extensive studies oFthe ques- 
tionr were tmdertaken,- and to date almost the entire college field has been 
surveyed with respect to certain main Issues, and those colleges to which con- 
tributions have been made have been studied minutely. The result is a mine 
'~ of important and systematically organized information about our' higher" in- 
stitutions Of learning that had not hitherto been available. These studies can 
not be adequately described, nor their value satisfactorily explained in few 
words.'* As a method of giving they stand as a permanent contribution of 
value. They have meant that fact rather than sentiment has guided the board 
from the start. 

The board has made a somewhat modest statement" of certain clearly evident 
/ improvements that have resulted ^from their strict-adlierence-_t o this me thod 
o^giAHkig, as follows: 

CEirst,,is.ihat of more careful accounting systems. 
^\^ S^'ond, it'has necessitated a clarification of certain terms, such as " capital," 
'•"endbwnient," " scientific equipment," etc., the very loose usage of which had 

^ There is plenty of evidence on file in the board rooms to show that many benefactors 
are utilizing these studies in placing their gifts. 

aiThe General Education Board, 1902-1914, p. 149 fl. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 95 

previously made it impossible to compare financial statistics of different in- 
stitutions. 

Third, it has put an end to the practice, rather common among colleges, of 
ufflSf the principal of endowment funds on the assumption that the sum so 
taken was a loan and would later be replaced. 

Fourth, it has brought about a distinction in practice between the educa- 
tional budget of a college and its various business activities, such as the run- 
ning of a boarding hall. 

Ji'ifth, It has resulted in a sort of departmental accounting, which has helped 
not only to distinguish costs in college from costs in preparatory departments 
but has tended to help even in defining what worli is of college and what is of 
academy grade. 

This board has operated on one other principle that deserves mention, viz, 
that any college that can not raise some money from its own natural clientele 
is scarcely to be thought of as very necessary to the community. Accordingly, 
it has been the practice of the board to contribute a sum toward a much larger 
total which the college must raise. Mr. Rockefeller said that — 
to give to institutions that ought to be supported by others is not the best 
philanthropy. Such giving only serves to dry up the natural springs of 
charity." 

The application of this principle has not only brought large gifts to educa- 
tion that probably would never have been given otherwise, but it has helped 
toward placing the responsibility for the growth of these colleges where it 
belongs — upon large numbers of interested friends. 

Auotlier condition from which the board varies but rarely is that the entire 
gift, of which their own forms a part, shall be preserved inviolate for the 
permanent endowment of the institution. This recognizes the need for general, 
as opposed to special, endowment funds. Another provision is that no part 
of the board's gift can ever be used for theological instruction. 

During the last few years the board has entered upon two other lines of 
work — that of financing and directing educational investigations and that of 
putting clinical instruction in the medical schools of John Hopkins, Yale, and 
Washington Universities upon a full-time basis. This latter was not an untried 
experiment, but it was certainly in an early experimental stage in this country. 

The field of educational investigation was not new, but the demand for such 
work was by no means fully met by other agencies. The survey of the 
Maryland State school system ; the more recent report of a survey of the 
schools of Gary, Ind. ; and the experimental work on reading and writing 
scales at Chicago University and with gifted pupils at Illinois University; 
as well as the experimental school at Teachers College, Columbia University, 
are some of the results so far obtained in this field, all of which give large 
promise. 

The following table will give at most an inadequate notion of the work that 
has thus far been accomplished by the foundation : 

** In World's Work, above cited. 



96 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMEEICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 



Table 38. — Total appropriations of the General Education Board from its 
foundation in 1902 to June 30, 1918^ 

(The Rockefeller Fund.) 



Amotint 
appropriated. 



Amount 
paid. 



Amount 
unpaid. 



For whites: 

Universities and colleges for endowment. . 
Colleges and schools for current expenses.. 

Medical schools for endowment 

Professors of secondary education 

Rural school agents 

Lincoln school 

Consolidated rural schools 

Southern education board 



J13,873,7M 
174,991 
5,603,774 
379, 339 
230,476 
219,260 
21,600 
97,126 



$10,278,617 
174,991 
2,770,874 
343,089 
172,206 
104,250 
11,500 
97,126 



20,600,162 



13,952,654 



For negroes: 

Colleges and schools for current expenses and buildings .. 

Medical schools for current expenses 

Rural school agents 

Summer schools 

County training schools 

Home-makers' Clubs 

Expenses of special students at Hampton and Tuskegee. 

Scholarships 

Negro Rural School Fund 

John F. Slater Fund 



1,249,776 
15,000 
208,120 
19,891 
49,797 
90,989 
17, 865 

5,000 
59,400 

3,000 



1, 718, 839 



Agricultural work (white and negro): 

Southern agricultural demonstration work 

Girls' canning and poultry work in the South 

Maine agricultural demonstration work , 

New Hampshire agricultural demonstration work. . 
Rpral organization service 



716,077 
113,751 
120,876 
64,093 
36,646 



1,051,446 



Miscellaneous (white and negro): 

Educational investigation and research 

General survey of educational conditions and needs in 

North Carohna 

Cost-accounting system for Gary 

Expenses rural school agents at Harvard summer school. . 

Model county organization 

Conferences '. 

Supplemental fund 



158, 35* 

6,000 
1,025 
7,000 
28,150 
19,438 
7,772 



226, 741 



1,141,282 
15,000 
153,066 
11,839 
28,604 
88,768 
3,615 
300 
41,400 



1,458,876 



716,077 
113,751 
95,876 
48,093 
36,646 



1,010,466 



122,988 



1,025 



20, .WO 
19, 438 
7,772 



171, 724 



Income on hand June 30, 1918 

Unpaid appropriations as above. 



Unappropriated income June 30, 1918. 



13,595,087 



2,832,900 
36,250 
58,270 
115,000 
10,000 



6,647,607 



108,492 



60,054 
8,052 
21,193 
32,220 
14,250 
4,700 
18,000 
3,000 



259,962 



25,000 
16,000 



41,000 



7,000 
7,660 



8,035,988 
7.003,486 



1,032,601 



1 See An. Rept., Gen. Bduc. Bd., 1917-18, pp. 84-85. Cents omitted. 

In addition to the foregoing the sum of $110,572.33 has been appropriated 
and paid to negro rural schools from the income of Anna T. Jeanes Fund, and 
$85,000 has been appropriated and paid to Spelman Seminary from the principal 
of the Laura S. Rockefeller Fund. 

5. THE CAKNEGIE lOUNDATION FOE THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING. 

Fundamental to Mr. Carnegie's doctrine of giving had been the idea that the 
purpose for which one gives must not have a degrading, pauperizing tendency 
upon the recipient.'"' To be able to give a pension and avoid such difficulties 
as these was the tasli Mr. Carnegie set for himself. 

Believing that many evils were resulting from low salaries for professors 
and being familiar with the idea of teachers' pensions so widely practiced in 



i* The Gospel of Wealth, p. 21, ft. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL, FOUNDATIONS. 97 

Europe, Mr. Carnegie hoped to make the pension for the professor and his 
widow a regular part of the American educational system. He believed that 
if the teacher could receive his retiring allowance not as a charity but as a 
matter of right then pensions would raise the plane of academic life." 

Obviously, the income from the original gift of $10,000,000 would not meet 
the needs of the 700 or more institutions calling themselves colleges. First of 
all, therefore, the foundation was face to face with the question of what is a 
college. Secondly, having barred from participation in the fund all institu- 
tions under denominational control, the question of what constitutes denomi- 
national control must also be settled. The legal definition of a college which has 
been in operation in the State of New York furnished a basis for an answer 
to the first question," and a definition of denominational college was arbitrarily 
decided upon and the foundation began operations, trusting to investigation and 
experience to clarify these definitions. 

The first work of the foundation was to send out a circular asking all in- 
stitutions of higher learning for information bearing upon: (o.) The educa- 
tional standards in use; (6) the relations of the school to the State, both 
in matters of control and support; (c) the relation of the school to religious 
denominations. In addition to this, information regarding salaries and size of 
faculties was asked for.^" This brought together an unusually rich mass of 
educational data, which when digested by the foundation furnished the basis for 
its future action. 

Out of this and succeeding studies came the quantitative definition of the 
college entrance " unit " ; a clearer distinction between the work of a pre- 
paratory department and that of the college proper; as well as clearer con- 
ceptions of " college." of " State college," and of " denominational college." 
These accomplishments are pointed to here not only as an important con- 
tribution in ^standardization but also because of the wide discussion of these 
subjects which the action of the foundation provoked. Such work shows, too, 
how the foundation realized that In order to act wisely in the awarding of re- 
tiring allowances it must itself first of all become an " educational agency." ^ 

This type of study is not the extent of the foundation's educational investiga- 
tions. Its charter demanded that the trustees " do and perform all things 
necessary to encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher and 
the cause of higher education." "" In pursuance of this end the foundation has 
from the start undertaken to contribute liberally to the scientific study of 
higher education. In 1913 Mr. Carnegie added $1,250,000 to the endowment to 
meet the needs of a research department, and already the results of 11 extensive 
studies have been published and several others are under way. It is not possible 
to state accurately the value of this type of contribution. One might point to 
specific cases of more accurate university bookkeeping having resulted from the 
issuance of Bulletin No. 3, 1910, which presented 25 typical blank forms for 
the public reporting of the fmancial receipts and expenditures of universities 
and colleges ; or to the revision of standards and the stir that was caused in 
the medical world by the issuance of Bulletin No. 4, 1910, describing the status 
of medical education in the United States and Canada ; or to the legislative 
enactments following the recommendations made in Bulletin No. 7, 1907, giv- 

'^ See The Policy of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching, Educ. 
Rev., June, 1906. 

" See First Annual Report of the President and of the Treasurer, p. .38. 

» Ibid., p. 10, ff. 

^ See The Carnegie Foundation for the .\dvancement of Teaching. Second Annual 
Report of the President and Treasurer, p. 65. 

'" See quotation on p. 85. 



98 PHILA.NTHEOPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

ing the results of the survey of education in the State of Vermont; or to 
similar reactions to the reports dealing with engineering education and legal 
education, and in each instance show that the study brought direct results. 
The larger value of such work, however, can not be measured in that way. 
The sentiment for better medical schools which was created by the foundation's 
study has been a powerful factor in bringing about higher standards of training 
in that profession, and similar valuable results have come from other studies. 

In administering the pension system the foundation has met with many 
difficulties, some of which have not been easy to overcome. From the outset 
the foundation has wisely dealt with institutions and not with individuals. 
It muet not be said, however, that the foundation set itself up as a standard- 
izing, agency. It did set itself up as an educational agency, and very properly 
chose to administer its funds in terms of educational standards of its own 
choosing. In doing this no embarrassment was felt. The foundation named 
a list of " accepted institutions,"" explained why these were included, and 
no serious criticism of this list was offered by the public. 

By the end of the first year the trustees stated that the questions of edu- 
cational standards and of denominational or State control had been provision- 
ally dealt with." These questions continued to bring difficulties to the foun- 
dation, and for several years their reports show that they were exhaustively 
studied. The question of pensions for professors of State universities was 
solved in 1908 when Mr. Carnegie addressed a letter to the board in which 
he offered to add $5,000,000 to the endowment in order to meet that need."^ 
Denominational colleges memorialized the trustees to modify their ruling af- 
fecting such institutions," but with little success. Several sharp criticisms of 
the position of the foundation in this matter appeared in magazines,'" but the 
trustees preferred to maintain their original standard." 

During the first few years the number of institutions eligible for the " ac- 
cepted list " increased at an unexpected rate " and the foundation was com- 
pelled to revise its rules for granting pensions or otherwise plan to carry a 
heavier load. Within a very few years a number of colleges under denomina- 
tional control, by proper legal process, had so modified their charters or articles 
of Incorporation as to make them eligible to the accepted list,** the original 
actuarial figures had taken no account of the growth of the institutions," and 
the number retiring under the " years of service " basis had been far greater 
than anticipated,*" and other facts indicated that some modification of original 

»' The original list is printed in the foundation's first annual report above cited. 

" See the foundation's first annual report above cited, p. 36 fE. 

" See the foundation's third annual report, p. 62, for copy of his letter. 

»* See the foundation's fourth annual report, p. 4 S. 

»s See letter by J. P. Gushing published in Nation, vol. 90, p. 233, and other articles in 
the same volume; also vol. 31 of Science. 

™ Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. Report, 1909, p. 6. 

" Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. Report, 1909, p. 63. 

•* Bowdoin, Drury, Central University of Kentucky, and Drake University are Illus- 
trations. 

" See the foundation's fourth annual report, p. 62. 

"In his Review of Six Years of Administrative Experience the president of the founda- 
tion explains that the 25 years of service rule had been " adopted by the trustees under 
the assumption that but few applications would be made under it, and that these would 
be in the main applications from men who were disabled for further service. The inten- 
tion was in fact to use the rule as a disability provision," "After a few years of adminis- 
tration it was perfectly clear that the rule was doing barm rather than good. It was 
therefore repealed by the trustees -in accordance with the authority they had reserved in 
their hands," and was made a definite disability rule. See seventh annual report of the 
president and treasurer, 1912, p. 82. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 99 

plans would have to be made. At the outset the right to make such modification 
had been specially reserved," partly upon the advice of actuarial experts. Ac- 
cordingly, in 1909 the rules for granting retiring allowances were changed in 
two respects. 

The original rules based the grant of a pension upon age or length of service 
in accordance with 10 specific rules. Rule 1 was revised to include instructors 
as well as the various grades of professors, deans, and presidents, and so really 
broadened the scope of the foundation's work to that extent. The original rules 
granting a pension after 25 years of service were changed so as to restrict 
such allowance to only such teachers as were proved by medical examination 
to be unfit for service. This latter change brought forth extensive criticism, 
raising the question of the ethical right of the foundation to do the thing it 
had specifically reserved the right to do, viz, to modify its rules " in such man- 
ner as experience may indicate as desirable." 

The reasons for making these changes are more fully set forth in their 1904 
report than it is possible to show in brief space. It serves our purpose here to 
note, first, that such change was made, and that the foundation was legally 
within its rights in so doing ; and, second, that the change met with strong oppo- 
sition in many quarters. 

There were slight modifications of these rules, but no important changes 
were proposed until the issuance to the trustees and to all teachers in associated 
institutions of the foundation's confidential communication in 1915, setting 
forth a Comprehensive Plan of Insurance and Annuities.'^ This communica- 
tion called attention to the weak points in the existing system of pensions and 
proposed to replace the old system with a plan of insurance and annuities. 
More than 50 institutions complied with the request for criticism, and their 
statements are published in an appendix to the eleventh annual report of the 
foundation. Many faculties approved the plan in part, a few approved the plan 
in full as suggested, but altogether tliese statements, together with what ap- 
peared in the press, contain many important criticisms. It was argued, first, 
that the Carnegie Foundation had created certain expectations on the part of 
college teachers which it was morally obligated to fulfill ; second, that it is 
unjust to establish a system of insurance involving compulsory cooperation on 
the part of every teacher; and, third, that commercial companies could offer 
a plan which would be financially more attractive.*^ 

In 1916-17 the trustees passed a resolution referring the proposed new plan 
of insurance and annuities to a commission consisting of six trustees of the 
foundation, two representatives of the American Association of University 
Professors, and one representative each from the Association of American 
Universities, the National Association of State Universities, and the Associa- 
tion of American Colleges." This commission agreed upon a plan of insurance 

" See original Rules for Granting of Retiring Allowances in first annual report. 

** This was later published as Bulletin No. 9 of the foundation. 

" In the eleventh annual report of the president and treasurer Presideait Pritchett 
virtually accepts the first ef these objections as valid (see p. 24), and the trustees passed 
a resolution approving the idea of a contributory pension system which will operate 
" without unfairness to the just expectations of institutions or of individuals under the 
present rules." (See p. 4.) In the twelfth annual report a review of the year's work 
points out that the experience of 12 years' work has found the foundation " faced with 
two duties : First, to carry out fairly and to the best of their ability the obligations as- 
sumed in the associated institutions " ; and, secondly, to establish a system of insurance. 
Further the report says : " In the nature of the case the determination of what is a 
reasonable exercise of the power of revision retained by the trustees touches many per- 
sonal interests." See pp. 19 and 30. 

" Twelfth An. Rep. of the Foundation, 1916-17, p. 5, for the membership of this com- 
mission. 



100 



PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION, 



and annuities and recommended it to the trustees of the foundation." In May, 
1917, It was voted to approve the fundamental principles of the teachers' pen- 
sion system and also the combination of insurance and annuity benefits, as de- 
fined In the report of the above commission." 

This very soon led to the organization of the Teachers' Insurance and An- 
nuity Association of America, chartered by the State of New York on March 
4, 191S. This insurance company, together with a definite and fair plan for 
fulfilling the expectations of teachers who had belonged to the associated insti- 
tutions under the original pension system, brought to a close what is likely 
to be regarded as the first period of the history of the Carnegie Foundation 
for the Advancement of Teaching. It was in many ways a stormy period in 
which sharp and often personal criticism was hurled at the foundation by 
Individuals, through the press and even in the form of an investigation by the 
Federal Commission on Industrial Relations. Few direct replies to these 
criticisms have been made by the officers of the foundation except through the 
pages of their regular annual reports," where every intelligent criticism has 
been dealt with. 

It is obvious, even from this brief sketch of the history of this foundation, 
that what may be termed the elastic clause in its rules for granting pensions 
has been a most Important one. The field was new and experience alone could 
point the way. Without the right to change Its plans the foundation might 
have become a nuisance instead of a blessing. If that clause has given the 
foundation an easy way out of difficulties — too easy as some have thought — 
it has proved to be an excellent point of leverage for public opinion, and it 
must be evident to all that public opinion has not been Ignored. 

It must be said that the foundation has done some difficult pioneering in the 
field of teachers' pensions and has contributed liberally to the development and 
application of proper standards in the field of higher education. The following 
tables will give a partial financial view of the operations of the foundation up 
to June 30, 1917 : 



Tablk .39. — Receipts and expenditures of Carnegie Foundation for Advancement 
of Teaching, 1906-1917." 





Total 
receipts. 


Expenditures. 


Dates. 


Retiring 
allow- 
ance. 


Adminis- 
tration. 


Publica- 
tion. 


Studies, 
etc. 


Total. 


1905* 


$292,673 
644, 031 
530,30a 
544, 355 
543, 881 
590,449 
676,486 
694,195 
696,038 
712, 852 
S00,332 
625,862 




$19,932 
39,906 
39, 898 
36, 106 
33, 749 
36,743 
35, 949 
36,632 
32,910 
30, 550 
36,684 
33,772 






$19,932 
198,797 
287,072 


1907 


$158,890 
246,6*2 
343,870 
469,834 
526,879 
570,423 
600,390 
634,863 
674, 7:;i 
687, IDO 

■547,358 






1908 




$63i 
9,494 
23,929 
7, 400 
3,347 


1909 


$7, 983 
8,635 
9,414 

23,777 
3,579 
1,758 
1,576 
6,620 
6,390 


397,455 
538,148 


1910 


1911 


580,443 


1912. 


634,490 
640, 601 


1913 


1914 




669, 532 


1915. 




712,852 


1916 


8 
2,461 


731,413 


1917 c 


625,862 







" Compiled from the annual report o( the treasurer of the foundation. Cents are omitted. 
b July 1 to Sept. 30. 

c Oct. 1 to June 30. 

" Ibid., appendix to Part II, for a full report of this commission, 

"Ibid., p. 28 ff. 

•' President Henry S. Pritchett wrote a careful and dignified reply to such criticisms 
for the N. Amer. Rev. of April, 1915, " Should the Carnegie Foundation be Suppressed ; " 
and Secretary Clyde Furst gave an address before the Dept. of Sup., Nat. Ed. Assoc, in 
1918, on " The Place of the Educational Foundation in American Education." This ad- 
dress was published in School and Society for March 30, 1918. 



GREAT EDUCATIONAL, FOUNDATIONS. 101 

Table 40. — Foundation's expenditures for allowatices, each third year.' 



Years. 


Institutions. 


Retired 
teachers 
on roll. 


Retiring 
allow- 
ances 
paid. 


Widows' 
pensions. 


Total 

amount 

paid. 


Kind. 


Num- 
ber. 


Num- 
ber. 


Amount 
paid. 






52 
32 
67 
62 
72 
68 
73 
65 
71 
64 


44 

12 
162 

54 
220 

80 
259 

68 
274 

62 


ti;;, 479 
6,475 
206,473 
104,537 
388, 338 
108,330 
473,969 

99,851 
345, 214 

62,054 


6 

■"'33' 
12 
62 
23 
90 
28 
112 
32 


$1,125 
125 
24,545 
8,317 
53,646 
20,046 
80, 152 
20,752 
116, 891 
23, 199 


$16,604 
6 600 


1906 2 . . . 


Nonassociated. . . 




/Associated 


231 018 






112,853 
441,985 
128, 438 








Nonassociated 




(Associated 


554,122 
120, 603 
462, 105 












\Nonassociated 


85,263 









I The amounts for the intervening years are not given, but approximate those here reported; see 12th 
An. Rep. of the foundation. Cents are omitted. 
" From July 1 to Sept. 30. 
■ Oct. 1 to June 30. 

6. THE EUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION. 

The Russell Sage Foundation has purposely avoided the field of higher edu- 
cation from the start," but deserves mention here because of the contributions 
it has made to educational research. 

Among its contributions are to be listed studies of retardation and elimina- 
tion in city school systems, the medical .inspection of schools, the care and 
training of crippled children, child-welfare work, health worli: in public schools, 
education through recreation, school buildings and equipment, and many other 
studies of direct or indirect value in reducing education to a science. Im- 
portant, too, is the extensive work which the foundation has done in the fleid 
of educational surveys. The reports of the Springfield and the Clevelan.l 
surveys have aided materially in the establishment of standards for this kind 
of work. From the start the foundation's policy has been to spend its income 
on research and the dissemination of knowledge with a preventive intent. That 
it has carried out such a policy is evident to those who are familiar with its 
publications. 

SUMMARY. 

In this chapter it has been the purpose to describe the working principles 
and as far as possible to show the significance of our recently established phil- 
anthropic educational foundations. In form these foundations represent a 
new type of agency in educational philanthropy. In scope the possibility of 
service which they are empowered to render to higher education is almost with- 
out limit, and in the main each of the foundations occupies a field peculiarly 
its own. 

These foundations are well characterized as attempts at reducing educa- 
tional philanthropy to a business. The corporate principle is fully applied and 
the plan of administration is similar to that by which the affairs of a factory 
or a railroad are directed. In their most recent form the essential principles 
of a commission business are enijployed. 

They are further characterized by the very genera) limitations placed upon 
the gifts by the founders; by the possibilities left open for reasonable changes 
in the original purpose, or even, in some cases, for a termination of the entire 

" Schneider, Franz, jr. The Russell Sage Foundation, in Jour. Nat. Institute of So. 
Sciences, Dec. 20, 1915, p. 5. 



102 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

trust; by the very careful plans devised for the administration of the funds; 
and by the entire absence of political, sectarian, or sectional control. 

The woTi accomplished by these foundations can not be fully evaluated. In 
variety and extent it includes gifts and propaganda for the development of 
public schools, the endowment of colleges, fellowships, and pensions, as well as 
research in almost every field known to science. In all these fields their 
efforts have been fruitful. 

The movement (for in the history of educational philanthropy it must be 
called a distinct movement) appears not yet to have reached its zenith. In 
character it is becoming more and more inclusive, and perhaps by that tendency 
may contribute to the establishment of the idea that education is but one of 
the many aspects of our social problem. The power which such Institutions 
can turn toward the reconstruction of society has already been clearly indi- 
cated by the results described above, but quite as clearly has public opinion 
shown not only its ability to discern the possible misuses of that power but also 
its readiness to bring pressure to bear once a sign of such danger has been 
sensed. However much these foundations may supervise, therefore, and the 
promise in this respect is great, it is evident that they will themselves not go 
unsupervised. 



Chapter VI. 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 



PURPOSE AND PLAN OF THE STTjDT. 

It has been the purpose of this study to inquire into the extent to which 
philanthropy has been responsible for the development of our institutions of 
higher learning, to discover wliat motives have prompted this philanthropy 
and how these motives have influenced college building, and, in addition, to 
try to bring to light whatever has been developed in the way of a theory of 
educational philanthropy and of educational endowments. 

The study is covered in four chapters dealing, respectively, with: (1) The 
development of a theory of endowments and of philanthropy; (2) philanthropy 
of the colonial period; (3) philanthropy of the early national period, 1776- 
1865; (4) philanthropy of the late national period, 1865-1918; and (5) great 
educational foundations. 

Various sources have been drawn upon, chief of which have been indicated 
by footnote references. These sources may be classified as having to do with 
what may be termed the qualitative and quantitative aspects of the problem, 
respectively. The former including charters, constitutions, by-laws, deeds of 
trust, wills, and other instruments of gift ; the latter only with the bare figures 
and their analysis, or the statistics, of such gifts. 

THE THEORY OF ENDOWMENTS. 

At the beginning of college building in America there was no special theory 
of educational endowments or of educational philanthropy to worli; from. No 
careful thought had been given to the subject in England aside from discus- 
sions of practical situations, numbers of which were demanding attention long 
before America began to build colleges. 

About the time Harvard College had reached its first centennial a really 
substantial discussion of the subject was entered upon in Europe and has con- 
tinued practically ever since. The discussion was in connection with the gen- 
eral inquiry into the social institutions of the times, and represents one line 
of inquiry pursued by the new school of political economy just then taking 
form. Turgot, of France ; Adam Smith, of England ; and William von Hum- 
boldt, of Germany, were the chief early contributors in their respective coun- 
tries and agree fairly well that education should not be endowed by the State, 
but rather that it should take its place in competition with all other interests. 
Turgot and Smith would modify the application of this laissez faire principle 
to meet certain conditions, while Humboldt would have it carried to its full 

103 



104 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

length. Doctor Chalmers, early in the nineteenth century, and John Stuart 
Mill, in 1833, however, proposed an important distinction between need for 
food and need for education, and urged that because of this difference the prin- 
ciple of free trade could not properly apply to education. 

Owing to the bad state of educational endowments in England at that time, 
the discussion shifted somewhat to a consideration of the rights of the State 
in the control of endowments. The critics declared that the failure of these 
endowments was due to the very principles involved in endowments for educa- 
tion, while the Mill economists argued that it was due merely to failure of the 
State to exercise a proper control over them. 

Other discussions in England of the possible value of endowments followed, 
involving the question of the right of posthumous disposition of property and 
emphasizing the rights of society (the State) as the real recipient of such gifts. 

EARLY EXPERIENCES IN AMERICA. 

In the early years America contributed little to this theoretical discussion, 
but as time went on and the idea of free public education began to take root, 
we gradually came face to face with it in connection with the question of 
school support. The State had taken a hand in initiating and in the support 
of our first attempt at higher education. The church had taken even a larger 
part than that shared by the State. In colonial Massachusetts, however, the 
State and the church were practically one, and therefore no opposition be- 
tween the two was likely to appear. The church and the State in America 
were soon to rest upon the theory of complete separation, however, and then 
the question of responsibility for the support of schobls had to be worked out. 
The building of colleges went on, the church, the State, and private philan- 
thropy sharing the burden of cost, but with the responsibility for management 
resting mainly with the church until near the close of the colonial period. 

At the beginning of the national period the State began to contribute less and 
less to the old foundations and to debate the question of State colleges or uni- 
versities. By the middle of the new century the movement for State support 
and control of higher education took definite form. This did not rule out tlie 
church or private philanthropy, nor did it consciously interfere with them. 
It, nevertheless, set up competition between these two ideas of educational 
control. The result has been the development of a rather large literature on 
the subject, a decided stimulus to higher quality of work, and a clarification of 
the respective functions of the church and the State in higher education. 

In the earlier decades private philanthropy was so completely dominated by 
the church on the one hand, and was so small and scattered on the other, that its 
place in the field of higher education had raised no serious questions. The 
development of State universities, however, brought criticism, and in more 
recent years such college buildings as that initiated by Ezra Cornell, Johns 
Hopkins, John D. Rockefeller, Leland Stanford, and Andrew Carnegie, and such 
nonteaching foundations as those discussed in Chapter V have raised the question 
of the possible good or ill that may come from State endowment and from 
private philanthropy on such a large scale. 

It is in connection with these two points in our educational experience — the 
clash between State and church control ; and the upsetting of the old and small 
practices by wealthy philanthropists through the launching of great competing 
universities, or by the establishment of vast funds for endowment, pensions, and 
investigation — that America's contribution to a theory of endowments or of 
educational philanthropy has been made. Writers on social and political 
theory have given the subject but little thought, though many legislative bodies 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 105 

have dwelt at length upon specific issues which have been raised by the clash 
of these forces.* 

In colonial America the aim of higher education was from the start dominated 
by the general religious aim of the people, and whether the State and the church 
were one or not, it was almost without exception the church leaders who initiated 
the move for building a college, and the colleges of this period were primarily 
designed for the training of ministers. 

The colonial governments of Massachusetts, Virginia, Connecticut, and New 
York contributed liberally to the maintenance of Harvard, William and Mary, 
Yale, and King's Colleges, respectively, but not so with Rhode Island, New 
.Jersey, and New Hampshire in the case of Princeton, Brown, Dartmouth, and 
Rutgers. We are able to say, therefore, that philanthropy, motivated in the 
main by religion, was primarily responsible for initiating college building in 
all cases; that it was largely responsible for the maintenance of five of the 
nine colonial colleges, and almost solely so for the other four. We may say, 
too, that while the idea of State support for colleges was practiced, it was not 
common in all the Colonies, and in no case (William and Mary a possible ex- 
ception) did a Colony assume full responsibility in the founding and develop- 
ment of a college. Hence denominational rather than State lines stand out in 
the history of higher learning in colonial times, and unless we think of the 
impetus given to " this \-\-orldly " education by Franklin in the beginnings of 
the University of Pennsylvania there was no experiment that could be called 
a real departure from the traditional idea of a college. 

The sources from which philanthropy came during these years were nu- 
merous and varied, and each has in a way left its mark upon the college it 
benefited. No small amount of assistance came from England, largely through 
the influence of religious organizations. The influence of these gifts is sug- 
gested by the names of several of our colleges. Again, funds were sought in 
fliis country in Colonies quite remote from the college, and in many cases 
substantial aid was thus received. In the main, however, a college was either 
a local community or a denominational enterprise. If the former, as in case 
of Harvard, the burden rested mainly upon people close by. If the latter, as 
in the case of Brown, then churches of the denomination in question, wherever 
located, gave freely to its support. Many gifts from towns and froni church 
congregations are also recorded. 

One is impressed at every point with the very large number of small gifts 
and with the way in which they were obtained. This applies to the entire 
history of American college building. The thousands of small gifts to our 
colleges seem to record the fact that from the outset these were to be schools 
of the people. 

During this period philanthropy initiated no unique educational experiments, 
yet it is quite as true to say tliat neither do we find evidence that gifts any- 
where influenced education in a wrong way. Gifts which were made to some 
specific feature of a college went in the main to the library, to professorships, 
to scholarships, and to buildings, all of which are essential to any college. 
Throughout this period, however, it has been shown that a relatively large 
percentage of gifts were made to the college unconditionally. 

We may say, then, that our beginnings were small ; that they were warmly 
supported by the mother country ; that the idea of State support was common, 
though by no means universal ; that there is evidence that no State, with the 
possible partial exception noted, intended to assume full responsibility for the 

* Note, for instance, the legislative debates in New York over the founding of Cornell 
University. 



106 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

college ; that philanthropy clearly did assume that responsibility ; and that 
philanthropy did direct the policy of every college. We may say that philan- 
thropy was motivated by religion, and that the church in most cases dominated 
the movement; that penury was common in all cases; that the thousands of 
small gifts constituted an important asset in that they popularized the idea of 
the college and so helped to democratize society ; and that the gifts were in the 
main " to the college " without condition, or, if conditioned, they were almost 
invariably in accord with the essential lines of the school's growth. 

THE EA1U.T NATIONAL PERIOD. 

During the early national period there was no special break in the main 
forces that had been building colleges in the Colonies. Conditions under which 
these forces had to work, however, were vastly different, whether we think 
of the problems of State making, of religion, of industries, of exploration and 
settlement, of growth of population, or of social philosophy. It was an age of 
expansion in all these matters and that in a broad and deep sense. 

In the matter of higher education it was also an age of expansion; expan- 
sion in numbers of colleges, and, to some extent at least, in educational aim 
and types of studies offered. 

The Revolution had brought to an end the work of English philanthropy, 
and in increasing measure State support for established colleges was declining, 
leaving the task mainly to the churches of the country. The question of the 
State's function in higher education was soon raised, however, and before the 
close of the period a solution of the theoretical aspect of the problem had been 
reached and several State universities well established. 

Whatever of promise there was in this new movement, however, the great 
college pioneering of this period was done almost entirely by church-directed 
philanthropy. 

In this period, as in colonial days, the beginnings were small. Academies 
were often established with the hope that in time they would become colleges, 
the financial penury so common to the early colleges was characteristic through- 
out this period, and the subscription list was common everywhere. 

The motive behind the work of the church was not only to spread the Gospel 
but to provide schools for the training of ministers to fill the increasing num- 
ber of vacant pulpits reported throughout the period. Denominational lines 
were strong and undoubtedly led to an awkward distribution of colleges. 
The motives back of philanthropy in this period differ little therefore from 
those common to early Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. Among the older col- 
leges, where the curriculum had begun to broaden and professional schools 
to take form, it was somewhat more common to find gifts made to some par- 
ticular end. Among the newer foundations we see a fair duplication of the 
early history of the older colleges, except that the new colleges grew some- 
what more rapidly. There is in most cases a more marked tendency to give 
toward permanent endowment, while among the conditional gifts those for 
professorships stand out strongly everywhere, and gifts to indigent studfents 
suffer a decline. 

The development of professional schools, of the manual labor college, and 
of institutions for the higher education of women mark a change in our 
educational philosophy and give expression to the changing social life of the 
times. Most of these experiments were initiated and fostered by philanthropy. 

Medical and law schools originated mainly as private schools conducted for 
profit, while schools of theology have been philanthropic enterprises from the 
start. The idea of women's colleges may have originated in the private pay 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 107 

schools for girls, or ladies' seminaries, common in the South, but the first well- 
financed college for women was the work of philanthropy, as most all subse- 
quent attempts have been, and description of the work of philanthropy in these 
schools would fit faiily well any college of the period. 

The (act that we find philanthropy rising to meet these many and varied 
educational and social ideas and ideals is not only an important fact in the 
social life of this country but is also an important characteristic pt our educa- 
tional philanthropy. 

It is early in this period that the church education society comes into exist- 
ence to answer the call of the church for more and better trained ministers. 
The work of these societies was extensive, and no doubt resulted in filling 
many vacant pulpits and church missions. 

During this period, then, we may say that philanthropy did not slacken its 
interest in higher education, either because of the loss of English support or 
because of the rise of the State university. Philanthropy was, as before, directed 
in the main by the churches, and so through the whole period is prompted in 
the main by religious motives. The church college followed the westward-mov- 
ing frontier, leaving many evidences of denominational competition for the new 
field. The failure of these church schools to meet the demands of the ministry 
is marked by the rise of church education societies whose aim was to provide 
scholarships and loans for students who would enter the ministry. Philan- 
thropy was active in the movement toward separate professional schools, in the 
development of manual labor colleges, and in the origin and development of 
women's colleges during this period. These new enterprises may with some 
propriety be called educational experiments, credit for which must go to 
churches and to philanthropy. 

As to method, there is practically nothing new to record. Permanent endow- 
ment grows somewhat more popular, and- gifts for specified purposes tend to 
replace gifts to the general funds of the college. Nowhere, however, are the 
main aspects of the college neglected in favor of the new or unusual features. 

THE LATE NATIONAL PERIOD. 

After 1865 we enter a period of vast expansion in college building as in 
every other line. Tlie idea of State higher education was worked out, and 
the question of State versus private and church schools was, for most people, 
satisfactorily solved. In the new States of the period it was more often 
the State than the church that established the pioneer institution for higher 
learning. With the exception of the manual labor college, practically all 
old ideas and practices in higher education were continued in force. Separate 
professional schools, women's colleges, church boards of education, and the 
typical small church college, all went forward, and each seems to have found 
a place for itself and still shows signs of healthful growth. 

The period is equally well characterized by the development of new en- 
terprises, back of which were at least a few really new things in educational 
philanthropy. One is the privately endowed university founded by a single 
large fortune. Another is the similarly endowed nonteaching educational 
foundation. 

The more detailed description of the philanthropy of this period brought 
out the fact that among the old colonial foundations, as well as among col- 
leges founded in the early national period. State aid was entirely lacking, 
while gifts were greatly increased both in numbers and size. It was noted 
that among the old colonial colleges the percentage of conditional gifts in- 
creased, while gifts to permanent funds showed a slight relative decline. 
111512°— 22 8 



108 PHILANTHROPY IN AMEEICAN HIGHER EDXJCATIOlf. 

In the colleges of the early national period almost the opposite tendency was 
shown — ^rapid growth of permanent funds and rapid increase In gifts to 
the general fund. In all the colleges professorships, scholarships, and library 
were well remembered, though gifts to libraries among the older colleges 
did not grow so rapidly as was true In the younger schools. Everywhere it 
has been the fashion to give " to the college " outright or toward some«raain 
feature like (luildings, equipment, library, professorsWps, or scholarships. 

As compared with other kinds of philanthropy the data show that higher 
education is one of the greatest recipients of charity we have to-day, that a 
vast permanent endowment for higher education is being built up, and that 
philanthropy still bears the larger portion of the entire burden of cost. They 
bring out clearly the recent large movement of philanthropy toward the de- 
velopment of professional and technical schools and women's colleges, and 
also toward the larger support of church boards of education, the functions of 
which have been much enlarged in recent years. 

GREAT EDUCATIONAL FOUNDATIONS. 

During the last portion of the present period the great private foundation 
appeared as a form of educational philanthropy which was practically new. 
Each of these foundations represented the ideas and aspirations of the, one 
man whose , fortune gave it existence. Dominated by no church or religious 
creed, and not even by the man who established it, but only by public opinion 
and the corporation laws of State and Nation, these foundations have en- 
tered the educational field and left an impress on practically every type of 
educational enterprise in the country, whether private, State, or church. 

The whole business and financial aspect of higher education has been studied 
and in a sense made over as a result of the operations of these gifts. The 
college curriculum has been more clearly differentiated from that of the 
secondary school, and standards of achievement in studies more clearly de- 
fined. Attention has been forcefully called to the problem of the distribution 
of colleges and to the principles which should guide us in locating new col- 
leges. Millions have been added to the general endowment of higher educa- 
tion. Medical, legal, and engineering education have been enormously profited 
by the dear and impartial, studies that have been made of these schools and 
by financial assistance. The scientific study of education has not only been 
greatly stimulated, but contributions have been made through experiments 
and investigation. The bounds of knowledge have been pushed out in many 
directions by extensive and costly research. The principles involved in pen- 
sions for teachers have been thoroughly studied from every angle and broadly 
and with some measure of satisfaction established. 

Some doubts and fears and many sharp criticisms have been voiced lest 
these powerful corporations, might seek to bias education and public opinion 
in favor of wrong social, political, or business ideals. This should be looked 
upon as a sign of health. Democratic society must not be expected to take 
such gifts on faith. Even if there is a grain of danger from such corpora- 
tions, such danger should be mercilessly weeded out. In seeking for such 
dangers, however, we must not close our eyes to the obvious benefits which 
have and must continue to accrue to higher education from these sources. 
While society must insist upon its right to control such corporations, it must 
not be blind to the difficulties these foundations have had to face in blazing 
the new trails which they respectively have chosen to mark out in the field 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. 109 

of higher education. If the church, the State, the university, the professor, 
and the general public will continue to distinguish between intelligent criticism^ 
on the one hand, and mere suspicion and gossip on the other, and remember 
that a wise administration of these gifts is largely dependent upon a cooperat- 
ing and appreciative beneficiary, then this, the greatest experiment in educa- 
tional philanthropy that has ever been tried, will continue to prove its worOi 
to society. 

DEVELOPMENTS BEARING UPON A THEOET OF ENDOWMENTS. 

From all this giving, what have we learned about the meaning of philan- 
thropy itself? What attitude shall the State, the church, and society in general 
take toward the great stream of gifts that is continuously pouring into the lap 
of higher education in the country? 

It is obvious that gifts to colleges are accepted by all as great blessings, 
and practicaUy nowhere is there evidence that people fear the power which 
may some day be exercised through these gifts ; that is how firmly the college 
has established itself in the confidence of the people. So many thousands of 
pepple have contributed small or large gifts to build these schools, so closely 
have the schools been associated with the church, and so intimately have they 
woven themselves into the life of the people that they are everywhere fully 
trusted, and thus far no very bad effects of philanthropy have been felt." Even 
the great privately endowed institutions like Cornell (accepted with much 
misgiving at the outset in many quarters) have now fully won the confidence 
of the people in general, of the church, and of the State. This is not surpris- 
ing in the light of the study of the conditions placed upon the thousands of 
gifts classified in the course of this study. 

If there is any misgiving in the minds of the people about any educational 
philanthropy to-day, it is perhaps in reference to one or another of the 
recently established nonteaching foundations. Here some uncertainty exists, 
as has been pointed out, though even here there is comparatively little that 
has not been accepted In most quarters with full confidence. 

If philanthropy has so nearly won the entire confidence of the people, it 
is because of the record philanthropy has made for itself. In defining the 
meaning of education, or in setting the limits to its participation in college 
building, donors have not departed too far from the accepted Ideas, ideals, and 
practices of the time and of the people they sought to serNe. Millions have 
been given for permanent endowment but the practice has been to endow 
" the college," a " professorship," a " scholarship," a given line of " research," 
a "library," and rarely or never to define with any severe detail just what 
is to be included under the term " college," " professorship," " scholarship," 
etc. The result is that the writer has found little evidence of harmful or 
even useless foundations, large or small. 

In the light of these facts it seems fair to assume that the great dominating 
motive in educational philanthropy has been desire to serve society; or, if we 
prefer, desire for a very high type of notoriety. So far as social progress is 
concerned, these are but two views of the same thing. 

' The writer did not find it feasible in this study to inquire Into the number of gifts 
that have really laid a burden upon the college. In his autobiography. President White, 
of Cornell, expresses the opinion that our colleges have too frequently been the re- 
cipifflits of such gifts as an observatory, leaving the college the responsibility of pur- 
chasing instruments and caring for upkeep. 



110 PHILANTHROPY IN AMERICAN HIGHER EDUCATION. 

It has been pointed out that most that has been done toward developing a 
' theory of educational philanthropy in this country has grown directly out of 
the practice rather than out of the studies of social and political theory. The 
country has faced and solved certain fundamental questions as they have arisen, 
as : The functloB of the State In higher education ; the fuirctton-of-ttreTiniTch in 
'Higher education ; the function of private philanthropy in teaching and non- 
teaching activities touching higher education. In settling these questions there 
has been endless debate and some bitterness of feeling, yet we have fully ac- 
cepted the idea of State-endowed higher education, and, according to our prac- 
tice, defined that education in the broadest possible way. This acceptance of 
State-endowed education did not rule out the church, whose activities in college 
■ building are as much appreciated and as well supported as ever. That there 
should have been a clash between the old idea of church-directed education and 
the new idea of State education was to be expected. The outcome of such a 
clash in this country, however, could not have been different from what it was. 

Smilarly, there was a clash between the church and the privately endowed 
pes of colleges, but each has a well-established place In present practice. 

In this country we have not confined ourselves to any single notion about 
1 who shall bear the burden of higher education. The State establishes a uni- 
versity but it also encourages the work of the church and of private philan- 
I thropy.' The practice is therefore based upon a theory that is not fully in 
line with those of the early English, French, and German philosophers. It is 
far more liberal, being based rather upon the underlying conceptions' of our 
social and political organization. 
' Ownership of property in this country carries with it the right of bequest, 
and the " dead hand " rests, in some degree, upon most of the institutions of 
higher education. We fully respect the rights and the expressed wishes of the 
educational benefactors,* but this study shows that the benefactors have 
also respected the rights of society, not the society of to-day only but that of 
future generations as well. There has been a growing tendency for colleges 
and universities to study the terms of proffered benefactions with utmost 
care and to refuse to accept gifts to which undesirable conditions are attached. 
Similarly there has been a growing tendency on the part of benefactors either 
to accept terms suggested by the institution or to make the gift practically 
without conditions or with specific provision for future revision of the condi- 
tions named. This, It seems to the writer, marks an achievement which 
guarantees society against most if not all the evils associated with endowed 
education. 

After an examination of the hundreds of documents which have furnished 
the basis of this study, the writer Is inclined to look upon educational philan- 
thropy as an essential and highly important characteristic of democracy. 

If a statement were made of the theory which has been evolved or the 
principles which have been arrived at in the almost three centuries of prac- 
tice, they would seem to be about as follows : 

(1) Permanent endowment of higher education by the State, by the church, 
or other association, or by individuals, is desirable. 

(2) All gifts to education, whether for present use or for permanent en- 
dowment, whether large or small, should be encouraged, because they open 

' Usually the property of such schools Is made entirely, or at least in part, free from 
taxation by State laws. 

' As note the Glrard College case. 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. Ill 

up large possibilities in the way of educational investigation and experiment 
and because the donor is brought into an intimate relationship with an enter- 
prise that is fundamental to the national life. 

(3) The wishes of a donor as expressed in the conditions of his gift shall 
be respected and fully protected by the State. 

(4) It is desirable that the conditions controlling a gift shall be stated in 
general terms only, and that the methods of carrying out the purposes of the 
donor be left largely to the recipient of the gift. 

(5) Finally, it is desirable that even the purpose of a gift should be made 
alterable after a reasonable period of time has elapsed, and, if it be desirable, 
that the gift be terminated. 



INDEX 



American Education Society, financial eta- 

tlstics, 74-75. 
Amherst College, donations and grants, 42 ; 
Income, 63 ; students receiving aid from 
American Educational Society, 49. 
Andover Theological Seminary, gifts to per- 
manent funds, 43 ; growth, 64. 
Brown University, charter analyzed, 12-13. 
Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement 

of Teaching, 85-86, 96-101. 
Carnegie Institution, 83-84, 91-93. 
Cleveland Foundation, 87-89. 
College education, colonial period, cost, 

20-21. 
College of William and Mary, charter ana- 
lyzed, 11-12. 
College professors, colonial period, salaries, 

21-22. 
Colleges, finances of, colonial, 16-19. 
Colleges and universities, charters analyzed, 
10-14 ; donations and grants, early na- 
tional period, 37-43, 45-47 ; donations 
and grants, late national period, 53-54 ; 
early national period, establishment and 
sources of support, 35-37 ; growth in 
late national period, 53-54. 
Colonial period, 10-32. 
Columbia University, charter analyzed, 11- 

12 ; donations and grants, 26, 42. 
Cornell University, donations and grants, 

71 ; Income, 73. 
Council of Church Boards of Education, 

worlj, 78. 
Dartmouth College, charter analyzed, 

13-14. 
Early conception of philanthropy, 1. 
Early national period, 33-52, 106-107. 
Education societies, philanthropy, 47-51. 
Educational donations and grants, 17-20, 

23-32, 56-62. 
Educational foundations, 81-102, 108-109; 
place in Adam Smith's free-trade econ- 
omy, 3-4 ; place in Turgat's social 
theory, 1—3. 
Endowments, 103-104, 109-111. 
Evangelical Lutheran Church in the United 

States of America, 76. 
General Education Board, 84-85, 93-96. 
Harvard University, donations and grants, 

23, 39 ; charter analyzed, 11-12. 
Hobhouse, Sir Arthur, on " dead hand " in 
education, 7-8. 



John F. Slater Fund, 82-83, 91. 
Johns Hopliins University, donations and 
grants, 71 ; ideas and purposes of 
founder, 68. 

Late national period, 53-80, 107-108. 

Leland Stanford Junior University, dona- 
tions and grants, 71-72 ; object of 
founder, 69. 

Lowe, return to free-trade principles, 7. 

Manual-labor colleges, 45-47, 65-67. 

Methodist Episcopal Church Board, finan- 
cial statistics, 76. 

Mill, John Stuart, opposition to theories of 
Turgot and Smith, 5-7. 

Mount Holyoke College, endowment and in- 
come, 64-65. 

Oberlin College, funds, 66-67. 

i-eabody Education Fund, 82, 89-91. 

Phelps-Stokes Fund, 86-87. 

Political influence. Colonial period, 15-16. 

Presbyterian Education Board, financial 
statistics, 75. 

Princeton University, charter analyzed, 11- 
12 ; donations and grants, 25. 

Religious and denominational influences, 
Colonial period, 14-14. 

Religious education societies, philanthropy, 
73-78. 

Rockefeller Foundation, 87. 

Russell Sage Foundation, 86, 101. 

Rutgers College, charter analyzed, 13-14. 

Smith, Adam, place of educational foun- 
dations In free-trade economy of, 3-4. 

Theological education, early national 
period, 43-44. 

Turgot's social theory, place of educational 
foundations, 1—3. 

University of Chicago, Income, 72 ; pro- 
vision of charter, 69—70. 

University of Pennsylvania, charter ana- 
lyzed, 11-12. 

Vassar College, donations and grants, 70- 
71 ; educational aims, 67-68, 69. 

Von Humboldt's theory, 4—5. 

Women, education, early national period, 
44-45. 

Women's colleges, late national period, 64- 
65. 

Yale University, charter analyzed, 11-12 ; 
donations and grants, 24 ; gifts, 39. 



112 



O 



VITA 

Jesse Brundage Sears: Born, Hamilton, Mo., September 
25, 1876. 

Academic Training : Elementary education at the Wooder- 
son school, Davies Co., Mo. ; Graduated from Kidder Institute 
(academy), Kidder, Mo., June 1902; Bachelor of Arts degree 
at Leiand Stanford Junior University, June 1909 ; Part-time 
student at University of Wisconsin, 1909-1910 ; Student, Chicago 
University, summer quarter, 1910 ; Student, Teachers College, 
Columbia University, 1910-1911 and summer term, 1911 ; Student 
assistant, Stanford University, 1907-1909 ; Assistant in Educa- 
tion, Columbia University, 1911 ; Research scholar. Teachers 
College, 1910-1911. 

Professional Experience : Rural school, Davies Co., Mo., 
1897-1900; Grade teacher, Kidder public schools, 1902-1903; 
Supervismg principal, Kingston, Mo., public schools, 1903-1905,; 
Principal, Hamilton, Mo., high school, 1905-1906 ; Instructor, 
University of Wisconsin, 1909-1910 ; Instructor, Stanford Uni- 
versity, 1911-1912 ; Assistant Professor, Stanford University, 
1912-1917 ; Associate Professor, Stanford University, 1917 — 

Author : ' ' Classroom Organization and Control, ' ' Boston, 
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1918; Joint author, "The Boise Survey," 
Yonkers, N. Y., The World Book Co, 1920; Joint author, 
"School Organization and Administration," Yonkers, N. Y., 
The World Book Co.. 1916. 



/ 



Department of Educational Sociology 

Teachers College, Columbia University 

New York City 



PART - TIME SCHOOLS 

A Survey of Experience 

in the United States with 

Recommendations 



Submitted 

in partial fulfillment of the requirements 

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

in the Faculty of Philosophy 

Columbia University. 

New York, N. Y. 
. 1922 



Department of Educational Sociology 

Teachers College, Columbia University 

New York City 



PART - TIME SCHOOLS 

A Survey of Experience 

in the United States with 

Recommendations 

Harry Bradley Smith, 



Submitted 

in partial fulfillment of the requirements 

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

in the Faculty of Philosophy 

Columbia University. 

New York, N. Y. 
1922 

n 



CONTENTS. 



Page. 

Foreword xi 

PART I.— AMERICAN PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

The need for some new type of public education 1 

Preliminary statement of objectives and metliods 2 

I. Major objectiyes . 2 

II. Minor objectives 3 

III. Metbod of work and sources of informaiion 3 

IV. Form of the resulting bulletin 4 

V. Tables 4 

Scope of the survey 5 

I. Area covered 5 

II. Number of children affected C 

Outstanding conclusions of the survey 8 

The field as a whole 8 

Legislation 9 

Administration 10 

Finance.- 11 

Housing and equipment 11 

Types of classes 12 

Pupils 12 

Teachers 13 

Subject matter 14 

Means and methods of part-time instruction 15 

Time arrangements 15 

Attendance factors 15 

Objectives 16 

Outstanding recommendations 17 

The field as a whole 17 

Legislation 17 

Support of public opinion 17 

Time for preparation 18 

Administration 18 

Flexible administration 18 

Centralizing activities 19 

Finance 20 

Housing and equipment 20 

Type? of classes 20 

Pupils 20 

Teachers 21 

Subject matter 21 

Means and methods of part-time instruction 21 

Time arrangements 21 

Attendance factors 22 

Objectives 22 

III 



IV CONTENTS. 

SECTION I. 

rage. 

Legislation 23 

Time laws have been in force? 23 

Place of attendance 24 

Employment notifications 25 

Penalties i 27 

Permits and work certificates 28 

Tuition 33 

Teachers' licenses 34 

Rules for discontinuing classes 36 

Type of the act 38 

Comments and suggestions on the law 39 

SECTION II. 

Administration 45 

The- executive staff 45 

Supervision 46 

Cooperating agencies 56 

Records — Health and education 62 

Influence of industries on administration 65 

SECTION III. 

Finance ^ 67 

Cost of part-time schools 67 

Cost per pupil year , 68 

Cost per pupil hour 69 

Fluctuation of cost with average attendance . 70 

Fluctuation of cost with hours of attendance 70 

Comparisons with all-day schools 71 

Earnings of pupils 72 

SECTION IV. 

Location in city — housing and equipment 74 

Buildings and equipments 80 

SECTION V. 

Types of classes 89 

Statistics 90 

SECTION' VI. 

Pupils 92 

Number of pupils by types of classes 92 

Personal and social characteristics t 93 

SECTION VII. 

Teachers 106 

Sources of supply and how reached 106 

General continuation teachers 106 

Trade-extension teachers 107 

Trade preparatory teachers 108 

Trade-finding teachers 108 

Home-making teachers 109 

Commercial teachers 111 

Men VS. women teachers 111 

Teachers' training and experience 113 

Quality of teachers employed 121 

Future preparation of teachers 124 

Oroup vs. departmental organization 126 



CONTENTS. T 

SECTION VIII. 

Page. 

Subject matter 128 

Compulsory and elective classes 128 

Details of subject matter 133 

Trade subjects 134 

General comment 137 

Hygiene 140 

Citizensliip and civics 1 140 

Standards 143 

An excellent plan 144 

Assignment of work to pupils 146 

Methods and devices 151 

Reference material 152 

Observation opportunities 154 

Englisli 156 

Grammar 157 

Oral Englisb 158 

Oral reading 159 

OomiX)sition 159 

Home reading 160 

Poetry 160 

Type of English in general . 161 

Current events " 162 

Public assemblies 163 

■Advanced type of worli 164 

Marketable projects 164 

Physical training 164 

Suggested changes . 167 

SECTION IX. 

Means and methods of part-time instruction 168 

Getting subject matter 168 

Conferences 170 

Occupational studies 170 

Sources of subject matter 171 

The first day 173 

Subsequent transfers 178 

Individual progress 179 

Division of class time 184 

Discipline 186 

Vocational guidance 188 

School tests 190 

To take the measure of a boy 195 

Special topics 198 

Outside cooperation 201 

Method of group division 211 

Instruction methods 213 

Placement 215 

Studies of outside conditions 218 

Type of equipment 221 

SECTION X. 

Time arrangements 223 

Working day 223 

Days upon which school is in session 224 

Hours per week 225 



VI CONTENTS. 

Time arrangements — Continued. Page. 

Teachers' hours 227 

Employers' preferences and powers 229 

Regulation of pupil attendance 232 

SECTION XI. 

Attendance information 237 

Total number of pupils and average attendance _ 237 

Effect of type of pupil on attendance 237 

Subjects best attended 241 

Securing attendance 243 

State department 244 

Use of coordinators 244 

Special officer 245 

Regular attendance officer 245 

Special attendance department 246 

Making up absences 248 

Substitute aftendance - 249 

Evening school 249 

Apprenticeship 249 

Business college 250 

SECTION XII. 

Objectives 253 

Home makers 259 

Women citizens 259 

The home economics objective 260 

English 260 

Arithmetic 261 

Spelling 261 

Geography , 262 

Shop subjects 262 

Related subjects 262 

Means of arriving at objectives 263 

Industrial arts and home economics 266 

High-school mechanic arts 266 

Commercial work 266 

SECTION XIII. 

Miscellaneous considerations 274 

A national part-time law 274 

Unclassified questions 275 

Success in obtaining cooperation 277 

The small school vs. the larger school 278 

Relation to industries '. 280 

The 16 to 18 year old group , 281 

Special points 284 

PART II.— PART-TIME SCHOOLS IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES. 

Prefatory note 293 

General impressions 295 

England 296 

Legislation 296 

Schools visited ^ 302 

Summary of interviews 302 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

Part I— AMERICAN PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



THE NEED FOR SOME NEW TYPE OF PUBLIC EDUCATION. 

There is an unrecoraed but perfectly well recognized consensus 
of opinion in this country that when a boy or girl has reached the 
age of approxTimately 18 years he is capable of looking after him- 
self and his future activities. On the other hand, there is just as 
well recognized an opinion that until the age of 18 the minor has 
needs for training and counsel that can not be left to his judgment 
and initiative to care for. As long as these children remain in the 
home and attend the public day school society feels that they are 
provided with proper agencies for counsel and training, and that 
whatever is lacking or inefficient is to be corrected by the improve- 
ment of these time-honored agencies rather than by the creation of 
new ones. 

When a child under 18 years of age is ou.t of the home or out of 
day school, for any reason whatever, working or not, there is a .well- 
defined feeling that something is lacking in the way of a social 
agency to deal with this child's needs. The loss of a home has long 
been recognized as a loss which must be supplied at public expense 
until a minor can be made self-supporting. Where, however, the 
home supplies a lodging place and food, but leaves all other needs, 
such as that for education, for vocational guidance and training, and 
for instruction as regards the duties of a citizen and the simple 
health and social relationships, unprovided for, the public has been 
slow to admit its responsibilities for meeting these needs except with 
the regular school. 

When one of these minors leaves the day school to enter employ- 
ment he severs connection usually with the only public agency which 
has been provided for meeting his needs, but he does not part com- 
pany with the needs — indeed he multiplies and adds to them. Much 
of the education he has acquired will be lost unless it is reviewed and 
applied. He is often faced with a job for which he is not pre- 
pared and for which industry gives no adequate instruction. He 
must solve financial problems of his own. He has become a member 
of society and he can not even define that term or appreciate his 
duties and privileges. He is moving in an atmosphere of business 
and politics for the first time. He thinks of the present and does 
not plan for the fi'ture, and his leisure and recreation are decided 
by instinct and caprice without knowledge or judgment. The State 

1 



2 PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 

must not fail, both for his welfare and its own, to provide some 
public agency to assist this boy, and, if need be, force him to use it. 

The agency now on trial is the part-time school. Its business is to 
determine the present and future needs of working minors and future 
citizens as they actually are when they come to the school, and to 
meet those needs, whatever they may be, using its own organization 
and every other organization whose Qooperation can be secured. 

No other public agency is doing this ; no other social institution, 
public or private, has covered such a comprehensive field ; the needs 
of the children are beyond controversy, and the part-time school 
alone of all public agencies so far suggested has given promise of 
being adequate for such a task. 

For millions of children it will provide the capstone of educa- 
tional attainment and some promise of economic security through 
occupational skill acquired under competent guidance. To society 
and the State it should be one important factor of insurance against 
political incompetence, economic wastefulness, and that restlessness 
and discontent, growing out of ignorance, which often breeds anarchy 
and national disruption. 

A great objective for a great institution, and one not beyond the 
reach of the smallest class in the smallest village if the teacher is a 
teacher with a vision. 

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT OF OBJECTIVES AND 

METHODS. 

The material contained in this part of the bulletin was secured 
through personal visits made by a representative of the Federal 
Board to 26 towns and cities in the United States, and the purposes 
of the entire survey may best be set forth in terms of its major and 
minor objectives. 

I. MAJOR OBJECTIVES. 

1. To secure, assemble, organize, and interpret data relative to the 
scope, character, and effectiveness of part-time education in certain 
of those States in which the fullest development has been achieved 
or exceptional difficulties encountered. 

2. To give special attention to administration, objectives, standards, 
and subject matter, and to examples of efficient and successful part- 
time work for treatment in seeking to realize the third major ob- 
jective. 

3. To present a series of constructive proposals based upon the 
findings of the survey and interpretations of the same, and designed 
to assist the administrators and teachers of compulsory part-time 
schools in improving their work. 



PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 6 

rr. MINOR OBjEcrrvES. 

1. To ascertain in what ways and to what extent courses of study 
and materials of instruction have, in the places visited, been based 
on actual study and determination of needs of pupils. 

2. To analyze the principal advantages and disadvantages in the 
part-time schools of various plans for providing flexibility of admin- 
istration and curriculum. 

3. To ascertain the prevailing opinions of educators, legislators, 
employers, parents, and other citizens as to why part-time acts are 
so frequently opposed shortly after passing. 

4. To ascertain what principal public and private agencies other 
than schools are serving the needs of part-time pupils, and to suggest 
means and methods of better utilizing such agencies. 

ni. METHOD OF WORK AND SOURCES OF INFORMATION. 

A questionnaire designed to bring out the facts and opinions de- 
sired was submitted personally by the investigator who wrote the 
answers to the questions after consultation and conference with com- 
missioners of education, superintendents of schools, directors, both 
of State and city activities in vocational education, teachers in con- 
tkiuation schools, employers, parents, and others. 

By far the greatest part of the information obtained concerning 
the law, the administration, the finance, location and housing, types 
of classes, teachers, the larger objectives, and the general unclassified 
information was obtained from those holding administrative posi- 
tions in the schools. Information regarding pupils, subject-matter, 
means and methods of instruction, time arrangements, and the more 
detailed points of everyday operation was largely obtained from 
teachers and supervisors, although in most instances this material was 
checked by administrative officers before being finally entered for 
record. 

Throughout the entire study an effort has been made to corroborate 
facts and to secure accuracy. As regards several inquiries, however, 
absolute statistical accuracy has not been attempted, but only such 
statements as would prove beyond question of doubt the point under 
discussion; thus in respect to the earnings of students in part- 
time schools, the entire amount is a fairly accurate estimate based 
upon more or less exact information collected in the various schools 
regarding the weekly wages of their pupils. As the total sum under 
consideration runs into the millions a few hundred thousand dollars 
one way or the other will have no effect upon the correctness of the 
conclusions drawn. Likewise with the total number of pupils attend- 
ing part-time schools there is a constant variation from day to day, 



4 PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

and the figures given in this report would not be valid for a record 
on which a payment for pupil hour instruction could be based, but 
as indicative of the thousands of young people in the places visited 
who are profiting by this type of work it is entirely satisfactory and 
sufficiently accurate. 

A small portion of the data obtained has been tabulated and 
treated by the usual statistical methods. A somewhat larger por- 
tion, but yet a relatively small portion of the whole, has been accu- 
rately tabulated and used as a means of disclosing prevailing present 
practices with an assembly of opinions as to their efficiency. 

The major part of the information and opinions assembled, coming 
as it does from a field of education of recent and still experimental 
development, has been interpreted by the following methods: First, 
information as exact as possible was, obtained by actual visiting in 
the schools, questioning executive officers and their staffs, interview- 
ing employers, city officials, employees, and others, and reading local 
publications. In some instances the questions required a "yes" or 
" no " answer, in others a selection of alternatives, and in still other 
cases answers based upon experience. Second, these data were then 
grouped or blocked out topic by topic, and from them the writer 
draws his deductions and builds up his recommendations, using his 
own technical experience in consultative cooperation with others as 
a basis of interpretation. 

rv. FOEM OF THE RESULTING BUIJ^TIN. 

The information collected as a result of the survey and the fore- 
going analysis is presented to the reader in a bulletin of 13 sec- 
tions, whose titles are given in the table of contents. Each section 
is subdivided by a series of questions taken from the questionnaire, 
and after each question are given the actual facts as to what is 
being done, an assemblage of opinions as to its success or failure 
given by those actually engaged in the work, and suggestions on 
how conditions may be bettered. At certain points, frequently at 
the close of a section, general conclusions and recommendations are 
drawn, while at the outset the most important of these are given 
under the titles " Outstanding conclusions of the survey " and " Out- 
standing recommendations." 

V. TABLES. 

Tables are made out by cities or places reporting, not by indi- 
viduals answering the questions. Thus, " totals " in tables represent 
the number of communities in which the majority of opinions was 
decisive enough to permit it being recorded as the opinion of the 
community. 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 5 

SCOPE OF THE SURVEY. 

I. AEEA COVBEED. 

For the purpose of visitation the United States was divided 
roughly into five sections— the Northeast, Southeast, Central, North- 
west, and Southwest. Typical school systems were visited in each 
of these sections. 

The largest or even the most progressive systems in any section 
were not always visited, since frequently they presented problems 
too similar to those already studied in other places. In selecting 
the places to be visited attention was given to location, size, age, State 
law, and difficulties previously reported, as well as to excellence of 
work. The 26 places here given was the final list : 

Table I.— PLACES VISITED. 

Conshohocken, Pa. Kansas City, JIo. 

Reading, Pa. Phoenix, Ariz. 

Boston, Mass. Los Angeles, Calif. 

Springfield, Mass. San Francisco, Calif. 

Rochester, N. T. Berl^eley, Calif. 

Buffalo, N. Y. Ofcland, Calif. ' 

Toledo, Ohio. Butte, Mont. 

Detroit, Mich. Salt Lake City, Utah. 

Lansing, Blich. Denver, Colo. 

Chicago, 111. Jacksonville, Fla. 

Milwaukee, Wis. Birmingham, Ala. 

St. Louis, Mo. Atlanta, Ga. 

Lockport, N. T. Raleigh, N. C. 

This list represents 17 States, including individual localities vary- 
ing from 8,000 to 2,700,000 inhabitants and representing among their 
principal occupations all lines of factory manufacture, commerce, 
rolling-mill work and smelting, mining, banking, business, inten- 
sive and extensive farming, grazing, special agriculture such as the 
growing of cotton, tobacco, fruit, and nuts ; and textiles of every de- 
scription. There are cities with dominant industries and those with 
diversified industries; with workers of native birth, foreign birth, 
and foreign parentage representing practically all our immigrant 
races. 

II. NUMBER OF CHILDREN AFFECTED. 

It was the desire of the investigator to secure information as to 
the number of part-time pupils in places visited, sufficient to enable 
him to make a fairly satisfactory estimate of the number of children 
per thousand of population who might be expected to be found at 
work, classified as 14, 15, 16, and 17 years of age. 
92827°— 22 2 



6 PAET-TIME SCHOOLS. 

Since the statistical records of pupils required in the different 
cities vary widely in respect to ages recorded — due to differences in 
the laws, differences relative to the issuing of labor permits, and dif- 
ferences in length of time laws have been in force, several of which 
are progressive in their compulsory action — and since there is a total 
lack of statistics in the case of some of the places visited, it has been 
necessary to modify the original plan. The following summary 
totals and proportions have been determined. 

In 6 of the cities visited, with a total population of 2,139,200, run- 
ning from 21,300 as a minimum to 772,900 as a maximum, there were 
found at work 5,804 children 14 years of age, or an average of 2.7 
children per 1,000 population. 

In 5 cities, with a total population of 2,569,400, ranging from 
21,300 to 993,700, there were found at work 7,692 children 15 years 
of age, or an average of 3.0 per 1,000. 

In 10 cities visited data were secured showing number at work for 
the 2-year-age period, 14 to 16 years. The total population of these 
cities was 2,907,100, ranging from 8,500 to 772,900; and the total 
number at work between the ages given was 20,180, or 6.9 per 1,000 
population. 

Six cities ranging from 56,000 to 993,700 in population, with a 
total population of 2,622,500, had recorded 39,178 children between 
16 and 18 years of age in regular employment, which gives an aver- 
age of 14.9 per 1,000 population. 

Five cities ranging from 295,800 to 2,701,700 in population, with 
a total population of 4,285,800, had recorded 112,871 children between 
14 and 18 years of age as employed. This gives an average for the 
4-year-age period of 26.3 per 1,000. 

Similar statistics are given below by localities, so that the popula- 
tion of any locality may be compared with the number of children 
employed for the ages specified above. While deductions from these 
results can not be taken as more than approximately indicative of 
conditions in other communities, it may be pointed out that the com- 
munities covered by the data are fairly representative when taken 
by groups, since they include cities of widely varying population 
located in different sections of the United States — congested manu- 
facturing centers and rural areas, places where the foreign popula- 
tion exceeds 50 per cent together with localities where this element 
in the population is practically negligible.^ 

1 All cities are named in Table XXXIII. 



PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 7 

Table II.— CHILDREN 14 YEARS OF AGE AT WORK IN CITIES. 





Number of 


Nmnber 


Population 


children 


at work 


of the 


at work 


per 1,000 


city. 


14 years 


popula- 




of age. 


tion. 


57, 300 


85 




457, 100 


1,080 




324, 400 


656 




772, 900 


3,131 




506, 800 


830 




21, 800 


22 


2.7 


2, 139, 800 


5,804 



Table III.— CHILDREN 15 YEARS OF AGE AT WORK IN CITIES. 



Population 
of the 

city. 


Number of 

children 

at work 

15 years 

of age. 


Number 
at work 
per 1,000 
popula- 
tion. 


993,700 
324, 400 
772, 900 
457, 100 
21, 300 


1,377 

430 

2,796 

3,000 

89 

7,692 


3.0 


2, 569, 400 



Table IV.— CHILDREN 14-16 YEARS OF AGE AT WORK IN CITIES. 





Number of 


Number 


Population 


children 


at work 


of the 


at work 


per 1,000 


city. 


14^16 years 


popula- 




of age. 


tion. 


107, 800 


1,574 




8,500 


139 




748, 100 


4,673 




129, 600 


1,243 


... 


295, 800 


1,165 




2\300 


117 




457, 100 


4,080 




772, 900 


5,928 




324, 400 


1,086 




41, 600 
2, 907, 100 


175 


6.9 


50, 180 



8 PAHT-TIMB SCHOOLS. 

Table V.— CHILDREN 16-18 YEARS OP AGE AT WORK IN CITIES. 



Population 
of the 
city. 


Number of 
children 

at work 
16-18 years 

of age. 


Number 
at work 
per 1,000 
popula- 
tion. 


295, 800 
243, 200 
993,700 
457, 100 
576, 700 
56,000 


4,524 

500 

26, 139 

5,000 

2,615 

400 


14.9 


2, 622, 500 


39, 178 



Tabm VI.— CHILDREN 14^-18 YEARS OP AGE AT WORK IN CITIES. 



Population 
of the 

city. 


Number of 
children 
at work 

14-18 years 
of age. 


Number 
at work 
per 1,000 
popula- 
tion. 


506, 800 
2,701,700 
295,800 
457, 100 
324,400 


15,000 
80,000 

5,689 
10, 160 

2,022 


26.3 


4,285,800 


112, 871 



The total number of individual children of part-time age at work 
in all the places visited could not be ascertained, but 21 of the 26 
cities show a total average attendance on part-time schools of over 
30,000 pupils per week, and a registration of 35,447 pupils per year. 

Whoever deals with any statistics relative to part-time students 
must remember that the average attendance and total registration, 
the number per teacher, the number at work, and the number hold- 
ing work permits are constantly varying under influences that have 
much less weight in effecting such statistics for any type of all-day 
school. 

OUTSTANDING CONCLUSIONS OF THE SURVEY. 

THE FIELD AS A WHOLE. 

Even a casual glance through the material contained in this survey 
will convince the reader that there are as yet few settled policies 
and practices regarding part-time education in any one State of 



PAET-TIME SCHOOLS. 9 

those visited, and none that may be called common to the group. In 
the answers to most- of the questions two or more sides are presented,- 
and wherever the problem is important and common to several States 
there often appear directlj' opposing suggestions for its solution. 
Thus we find arguments for the standardization of teachers by the 
State and equally good arguments for leaving the local authorities 
great independence in selecting their faculties. ■ 

The age limits of compulsory attendance and the hours of attend- 
ance per week called forth greater unity of opinion than any other 
single topic of importance. Yet out of 21 States, 14 years to 16 
years was given by 10, 14 years to 18 years by 9, 16 years to 18 by 1, 
and 12 years to 16 by 1. Attendance either four or eight hours- 
per week was preferred in 16 cases, but elsewhere five hours, six hoursy 
and in one State no fixed hours per week, but only a yearly mini- 
miun of 144 hours has been decided upon. Even where the proposi- 
tion for one central part-time school building received a large ma- 
jority vote, the answers regarding its use and cooperating agencies 
varied widely. 

LEGISLA-nON. 

Legislation on the whole had not been either hurriedly or care- 
lessly done, although some of its designers are open to the criticism 
of having copied parts of laws in other States without due considera- 
tion for the other laws in those States. Thus a western State secur- 
ing suggestions from the part-time law of an eastern State, where 
other laws than the part-time legislation provide for a fixed working 
day, working conditions, inspection of work place, etc., has omitted 
these points from its new law, which, unsupplemented by older laws 
specifying them, is causing trouble for the local school adminis- 
trators. 

The principal defect in legislation seems to have been its failure 
to allow sufficient time between its passage and the date of enforce- 
ment for proper preparation on the part of school authorities to 
creditably carry out the demands of the law. . Besides this in several 
States, the law has been attacked a short time after its passage by 
factions that were sometimes antagonistic because of ignorance or 
misunderstanding of the actual results of the legislation. 

The bulk of the legislation has been consciously enacted with a 
double objective, one social, offering an extension of training into the 
upper years for those not in full-day schools and providing for physi- 
cal, civic, and general education ; the second vocational, with a dis- 
tinct aim to provide in some way for increase of earning power. 
Thus out of 22 local courses of study, English appears in 19, civics 
in 19, and hygiene in 19, and these are most frequently prescribed 
in the law. Further, electrical construction and drafting appear 12 



10 PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 

times, prescribed shop 10 times, sewing 10 times, cooking 8 times, 
typewriting 12 times, salesmanship 7 times, giving evidence of the 
vocational aim, although not necessarily of its accomplishment. Most 
of the laws are too recently in force to have demonstrated what their 
success will be, as a glance at Table IX on page 23 will show. 

The major portion of the legislation has really had in mind the 
characteristics of the 14 to 16 year old group. As has been shown 
already, this group alone is affected by law in 10 cities visited, and 
is included in the groups specified in the laws under which 9 other 
cities operate. There are many evidences that the 16 to 18 year old 
minors are beginning to attract attention and study, in anticipation 
of the requirements of existing laws, and others contemplating an 
advance to 18 years for the upper compulsory age limit. 

A few laws in the East and in the far West have a tendency to 
prescribe details that hamper local administration, but give unity to 
the State's procedure, as regards, for example, rigidity in exemp- 
tions, substitute attendance, and division of time. On the other hand, 
many schoolmen favored inclusion of more specific details in the law 
as one means of avoiding controversy and centering responsibility. 
Where the law specifies subject matter and division of time, thus 
affecting administration inside the school, it is criticized more often 
than when its details are directed exclusively to administration apart 
from instruction. 

ADMINISTRATION. 

The administration of part-time schools is almost wholly in the 
hands of all-day school executives. In 24 out of 25 places the super- 
intendent of schools is the chief executive of part-time administra- 
tion. This is a most natural arrangement and open to little criticism 
where proper experts are in immediate charge of this new type of 
work. A study of 21 cities, however, shows that the superintendent 
of schools was in immediate charge of the continuation schools in 
one instance ; that in two places an assistant superintendent of schools 
was in direct charge of the continuation school along with numerous 
other branches of the public schools; that four directors of voca- 
tional education for their respective cities had added part-time school 
direction to their duties ; and that in the other 14 cases some mem- 
ber of the regular part-time staff was the immediate executive officer. 
This means that one-third of the part-time schools recorded were 
depending for immediate direction at a critical period upon men 
whose main objectives and chief responsibilities lay in other direc- 
tions. 

Where the real manager was exclusively from the part-time staff 
his position too often was not rated high enough to command atten- 
tion and secure authority. 



PAET-TIME SCHOOLS. 11 

One other outstanding need of these new schools is better facili- 
ties for coordination with the home and with industry ; 14 out of 22 
cities made a very poor showing in this respect. 

When the above facts are considered, it is perhaps surprising that 
part-time schools have been administered as successfully as they have 
been, for certain it is that the greatest faults are not to be found in 
the methods of administration. 

FINANCE. 

FinanciaL reports and other statistics regarding part-time schools 
are difficult to obtain, and estimates are open to doubt because of the 
fact that financial records have not usually been kept and experience 
has not been sufficient to estimate with nicety. 

This is not a criticism of the administration of these schools. The 
wprk is so new and the absolutely essential things so pressing that 
accounts, statistics, and records that could be dispensed with have 
been forced to wait. Teachers' salaries and certain fixed charges can 
usually be obtained by asking for them, but attempts to pro rate 
or estimate overhead expense failed in nearly every city visited. 
Eather reliable reports from 17 places indicate an average cost per 
pupil per year for all types of part-time work, taken together, of 
$32 to $34, and a cost per pupil per hour of from 16 to 17 cents, 
with the lower rate more probable. 

HOUSING AND EQUIPMENT. 

Sentiment is almost unanimous in favor of the establishment in 
each community of a central school building as headquarters of all 
part-time education in the locality. Already 16 of 21 places recorded 
have such an arrangement, and approximately 60 people engaged in 
this work in other places preferred it. Even employers arid parents, 
v/hen they were not wholly opposed to the part-time principle, com- 
monly preferred to have the instruction given in a public school 
rather than in a plant. Kegarding the exclusive use of such a build- 
ing, without outlying classes in any case, opinions differed widely, 
as shown in the arguments given in the body of this survey. 

Housing, on the whole, is much better than is generally believed ; 
14 of 21 cities have rooms that are " entirely satisfactory," 2 localities 
reported " almost satisfactory," and 5 had real grievances. 

Equipment, however, needs much more attention. It is frequently 
of the old manual-training type, and often without power. Not in- 
frequently it is lacking altogether. This much, however, must be 
said : Either from design or from necessity the part-time school ex- 
ecutive has given his first attention to securing teachers, and is now 



12 PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

in most cases preparing to buy equipment^a procedure often re- 
versed by our other types of schools, much to their loss. 

TYPES OF CLASSES. 

In general, the chief purposes of the continuation schools visited 
are indicated by the types of classes offered, and while the percentage 
distributions of the summary table here given are only approxima- 
tions based upon data presented in the section,. " Types of classes," in 
the bulletin, they are sufficiently accurate to serve all purposes of 
general inference. 

Table VII.— PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OP CLASSES REPORTED 
AND CLASSIFIED AS TO TYPE OF WORK DONE. 

Percentage. 
Total classified 100 

General continuation -39 

Trade finding 20 

Home making 13 

Trade extension • 10 

Trade preparatory 8 

Commercial and salesmanship '10 

The proportion shown for general continuation school classes, 
which is nearly double that of any other type, signifies the predomi- 
nance of the social and general educational aim. That for trade 
finding, second in importance, judged by number of classes, repre- 
sents the very widespread feeling that these schools must provide 
agencies for helping pupils to make intelligent choices of a voca- 
tion. Home making stands here for a definite and separate aim in 
training girls as good home makers, although girls are enrolled in 
each of the other types of classes. Trade extension and commercial 
types, showing equal proportions in the table, represent the existence 
of definite vocational aims, while trade preparatory work indicates 
an objective of vocational preparation which is not so generally rec- 
ognized as being either possible or needed as are the other objectives. 

Exception may perhaps be taken to some of these inferences. 
Difficulties encountered in the way of differentiating class aims are 
fully discussed in the text, but that all six of the specified objectives 
prevail in varying degrees of importance can not be doubted. 

PUPILS. 

As regards health and physical characteristics, part-time pupils, 
even those 16 to 18 years of age, differ so little from other pupils, 
that 17 out of 22 executive officers of the all-day and part-time 

' See sec, 5 in Survey proper. 



PAKT-TIME SCHOOLS. 13 

schools had noted no important characteristic differences. In most 
cases their answers were based upon personal observation and con- 
tact supplemented by incomplete medical examinations, no general 
use of physical examination by school authorities being uncovered by 
the survey. 

Mental characteristics of part-time pupils have not been graded 
with accuracy. Intelligence and accomplishment tests are rarely 
given, and comparisons with all-day pupils are of doubtful value, 
since there are no standards of comparison except academic stand- 
ards, and even these are not commonly used directly in testing the 
work of part-time pupils. 

Sharp differences between the 14 to 16 year old groups and the 16 
to 18 year old groups are not reported except where there has been 
an abrupt change in employment at the sixteenth year, and in 14 of 
22 of the places visited the part-time children, irrespective of age, 
were reported as employed in temporary but usually good and satis- 
factory work. 

An assemblage of opinions on " homes," while lacking any defi- 
nite standard of measurement, tends to prove that the part-time 
pupil's home is not a serious handicap to his advancement except in 
a very small percentage of cases — probably not over 2 or 3 per cent. 

TEACHERS. 

The part-time movement in education is so new and has spread so 
rapidly that special part-time training has not been generally pro- 
vided for teachers now in service. It is true that only 8 out of 21 
cities reported no such training, but in many cases the training was 
not required of all part-time teachers, and only 3 out of 18 States 
had established State compulsory part-time teacher training. 

On the other hand, plans are everywhere in evidence for training 
he incoming teacher, and the need for such special training is rapidly 
being acknowledged. 

Part-time teachers have been selected most commonly from the 
existing body of all-day teachers. In 17 out of 22 places teachers are 
reported as having hacl previous experience in the grades or the high 
school. That this selection has been so made as to secure the highest 
native ability is borne out by the reports from 14 out of 22 cities, 
which rank the part-time teacher as superior to the all-day teacher, 
2 cities ranking part-time teachers as equal to others, and 3 cities 
accrediting to them superior characteristics but not general su- 
periority. 

Salaries of part-time teachers taken as a whole compensate fairly 
for the work expected. In 9 out of 20 places reporting salaries they 
are of high-school rank, in 1 place above high-school rank, and in 8 



14 PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 

places between the grammar and the high school ranks. On a basis 
of actual teaching hours, however, those below high-school rank are 
often paid less per hour than grammar-school teachers. 

SUBJECT MATTER. 

The whole question of what specific subject matter shall be taught 
in handling any particular subject in part-time schools is just rising 
out of chaos. There are no fixed standards as yet in common use 
by which the needs of a particular group can be definitely deter- 
mined, nor are there such standards for eliminating nonessential 
material or least essential material from full-day school courses of 
study. Such standards at best can determine only a reference scale 
for the teacher, who must be allowed to vary from any rigidly fixed 
average. Thirteen of nineteen systems visited reported no standards 
for measuring value or success of continuation school work other than 
shop work. 

Intelligence tests have been tried in Only three places visited, and 
their success in these places is a matter of doubt. 

On the whole, no careful study of needs has been made before lay- 
ing out classroom work — no study of group needs by vocations or 
previous schooling, or of community needs from surveys of local 
civic, social, and vocational institutions. Excuse for this condition 
may be found commonly in lack of sufficient time for preparation 
after the law has been enacted. On the other hand, a reasonably 
successful and praiseworthy effort has been made to determine indi- 
vidual needs after the student has been enrolled, but a change of 
program rather than a change of subject matter has been the usual 
result where misfits have been found. 

Approximately from 50 to 55 per cent of all classes in operation 
were of a general continuation nature, including in these many trade- 
finding and home-making groups. The determination of subject mat- 
ter in these classes has been left largely to the teacher, and too fre- 
quently the subject matter is found to be a transplanted or selected 
section of some day-school course. In like manner, shop teachers have 
frequently been allowed to set up their work without challenge as to 
its aim, usefulness, or necessity. It must, however, be acknowledged 
that carefully selected teachers of long experience and shop teachers 
of high-grade mechanical skill and knowledge have produced some 
splendid courses as bases for evolution and future tests. In 12 cities 
out of 20 the teacher has been the principal factor in determining sub- 
ject matter. In 4 places suggested courses sent out by State depart- 
ments or other cooperative agencies were adopted at the beginning. 
In 2 cities only were courses based on a study of industrial needs, and 
in 2 cases on studies of pupils in large groups to discover their group 
needs. 



PAET-TIMB SCHOOLS. 15 

MEANS AND METHODS OF PAET-TIME INSTRUCTION. 

No means has yet been discovered that solves the problem of caring 
for the new pupil on the day he enters school unless he enters alone 
or with a few others. This problem deserves careful study and experi- 
mentation. When large numbers present themselves on the opening 
day they must be met individually and personally, their aims and 
needs at least roughly determined, their records consulted, assignments 
made with regard for the nature and time of employment, and 'the 
entire group kept busy during the whole time of registration. This 
is one of the most practical and most perplexing of the mechanical 
problems of part-time work. 

Again, there appears a lack of appreciation of the value to be ren- 
dered a pupil through the use of every possible means of vocational 
guidance.^ Few teachers appreciate that if an entire year of part- 
time attendance has resulted only in fixing the student in a vocation 
suited to his likes and abilities, the school has rendered that student 
a service sufficiently valuable to repay him for the year in school. 
Fifteen of 20 cities had none or only the most incidental methods of 
vocational guidance. 

In general teaching organization the part-time schools still pattern 
largely after the grammar schools — unit class groups prevail, con- 
tinuous-lesson plans are more commonly followed than unit-lesson 
plans, and cooperative relations with outside institutions are usually 
neglected. 

On the other hand, the principle of individual instruction is well 
appreciated and although not carried out extensively, because of 
mechanical difficulties and lack of trained teachers, few part-time 
employees do not ultimately look forward to this as the future estab- 
lished method of instruction. 

TIME ABEANGEMENTS. 

The policy of legislators and administrators alike has been to 
keep part-time school hours within the legal working day, and to 
prohibit substitute attendance at Saturday afternoon or evening 
schools or at short-unit-course commercial schools. Within these 
limits the employer is permitted great independence of choice, being 
allowed in most cases to select the day of the week and the morning 
or afternoon when his employees shall attend. Hours are readily 
changed at his request. 

ATTENDANCE EACTOES. 

The most interesting conclusion reached as a result of the data 
compiled in this section is that regularity of attendance is closely 
connected with the intelligence of the pupil as shown through school 



16 PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

attainment and the character of the job held. On the whole, pupils 
who reached higher levels in the all-day school give good attendance 
on part-time schools, and those who hold the higher types of jobs 
have better attendance than those on lower-grade work. The at- 
tendance problem in large cities is a difficult problem and one de- 
pending upon the automatic cooperation of many agencies outside 
the part-time school. It may also be noted that several States have 
compulsory attendance which they do not enforce. 

OBJECTIVES. 

It has already been shown that there are as yet no part-time 
policies or practices that can be called national in scope. The state- 
ment has also been made that the actual teaching material is little 
more than a chaotic mass, out of which appear in a few instances 
evidences of carefully selected subject matter. The cause for this, 
as might have been expected, is indistinct or confused objectives. 

Two or three of the larger objectives are instantly appreciated. 
The superintendent- of schools knows that one of his chief aims must 
be to remove a general educational handicap from the minor who 
left day school in the fifth grade, but when it comes to the class ob- 
jective, the purpose and aim of the group teacher, he is uncertain. 
Shall this handicap be overcome by more general education or by 
specially selected social and civic studies or by vocational guidance 
and trade-finding work looking toward some calling requiring very 
little general education? 

Interpreting large objectives in terms of smaller ones for guiding 
actual instruction is rarely done well. Men speak readily of " pro- 
moting civic intelligence" without knowing what or how much 
civic intelligence should be the goal of a teacher's ambition for any 
group. 

The larger objectives may be roughly divided into four types, as 
follows : 

Table VIII— MAIN OBJECTIVES OF PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

Number, 
Total cities reporting 24 

Main objective better citizenship 7 

Main objective occupational supremacy 4 

Main objective better general education 4 

Combinations of above 4 

No distinguishing objectives 5 

A comparison of this table with the statements already made on 
objectives as shown by subject matter will indicate all the larger 
features included in the survey. 

The whole field is lacking in methods and measurements for a scien- 
tific study of working objectives. 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 17 

OUTSTANDING RECOMMENDATIONS. 

THE FIELD AS A WHOLE. 

There should be developed under direction of some national agency 
such as the Federal Board for Vocational Education, a uniform 
terminology in the field of part-time education, a short and worlcable 
statistical blank, a uniform method of using this blank, and of sys- 
tematic collection and publication of data. Eeports in this field 
must at first deal largely with fixed records such as total registration, 
average attendance, and cost per pupil-year and pupil-hour, classified 
according to the type of work being offered when possible. For each 
community there should be determined. also the same costs for all-day 
instruction, figured according to some accepted method. Size of 
classes, teachers' salaries, and equipment also should be reported. 

Later this national agency might render services as a central 
clearing house for ideas, experiments, and reports looking to the 
establishment of methods, and especially of standards by which 
pupils' needs may be determined, proper subject matter selected, and 
the success of class teaching, group teaching, and individual teach- 
ing measured and compared. 

The part-time teacher is usually enthusiastic and anxious to learn. 
If the correct method of handling the blank and the importance 
of the information when accurate are made clear, hearty cooperation 
will follow and experiments be readily tried. 

IjEGISLATION'. 

Support of public opinion. 

The people of a State must be made to understand the specific 
purposes of part-time education, as they apply to that State, before 
the passage of any compulsory act. The types of work to be offered, 
for whom they are to be offered, the object and advantages of such 
training, its connection with day-school education, its bearing upon 
employment and citizenship, illustrated by numerous concrete ex- 
amples, should be presented to the public through every advertis- 
ing medium, not after the law is passed but before. Not until there 
is satisfactory evidence that large numbers understand and approve 
the idea is it wise to seek legislation that is compulsory. 

Having once secured the support of public opinion and the nec- 
essary legislation, the school must live up to its promises to fit for 
life. Measurement of the day-school system may be deferred for 
years, but the part-time school must expect an early accounting of 
its statements regarding the benefits to the pupil, society, business, 
and industry. If it fails to keep its pledges in actual fact, the least 



18 PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

it can expect is apathy, and the more probable result will be open 
hostility and opposition. The wave of uneasiness and dissatis- 
faction that so frequently runs over a State within one or two 
years after the establishment of part-time schools can usually be 
traced to lack of preinsured public support or failure on the part 
of the schools to give the real education they promised. The call for 
modification or repeal of the act, not infrequently a serious meance, 
where it is not wholly for financial reasons, is usually connected 
directly or indirectly with the fact that the people did not know 
what they were getting into or that the work of the part-time 
classes has been too much like that of the public day schools. 

TxTTve 'for preparation. 

After the actual passage of a part-time compulsory education law, 
ample time must be allowed for providing the necessary machinery 
of administration before the act becomes effective. Proper hous- 
ing must be insured, equipment provided, teachers trained, courses 
of study tentatively laid out, details of organization planned, lists 
of working minors made, employers consulted, industries visited and 
possibly surveyed. All these things take time and time must be 
allowed, but to insure that the time will not be wasted because of 
procrastination the community should be compelled to elect or ap- 
point some person as executive officer charged personally with au- 
thority and responsibility for seeing that these preparations are made. 
Such an appointment might, for example, be required within three 
months after the passage of the act and one year before it became 
effective. 

Furthermore, it is advisable to make provision in the act for the 
compulsory attendance by age groups to become effective on suc- 
cessive years, so that those pupils 14 years old attend, say, in 1921, 
those 15 years old, in 1922, and so on, but permitting a community 
to combine groups, if desired, so that, for example, those 14 and 15 
years old will start together, always on the date set for the youngest 
age group concerned. It is also well to allow one extra year for 
emergencies, to be applied wherever the local authorities desire. This 
means five years as the limiting period for the four age groups, 14 to 
1 8, before the law is fully in force. This principle has already been 
recognized both in this country and abroad. 

ADMINISTRATION. 

Flexible admdnistrcction. 

It seems to be evident that the administration of part-time schools 
within the State must be done with a flexibility that can not in any 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 19 

way be restricted to that of the present administration of all-day 
schools. This flexibility and delegation of authority and responsibil- 
ity must extend down through the local officials even to the individual 
teacher. The part-time school is charged with meeting individual 
needs, the day school with meeting group needs, and the number, com- 
plexity, unexpectedness, and immediate necessities of individual needs 
call for a system that allows the local board and its teachers to adapt 
their work at all times to a changing situation. The sudden opening 
of a factory might throw 300 pupils into a part-time system in a few 
days, and no board of education could provide them with teachers 
if it were obliged to select teachers according to rules and regulations 
which work very well indeed for the established grammar schools. 
The entire complexion of a teacher's class may change in a few weeks, 
and to allow the teacher no authority to change the work accordingly 
also will bring undoubted failure in that class. These are extreme 
cases, but they have happened. Within the most generous fixed limits, 
. but with teachers specially trained in ingenuity and methods of part- 
time work wherever possible, supervised especially to insure proper 
objectives and fundamental principles rather than means and devices 
of executing these principles, teachers should have great freedom and 
local boards almost unlimited powers. The word " always " should 
never be included in our part-time vocabulary. No study should 
" always " be required ; no rule " always " enforced simply because it 
is a rule. It is inconceivable that among 4,000,000 children there is 
not OTie who might not better be tardy each week at part-time class if 
such tardiness permits him to accomplish some purpose otherwise im- 
possible. 

Centralizing activities. 

There are a large number of activities pertaining to the welfare of 
part-time students that are not ordinarily found under part-time 
school control. Part-time school authorities are necessarily in- 
terested in, for example, health examination and records by a city 
health department, school records held in the grammar school, in- 
telligence tests by city experts, vocational guidance hj a municipal 
bureau, placement by some general agency, control of attendance by 
the regular attendance department and inspection of working place 
by State inspectors. 

Without disturbing the activities of these agencies, provided* 
they are meeting the primary needs for which they were established, 
all acts of theirs which bear directly upon the welfare of part-time 
students should centralize in the office of the chief executive officer 
for part-time education or in an office under his control. This may 
be done by requiring a duplicate of every record made concerning a 
part-time pupil to be transmitted to this part-time office, leaving the 



20 PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

future use to be made of the same in the hands of the part-time 
school officer. Since in practically all cases such officer is responsible 
to the superintendent of schools, any neglect on his part to properly 
use the information furnished or to cooperate with the special depart- 
ments for the good of his pupils can be corrected through the super- 
intendent's office. To act wisely and promptly on the case of any part- 
time student, his director or principal must have every record con- 
cerning that student immediately accessible. 

riNANCE. 

Recommendations relative to financial reports and uniform statis- 
tics have already been sufficiently covered. 

It will be of interest in local school systems to be able to compare 
the cost of instruction in various lines, but simply to compare part- 
time with all-day costs will not be of very great service. A thorough 
calculation showing relative costs of grades, high school, drawing, 
manual training, music, physical education, home making, specific ' 
commercial branches, technical and vocational courses, and part-time 
instruction would permit a much better estimate of relative cost and 
relative values. 

The part-time school and the other branches should then be made 
to justify any wide discrepancies in pupil-hour expense. 

HOUSING AND EQUIPMENT. 

The recommendations in the body of the survey will suffice for 
housing. Those responsible for the purchase of equipment espe- 
cially for continuation school use should first determine the concrete • 
aim of the work to be given, then the subject matter which is to ac- 
complish that aim, and only then select equipment to do the work 
laid out. Equipment, for example, wholly unsuited to trade-finding 
processes has been selected by teachers who had no intimation that 
trade finding was the aim of their shop. 

TYPES OF CLASSES. 

It is strongly recommended that some uniform terms be designated 
to represent the various kinds of classes according to their aims. 
Also that classes with mixed aims, which are commonly found,' be 
named according to some specified division per cent of pupils making 
up the class or by some other defined characteristic. 

PUPILS. 

Part-time school principals and directors should familiarize them- 
selves with three or four of the latest intelligence tests and apply 



PART-TIME ■ SCHOOLS. 2 1 

them to part-time pupils with a view to evolving some type of test 
adaptable to their needs. Tests wholly independent of grammar- 
school standards should be experimented with in conjunction with 
the above, and short physical and health tests should be adopted. 

TEACHERS. 

In making appointments of new teachers to part-time positions 
those without special preparation for such work should be employed 
on condition that they attend summer or other suitably arranged 
classes in the principles and methods of the work. Such classes 
should aim, in addition to the more scientific and mechanical part 
of their work, to impress upon these teachers the social and civic 
functions of these schools and the necessity for constant cooperation 
with agencies outside the school. 

SUBJECT MATTER. 

The one outstanding recommendation for subject matter is that it 
be selected primarily to fill some need that has been carefully studied 
and defined, and that every reasonable source of supply be used in 
the search for up-to-date, accurate, and interesting material. 

MEANS AND METHODS OF PART-TIME INSTRUCTION. 

Education is education, and teaching methods are in principle 
teaching methods in all cases, but the actual application of funda- 
mental principles to various types of education requires all sorts of 
minor methods and devices in order to fit many varying conditions. 
There is no more reason, without investigation and trial, to assume 
that grammar-school and high-school methods of teaching will fit 
part-time classes than there is to assume that high-school methods 
will fit the average night school — a fallacy that long endured and 
only disappeared when failure after failure fairly forced such 
methods out of evening classes. 

Teachers should be trained to test every method on its own merits 
and discard those of the day school just as readily as but not more 
readily than new ones or those from other types of teaching. 

The unit lesson is proving generally successful wherever tried, and 
its use is recommended for careful consideration. 

TIME ARRANGEMENT. 

Study and consideration should be given to the possibility of de- 
veloping a working plan that will leave in the hands of some responsi- 
ble local agency the power to permit substitute attendance upon even- 
ing classes for pupils 16 to 18 years of a^e. This recommendation is 
92827°— 22 ^3 



22 PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 

presented with full appreciation of the dangers attending such local 
authority, and a suggestion that ratification of the State oflSce might 
be required to insure that the substitution is made to benefit the 
pupil and not his employer. 

ATTENDANCE FACTORS. 

If a compulsory attendance law is on the State books and is not 
enforced, the influence of and respect for the State department of 
education is materially weakened. The law should be enforced, 
modified in such a manner that it can be enforced, or else repealed. 

OBJECTIVES. 

It is recommended that each part-time system shall post in a con- 
spicuous place a chart showing all the various types of work being 
given, with a definition of the term used to express the type, and the 
larger objective or objectives which represent the type aim. 

Under each type of work should be listed the actual classes (ex- 
cluding duplicates) ,-with the name of the class and the. direct minor 
objective toward which that class is working. This may appear a 
mechanical rather than a philosophical suggestion, but there will be 
enough philosophy involved in the making of a correct chart to satisfy 
the most exacting educational thinker. 



Section I. 
LEGISLATION. 



TIME LAWS HAVE BEEN IN FORCE. 

The comparative recency of compulsory attendance upon part-time 
continuation schools is shown by the following facts : 

Table IX.— LENGTH OF TIME THE COMPULSORY PART-TIME SCHOOL 
LAWS HAVE BEEN IN FORCE. 



Number. 


Per cent. 


26 


100 


6 


23 


13 


50 


5 


19 


1 


4 


1 


4 



Total cities reporting 

Voluntary 

Not over 1 year 

Between 1 and 2 years 

5 years 

9 years 



In 6 of the 26 cities visited attendance was still voluntary, but 
in one of the States a new compulsory law was in the hands of the 
legislature, and has since been passed. 

In 13 cities the compulsory attendance has been in force for not 
more than one year. One of these cities had three years of volun- 
tary attendance and three years of permissive mandatory attendance 
preceding the comipulsory law. In two of the cities where the law 
went into effect in September, 1920, no effort is now being made to 
enforce compulsory attendance. 

Five cities have compelled attendance for a period of two years, 
the schools in one of these having been established three years ago 
but discontinued for one year and then reestablished. 

One city had enforced compulsory attendance for five years, and 
in one city it had been in force for nine years. 

The recency of the establishment of these schools must be taken 
into consideration in judging the answers of all questions following ; 
but since the principal aim of this bulletin is to suggest means and 
methods of overcoming difficulties in the establishment of this work, 
the contributions made by those who are in the midst of these diffi- 
culties, and who are working out solutions to the same, have in them- 
selves a peculiar value. 

23 



24 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



PLACE OF ATTENDANCE. 

Should the law state definitely that a pupil must attend in the com- 
mwnity where he is employed, in the conrmmmty where he lives, 
or home an option 'between the two? 

The answer to this question was unanimous so far as saying that 
the law should be definite in this matter. There was, however, a 
divergence of opinion as to what should be stated. 

Table X.— PLACE OF ATTENDANCE OF PART-TIME PUPILS. 





Number. 


Per cent. 


Total cities reporting ... 


20 


100 






Uncertain 


5 
5 
4 
6 


25 




25 


City of residence 


20 


Eitner place 


30 







Twenty communities answered the question. Of these 5 had not 
met this problem sufficiently to decide where attendance should be 
compelled ; 6 would enforce attendance in the place of employment ; 
4 would enforce it in the place of residence ; and 6 would allow at- 
tendance in either the place of employment or place of residence. 

In one instance it was suggested that the place of residence be made 
responsible for the attendance; that it should issue the certificates 
of employment and require them to be returned ; and that it be given 
power to release students for attendance in the place of employment 
when desirable. 

Another department head would have the control centered in the 
place of employment and when necessary exempt from attendance 
there if pupils would attend in the place of residence. 

In the same line still another community points out that nonresi- 
dent pupils would get preferential employment over those in resi- 
dence if the place of employment did not control compulsory attend- 



ance. 



One school administrator whose law did not make this point defi- 
nite stated that he had met these difficulties by assuming authority, 
but would much prefer to have it definitely stated in the law. 

One other, who believed in placing responsibility on the home city, 
would permit the truant officer to recommend to the director such 
pupils as should be exempted to attend in the place of employment. 

One State is organized by districts and is happily so situated that 
it does not have this problem to contend with, since the districts are 
made surrounding in quite an extensive way all places large enough 
to come under the law. 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



25 



The significant fact to be drawn from the answers to this question 
is that the law should state definitely whether a pupil must attend in 
the place where he lives, in the .place where he is employed, or have an 
option. 

It may further be concluded that the responsibility for pupils who 
are not employed should rest on the place of residence, while the 
place of employment must have some jurisdiction over the com- 
pulsory attendance of those employed. The place of employment is 
entitled to an assurance that if its own pupils are forced to attend a 
part-time school its nonresident employed minors of school age will 
also be forced to attend such school. If there is no school established 
in the place of residence, that place should be held responsible for 
transferring, with proper notification to the part-time authorities in 
the place of employment, the names of minors of school age resident 
there and employed in the other community. If the place of resi- 
dence maintains a part-time school, such students should be compelled 
to attend that school unless a mutually satisfactory agreement is 
made for their attendance in the place of employment. 

It appears to be justifiable to require the place of employment to 
pay all expenses for the education of minors employed there and at- 
tending its schools whatever their place of residence, inasmuch as the 
labor of these minors, the greatest financial asset which they have, 
benefits more directly the place of employment than the place of resi- 
dence. 

EMPLOTMENT NOTIFICATIONS. 

Does the law require notice of employment and discontinuance of 
employmsnt sent to the place of residence atid to the place of 
employment? 

The executives in three voluntary systems and in one compulsory 
system did not feel justified in passing on this question. 

Table XI.— WHERE NOTIFICATION OF EMPLOYMENT AND ITS DISCON- 
TINUANCE SHOULD BE SENT BY THE EMPLOYER. 



Per cent. 



Total cities reporting 

Uncertain 

To city of employment 

To city of residence 

To both cities 

To issuing person (either city) 
Discontinuance notice only. . . 




26 PART-TIME SCHOOLS, 

In 7 places the notice of both employment and discontinuance of 
employment is sent only to the place of employment, and in 4 in- 
stances such notification is sent only to the place of residence. 

Four places only have provided for such notification to be sent to 
the part-time school authorities in both the place of employment 
and place of residence, and in one instance the employer is required 
to return such certificate to the issuing officer whether in the city of 
employment or in the city where the pupil resides. 

In one case no notice of employment is sent to the part-time 
authorities but notice of discontinuance of employment is sent to 
the place of residence. 

In still another place the notice of discontinuance of employment 
is sent to both the home town and the place of employment, but this 
is done by regulation and the authorities feel that it should be in- 
cluded in the law. 

Another part-time executive of long experience believed that the 
law should not only require both these notices sent to the home 
authorities and to the authorities in the place of employment but 
also that a continuous census should be taken following up every 
minor of school age at very frequent intervals, so as to know at all 
times whether these minors are in all-day school, part-time school, 
employed, or unemployed. 

Discrepancies in this matter have also crept in as in many other 
laws and regulations relating to schools. In one .place the permit 
says " Return to the chilS," while the law requires that it be re- 
turned to the issuing officer- who is the superintendent of schools 
in the place of residence. 

It may be remarked that experienced part-time educators agree 
almost unanimously that there is something to. be gained and nothing 
to be lost by requiring notice of employment and of the discontinu- 
ance of employment to be sent to the authorities in the place of resi- 
dence as well as to the authorities in the place of employment. 
Where this is not in the law it may be arranged by cooperation and 
agreement. 

Attention was particularly drawn to the fact that where these 
notices were sent only to the place of employment the unemployed 
minor could return to his home town and remain unemployed con- 
trary to law outside of the jurisdiction of the authorities to whom 
notice had been sent until he was picked up in some haphazard 
way by the truant officer in that place. 

On the other hand, where notice is sent only to the place of resi- 
dence, if the pupil is attending in the place of employment, the 
latter school authorities must call up the firms in cases of absence 
or await the pleasure of the employer in reporting to some school 
authority the fact that the pupil has discontinued his employment. 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



27 



It appears irrefutable from these facts that some simple method of 
reporting both employment and discontinuance of the same to the 
authorities in the place both of residence and of employment might 
well be included in the law or in the regulations provided to carry 
it out. 

PENALTIES. 

Should a financial 'penalty he laid on the covwnunity vhich evades 
the law? 

Table XII.— REPLIES TO THE INQUIRY, " SHOULD COMMUNITIES BE 
FINED FOR NONENFORCEMENT OP THE PART-TIME LAW?" 





Number. 


Per cent. 


Total cities reportino^ 


20 


100 






Uncertain 


6 

11 

2 

1 


30 


Yes 


55 


No 


10 


No (conditionally) 


5 







Eleven communities answered this question in the affirmative, 
thereby recording it a« their opinion that a financial penalty in the 
shape of a fine or a definite loss of financial aid should be placed 
upon the evading commimity. 

Six administrators were unwilling to commit themselves either 
one way or the other on this problem. 

Two were definitely opposed to any financial penalty, and one felt 
that it was a very questionable proposition. 

In the case of 2 of the 11 who believed in a penalty, one would 
not have it assessed in the nature of a fine, and one stated that 
public opinion in his State would not support him in his view. 

Of the two who did not favor the loss of money, one was partial 
to a law similar to that used in New York State, where certain sums 
are deducted from State aid and used to carry on part-time schools. 
In one State (Massachusetts) the New York idea is combined with a 
penalty by deducting from the State aid twice the amount needed 
for carrying out the provisions of the law ; three-fifths of which is 
used on the schools in the community and the other two-fifths re- 
tained by the State. 

One executive of experience was emphatic in his opposition to a 
financial penalty on the grounds that any community that would 
evade the law because there was no penalty would make a botch of 
the job when forced to do so for financial reasons only. 



28 PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 

The general deductions from the answers to this question are : 

That if the law is to be enforced in all places alike there 

must be some form of penalty laid upon the community ; 
That appearance of a fin© or absolute financial loss is to be 

avoided if possible ; and 
That probably the most efficacious method would be to take 
over the handling of the situation by some proper State 
authority, and compel the local district to foot the bills in 
some prescribed manner. In this way the value of the 
school may be impressed upon the community, and con- 
fidence in part-time work sufficiently developed to induce 
a willingness on its part to take up the project rather than 
leave it to outside administration. 

PERMITS AND WORK CERTIFICATES. 

Are home permit regulations specified? 

This question applies almost entirely to girls, and asks whether 
or not a pupil who is to remain at home to work rather than to be 
employed outside must secure some special permit other than the 
regular work permit, and whether or not such a pupil is excused 
from part-time schools. 

Table XIII.— REPLIES TO THE INQUIRY, "ARE SPECIAL HOME PER- 
MITS ISSUED FOR GIRLS WORKING AT HOME?" 





Number. 


Per cent. 


Total cities reporting 


19 


100 






Yes 


6 
13 


32 


No; or same as regular work permits 


6S 







Nineteen cities answered this question. 

In 6 of them special home permit regulations have been made, 
and in 13 there were either no regulations whatever or the regulations 
for working at home are identical with those for employment gen- 
erally. 

Of those which had special provisions for regulating the work at 
home various means were used to prevent the miscarriage of this 
privilege. In one place the pupil is exempted by the judge of the 
juvenile court, but must attend upon part-time school. In another 
place the permit is issued by the local attendance department only 
after an inspection of the home, and the pupil must attend the part- 
time school. 



PAET-TIME SCHOOLS. • 29 

In two places the regulations are specific that the girl may be em- 
ployed in her own home and none other and that she must attend the 
part-time school. 

Attention is called also to the fact that care must be taken to pre- 
vent girls who are temporarily out of work from securing home per- 
mits, since in most places pupils temporarily out of work are com- 
pelled to attend the part-time school for a much larger number of 
hours per week than are required in the cases of those holding regular 
home permits. 

In one other case where a special permit was issued this permit was 
the same as that given for any occupation but was granted only after 
a careful investigation as to the income at home, whether or not 
there was a stepmother or stepfather, the number of children to be 
cared for, and other matters which were not so carefully investigated 
for general juvenile labor. In this place also part-time attendance 
was required. 

In none of the places visited was a special permit issued which 
exempted the pupil doing home work from all attendance upon part- 
time schools. 

Of the 13 places that reported no special regulations a majority 
issued the same permit for home work that would be issued for any 
other work. In two instances this had not proved satisfactory ; one 
place reported that it would be much better to specify regulations, 
as there were two or three cases which had caused them much trouble. 
Another place reported that the working permit law was very loose 
and that a blanket permit issued for all jobs covered the home permit 
unsatisfactorily. 

In one or two instances no permit is needed to work at home, but 
the child so working is compelled to attend the part-time schools, 
and in others no permit is needed and no attendance at the school 
is required. 

In one place no permit can be issued, as the State forbids it and 
provides financial support for the home. 

Another executive where no such permits have been issued urges 
that -some agency should pass on each case and have power to act. ' 

In one instance the principal is given the power to excuse from 
attendance, each case being a special case, but a release is very sel- 
dom granted. 

Still another law regards the child at home as not working and 
therefore under control of the full-time school until an employment 
certificate is issued, thus leaving the responsibility with the regular 
school-attendance authorities. If in this place a position is obtained 
and lost, the pupil while searching for a new job continues in the 
part-time school four hours every day, but if nonemployment con- 



30 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



tinues he is sent back to full-time school or turned over to full-time 
authorities. 

One other city is not protected by State law, having a local regu- 
lation only. Unless the pupil proves absolutely that she is needed 
at home, she Is required to attend full-time school. 

In another place a nonattendance permit may be issued which al- 
lows a pupil to remain at home and not work, but such pupil must 
attend the part-time school. 

It appears from these statements that only in a few places has 
the home permit received as careful attention as it merits. 

The girl who is employed at home is not subject to State regula- 
tions governing the employment of minors ; her place of employment 
is not inspected ; her hours of labor are not regulated ; and even the 
environment in which she works may, under certain conditions, be 
questionable. 

It appears that the home permit should not be issued as generally 
as the work permit, but that there should be some special form 
granted only after an inspection covering the points given above and 
the needs and the services of the girl at home. 

It would also seem advisable, where there are coordinators or other 
agents of the school visiting places of employment, that they should 
visit these homes also, and that whereas in nearly all cases such 
pupils should attend upon part-time school, it is advisable to have 
some authority — such as the judge of the juvenile court, the depart- 
ment of attendance and welfare, or the city superintendent of 
schools — with power to make in rare instances exemption, at least 
temporarily, from such attendance. 

Is farm service or domestic service exempt? Would you exempt do- 
mestic service? Would you exempt farm service? 

Tablk XIV.— replies to THE INQUIRY, "ARE FARM BOYS EXEMPT 
PROM ATTENDANCE ON PART-TIME CLASSES?" 





Number. 


Per cent. 




20 


100 






Yes 


5 
1 
7 
3 
2 
2 


25 


Undecided 


5 


Same as other pupils 


35 




15 


Conditioned on distance - 


10 




10 







Twenty different localities answered these questions. In five of 
them farm service is exempted from attendance upon part-time 
school either by law or by regulation. 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



31 



In one place the matter has not yet been decided, but the author- 
ities believe that the farmer boy should be exempted. 

Of these- five places one does, not approve of the law exempting 
farm service, another vs'ould exempt farm service only if it was shown 
to be too far out for attendance, and another would exempt the farm 
boy if he works outside the confines of the local community. 

Seven communities reported that farm service was treated like any 
other service. One of these, if permitted, would exempt agricultural 
workers from school, but require them to attend seasonal classes for 
144 hours ; another would exempt them from attendance upon school, 
but require them to report by mail each week. Still another would 
require a careful inspection before exempting from school to show 
that there was a practical rather than theoretical difficulty in securing 
attendance. In another case the agricultural worker is treated like 
any worker in towns of over 5,000 population, but is exempted in 
smaller places. In this place the authorities would not approve of 
maldng any exemptions as long as residence remained in the school 
district. 

In three instances the local school authorities had no jurisdiction 
over farm service. One of these communities would exempt the 
farm boy entirelj- because of distance, another would not exempt 
him from attendance of some sort, and a third leaves the question to 
be decided by the judge of the juvenile court. 

Two cases base their approval of exemption entirely on distance, 
one setting the minimum distance from the school at 3 miles for 
securing exemption and another would prefer not to exempt farm 
pupils unless it be shown that extension work can not possibly be 
carried to the district schools by a traveling teacher or some other 
means. 

In regard to domestic service the answers are somewhat more 
uniform. 

Table XV.— EXEMPTION OF DOMESTICS FROM ATTENDANCE ON 
PART-TIME CLASSES. 



Total cities reporting 

Domestic service forbidden 

Treated like all other pupils 

Individual cases only 

Conditioned on distance 

Exempted by law 

No exemption 

After careful inspection of work place 




32 PABT-TIME SCHOOLS. 

In three places domestic service is not permitted between the ages 
of 14 and 16 and therefore no exemptions from school are expected. 
One of these places reports that it would not permit it, eveft if allowed 
to do so. Another would permit it only under special safeguards, 
and the third would allow it for girls 14 to 16 in investigated fami- 
lies and would attempt to raise the standard of domestic service by 
public inspection and attendance of the domestic upon part-time 
work. 

Eleven places report that domestic service is treated the same as 
any other employment, which means that the pupils must attend 
upon part-time instruction. 

One administrative officer calls attention to the need of careful in- 
spection, much more careful than has been given heretofore, to work 
in domestic service. 

Six other cities reporting can not be well classified in groups. One 
would exempt girls for domestic service only in individual cases 
after a hearing. Another would exempt them for service, and ex- 
empt thein from school if they lived beyond a reasonable distance. 

Still another would not exempt them from attendance upon school, 
but has no law affecting the case. 

In one place the domestic is exempted by law from attending the 
part-time school, but the law does not meet the approval of the local 
authorities; and in another they are exempted by law, but a local 
regulation forces the domestic to attend school. 

In summing up both farm and domestic service, it is clear that the 
necessity and advisability for excusing the farm boy is much greater 
than that for excusing the domestic service girl. The seasonal na- 
ture of the farmer's business, the distance in most cases from the 
nearest part-ticie school, and the character of the work make it ad- 
visable to exempt the farm boy from regular weekly attendance. A 
seasonal class in the winter months may well be made compulsory.' 
The suggestion of carrying continuation work by an itinerant 
teacher into the district schools should command the attention of 
those who live in a somewhat congested agricultural district, where 
a large number of pupils might be secured for attendance one-half 
day a week. In many sparsely settled districts this plan is imprac- 
ticable. As a matter of administration it would seem advisable to 
set some distance limit for the part-time class in operation beyond 
which all pupils would be exempted on account of distance only. 

The most natural solution of the farm problem would seem to be 
that which is now being tried in several States, namely, six months 
of farm work and six months of all-day school, with compulsory at- 
tendance up to 18 years of age. 



PAKT-TIME SCHOOLS. 33 

As regards girls in domestic service, all testimony seems to indi- 
cate that they should be exempted from full-time school on a domes- 
tic-service permit somewhat more rigid than the ordinary working 
permit; that this permit should also be differentiated from the home 
permit, the latter being issued only to girls between 14 and 18 years 
of age who eat and sleep in the same home in which they are em- 
ployed, living with their parents or who have not parents living in 
the same district. Before issuance of domestic-service permits some 
means should be set up of regulating in each case the hours of labor, 
the conditions of labor, and the surroundings of the minor so em- 
ployed, and imder no circmnstances should such minors be exempted 
from part-time school instruction, since they need it as much as or 
more than those employed in the other occupations. 

Does the law provide for keeping the age limit of employment cerr- 
Uficates six to nine months in advance of the part-time law? 

In many instances laws are put into effect by stating that all chil- 
dren who go to work after a certain date and who have not reached 
a specified age upon that date must apply for a work permit and 
must register in the part-time school. Such a regulation does not 
force into the part-time classes permit pupils who during the previous 
year have left school and gone to work, and the date for applying the 
law to work permits and school attendance is the same. 

In any instance, however, where an interpretation of the law makes 
it necessary for the school authorities to bring back into attend- 
ance pupils who have previously been excused to work, it is advisable 
to fix the date for the compulsory issuing of work permits nine 
months to a year earlier than the date of compelling school attend- 
ance, so that the school will have some record of employed minors 
subject to its jurisdiction. Thus if work permits have been required 
up to 16 years of age and the new part-time law has required attend- 
ance up to 18 years of age, beginning in September, 1921, the date 
for issuing work permits up to 18 years of age should have been not 
later than September or October, 1920. This means that compulsory 
attendance under a law must be deferred for a year or more after 
passage of the law, and many other reasons will be found for allow- 
ing this time interval. 

TTJITIGK. 

Is tuition permitted in a part-time school? 
Table XVI.— COLLECTION OF TUITION IN PAKT-TIME SCHOOLS. 





Number. 


Per cent. 




20 


100 






No tuition _ 


19 
1 


95 




5 







34 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



But 1 of the cities visited out of 20 charge tuition in part-time 
schools, and in this place it is charged to people outside the district. 
One other city may charge 50 cents a week to outsiders, but does not 
do so. 

In three places the statement was made that under certain circum- 
stances they might charge tuition to nonresidents, but were not now 
doing so, and in one instance the statement was made that authorities 
at the place of residence were responsible in the first instance for 
tuition if charged, and if they refused the child must pay it. 

It can be seen, therefore, that the practice of charging any tuition 
whatever in a part-time school to any student, whether resident or 
nonresident, is universely disapproved in this country. The reason 
for this is apparent when we consider that the average nonresident 
contributes to the wealth of the place in which he works through the 
production of his labor, and to that of the place in which he lives 
through the expenditure of his pay, and that as a social unit and 
prospective citizen he is entitled to free part-time schooling at what- 
ever place he may attend. 

teachers' licenses. 

Are there specified certificates for part-time teachers? 

Table XVII.— REQUIBEMENTS FOR TEACHERS' LICENSES. 




Total cities reporting 

No regulations 

Teachers' records must be approved 

Part-time teacher training required 

Licenses essentially same as for other schools . . 
High-school license or special part-time license 
Special certificates for part-time work 



Twenty-two cities made answer to this question, and of these, 6 
had no regulations governing the requirements for teachers in their 
part-time schools. In one of these, however, the teacher's record 
was subject to approval by the State board, and in another the teacher 
was required to have 120 hours of special preparation for part-time 
work. 

In answer to the question as to the advisability of leaving teachers' 
requirements open to local determination, one of the largest cities 
in the country expressed its unqualified approval of local determina- 
tion on the ground that absolute freedom on the part of adminis- 
trators is required to enable them to select teachers specifically quali- 
fied to meet special needs and the needs of special groups. 



PAKT-TIME SCHOOLS. 35 

Seven part-time authorities reported, that their teachers were 
hired on exactly the same certificates as those required for teachers 
in the all-day schools. In most instances, however, certain excep- 
tions were made. Thus, a special certificate was required for related 
mathematics and . drafting ; also special training was required in 
salesmanship in addition to the regular license. 

In one place regular teachers were selected and sent to a special 
part-time training class, and in still another regular teachers were 
hired without change of certificate to do part-time teaching in the 
continuation school, while those teaching full time in that school 
were required to have special training. Again, the regular school 
certificates were accepted in all cases, but the trade teachers were 
required to be tradesmen of experience. Still another department 
accepted the regular high-school certificate, or a special certificate 
for special subjects in the part-time school. These special part- 
time certificates could be earned by holders of elementary and high- 
school teaching certificates who attended a university teacher-train- 
ing course. 

Only one of the places visited accepted the regular all-day certifi- 
cate, but required in addition practical experience — shop, commer- 
cial, or selling — for all teachers, including those of academic subjects. 

Eight places require special certificates for teaching part-time 
students. One sets up the high standard of normal or college 
graduation, with improvement courses required after employment, 
and another requires a high-school certificate plus special train- 
ing in vocational activities, maldng this special part-time teacher 
training obligatory either before or after entering employment. 

In one case the special certificate is set up by local regulation, but 
the authorities believe it should be required in the law. 

Considered as a whole, these results would seem to indicate decided 
impi'ovement in the training of part-time teachers during the last 
two or three years. School authorities evidently realize that in many 
cases the regular teacher has not the proper subject-matter equipment 
to handle part-time classes in the special lines and is not equipped 
to make a proper selection of subject matter even for the general 
continuation school classes. 

It still remains, however, to impress upon public school authorities 
in general the fact that experience in teaching in the regular day 
school must be supplemented by special courses other than those re- 
lated to subject matter. It is apparent that the necessity for careful 
training in the handling of part-time classes, appreciation of the dif- 
ference between the needs of such classes and those of full-time classes, 
the methods of carrying on several different lines of work in the same 
room at the same time and the ability to utilize these methods must 



36 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS, 



be taught. Last and most important the ability to so present subject 
matter that each day's lesson shall be a unit by itself, enabling pupils 
freely to enter and drop out at any time with a minimum of loss in 
the process of adjustment and a maximum of profit from the instruc- 
tion given, has not received proper consideration at the hands of 
those setting up the requirements for part-time instructors. 

ETJLiES FOR DISCONTINUING CLASSES. 

Are schools made permanent when once estaJ)lished, or may they he 
discontin/ued under certain conditions? How and for what 
reason? 

Would you permit the discontinuance of the school when numbers fall 
ielow the required minimum during the year? 

Table XVIII.— REPLIES TO THE INQUIRY, " MAY SCHOOLS BE DISCON- 
TINUED WHEN ONCE STARTED"? 





Number. 


Per cent. 




22 


100 






No 


3 

13 

6 


14 


Law uncertain 


59 


Yes 


27 







Twenty-two answers to these questions were obtained. In these 
cases the opinion of the persons questioned was that schools once 
established are permanently established and can not be discontinued. 
In one of these three cases the person answering would not express 
an opinion as to the advisability of this law. Another stated that 
this' had been done by regulation and not by law, and he favored 
discontinuing the school when the class fell below 10. In the third 
case the law required the schools to run 12 months in the year, and 
discontinuance was not favored under any condition. 

By far the larger number of schools were provisionally permanent. 
By this is meant that the law established some minimum condition 
under which schools must be started — such as a population of 5,000 
people or more, 20 pupils coming under the law, 50 labor permits 
issued within one year, etc. — ^but made no mention whatever of any 
regulations for discontinuing the schools when once established. 
In such cases it is evident that the question is one which has not been 
decided. 

A provision to the effect that a school must be started when there 
are living in the community 20 minors subject to the part-time law 
leaves open to question whether such a school can be discontinued 



PAKT-TIME SCHOOLS. 37 

as soon as the number has fallen below 20 and started again when- 
ever the number reaches 20, or whether a school once started must be 
continued through the school year and in the succeeding year. The 
first part of this schedule inquiry therefore was largely answered 
by such statements as no record, not decided, nothing in the law, or 
law is indefinite. Such a condition leaves the matter largely to the 
opinion of those experienced in administering the laws. 

Of the 13 who stated that the law was uncertain, one would not 
express an opinion as to what policy should be followed; one be- 
lieved that a school should be discontinued when numbers fell below 
the required minimum; one thought that the city should be per- 
mitted to decide in such cases ; one would not discontinue a school 
if five students or more were attending; one would not in any case 
discontinue during a current year, but might discontinue the next 
year under marked change of conditions; and eight would make 
the schools permanent when once they have been established for as 
long as there are any pupils to attend. 

In 6 places it was believed that the schools could be discontinued 
at any time during the year. In one case discontinuance was condi- 
tional upon the teacher not holding a yearly contract ; in another case 
upon the number of pupils being too small for a class. Three of the 
six systems were voluntary systems not subject to compulsory laws. 
In the opinion of two administrators schools should not be per- 
mitted to discontinue during the school year; one administrator 
was uncertain in this matter ; one had already discontinued a school ; 
and two believed that such schools should be permitted to discontinue, 
one of these basing his reasons for discontinuing on a study of the pro- 
visions being made to meet the needs of pupils, the costs, etc., in rela- 
tion to value. 

Apparently the question of discontinuing compulsory part-time 
schools under certain conditions has not generally required much con- 
sideration of those who have prepared the legislation and established 
the schools. Many of the larger cities never have this problem to meet, 
since their numbers are always beyond the required minimum, but 
it would appear to be desirable to specify, either by law or by State 
regulations, the only conditions under which smaller places may dis- 
continue a part-time school or class when once it has been established, 
at least during the school year in which it is started. Where such con- 
ditions have not been specified, in exceptional instances it would be 
possible for a local community to discontinue and reestablish a part- 
time school several times during the year, with the starting and 
stopping of child-employing industries or the movement of youthful 
employees in and out of the locality. 
92827°— 22 4 



38 



PART-TIME SCHOOLS. 



Further, part-time educators generally feel that discontinuance of 
a school should be permitted only when the number of pupils has 
fallen very much below the number which requires the starting of such 
school. 



TYPE or THE ACT. 



Is this law part of a child-labor act or other labor legislation, or is it 
pcurt of a school law? 

Table XIX.— PART-TIME LEGISLATION CLASSIFIED AS TO TYPE. 




Total cities reporting 

No law passed 

Separate act (school law) 

Part of a child-labor act 

Connecting act between school and labor legislation 



Of the 21 places reporting, 3 had no law and 15 reported that the 
school law was no part of a child labor act. 

In 2 places the school legislation was a part of a child labor act 
and in 1 place it was a separate act which was related to both the 
child labor legislation and the school legislation. This act, however, 
placed no penalty for nonattendance on parent or pupil except to 
revoke the working permit. This withdrawal of permit permitted 
the pupil to loaf and placed on the school authorities the rather 
unique responsibility of seeing to it that he did not return to work. 

In general the compulsory part-time law was either an amend- 
ment to the regular school law or a special act considered as part 
of the general public-school law. 

Three places reported speqial legislation of this kind rather than 
amendments to previous legislation; and one pla